LINCOLN  ROOM 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
LIBRARY 


MEMORIAL 

the  Class  of  1901 

founded  by 

HARLAN  HOYT  HORNER 

and 
HENRIETTA  CALHOUN  HORNER 


OP   THE 


OF   THE 


GREAT  CONSPIRACY 


TO 


OVERTHROW  LIBERTY  IN  AMERICA. 


COMPLETE  IN  ONE  VOLUME. 


By   JOHN  SMITH  DYE. 


NEW   YORK: 

ZQ-5T    TUEIE!    .A/CTTIEIOIFl. 
No.    100    BROADWAY. 

1866. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  180ft,  by 
JOHN  SMITH  DYE, 

ID  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  for  the  Southern  District  of 

New  York. 


E3  IF1  .A.  O 


IT  is  the  object  of  the  author  to  give,  in  a  small  compass,  a 
complete  history  of  the  political  crimes  originating  with  African 
Slavery,  and  perpetrated  by  its  friends,  daring  the  last  century,  in 
America. 

We  think  it  necessary,  for  the  good  of  future  generations,  to 
show  how  these  men  resorted  to  the  most  atrocious  means  to 
defeat  the  nation's  will,  and  control  the  Government;  and  all 
these  failing,  how  they  rose  in  open  rebellion,  determined  to 
destroy  the  power  they  could  no  longer  control.  We  deem  it 
useless  to  speak  here  of  the  assassination  of  three  of  our  most 
illustrious  Presidents,  all  of  whom  were  swept  aside  like  cobwebs 
when  they  stood  in  the  way  of  the  conspirator's  unholy  designs. 

Thus  all  the  chief  magistrates  elected,  since  the  foundation  of 
the  Government,  in  opposition  to  the  slave  interests,  in  some  form 
or  other,  became  victims  of  assassination. 

We  have  given  the  history  of  these  foul  deeds  in  detail ; 
and  the  evidence  furnished  will  enable  the  reader  to  judge  under- 
standingly,  and  correctly.  We  have  thought  proper  to  throw 
out  a  few  hints  about  State  Sovereignty  under  the  head  of  ORIGIN 
AND  HISTORY  OP  THE  AMERICAN  UNION,  and  HISTORICAL  SKETCHES 
OF  CIVIL  WARS  IN  OTHEK  COUNTRIES.  Also  a  detailed  account  of 


iv  PREFACE. 

all  important  events  and  battles  from  the  outbreak  of  the  rebel- 
lion to  its  overthrow,  showing  that  the  sword,  and  the  sword  alone, 
conquered  peace.  Slavery,  the  cause  of  our  strife,  must  be  wiped 
out ;  as  the  object  of  the  rebellion  was  to  extend  and  perpetuate 
it;  and  retain  the  black  man  in  hopeless  bondage.  The  rebellion 
failed ;  and  all  its  hopes  and  expectations  must  perish  with  its  fall. 

The  slaves,  by  the  logic  of  events,  should  now  become  as  free 
as  their  masters.  But  as  the  latter  sought  to  destroy  the  Federal 
Government  when  they  ceased  to  control  it,  so  they  now  seek  by 
various  devices  to  bring  about  a  condition  of  things  calculated  to 
produce  a  war  of  races.  They  want  the  civilized  world  to  justify 
them  in  their  mischievous  designs  in  defying  the  General  Gov- 
ernment behind  their  old  fortification,  the  rights  of  the  States, 
where  they  are  now  enacting  unequal  laws,  determined  to  retain 
all  the  substance,  while  they  acknowledge  that  the  form  of  slavery 
has  become  extinct 

They  design  to  use  the  black  as  an  instrument  to  curtail  the 
liberty  of  the  white.  But  they  will  learn  that  there  is  no  safety 
for  their  own  freedom,  except  through  justice  and  equal  laws  to 
the  former. 

JOHN  SMITH  DYE 


INDEX. 


Page 

Adams,  John .• 45 

Arming  Slaves 142 

American  Union — Its  Origin  and  History 146 

Army  of  the  Potomac,  its  commander  and  battles,  previous  to  Gen.  Grant. . .   116 

Assassins,  Trial  of 310 

Assassinations  of  Distinguished  Persons  in  other  Countries 351 

Bill  of  Rights. 5 

Bill  Repealing  Missouri  Compromise 59 

Brown,  John 6T 

"          "     Changes  His  Base 101 

Buchanan,  President — Attempt  to  Assassinate  Him 90 

Charleston— Its  Fall 244 

Chicago  Convention  and  Platform,  McClellan,  £c 129 

Committee  to  Draft  Declaration  of  Independence 4 

Convention  in  Philadelphia f 

Calhoun,  John  C. 16 

His  Vision 23 

His  Last  Speech 55 

Detesting  the  Union 121 

Emancipation  Proclamation 136 

Fillmore,  Millard — His  Accession  to  Office,  and  His  Hush-up-Policy 55 

Fugitive  Slave  Law 56 

First  Gun  at  Fort  Sumter 106 

Grant— His  Personal  and  Military  History,  Complete 251 

In  Mexico. . . .' 252 

Frederickstown,  Belmont,  Fort  Donaldson,  Pittsburgh  Landing,  Corinth, 
Memphis,  Vicksburg,  Chattanooga,  Wilderness,  Cold  Harbor, 

Games'  Mills,  Cedar  Creek,  Petersburg  and  Richmond 255 

Harrison,  President — Why,  and  How  he  was  Assassinated 86 

History  of  Great  Civil  Wars 

Jefferson,  Thomas 4 

Jackson,  President — Attempt  to  Assassinate  Him 2T 

Kansas — Slavery  Outrages,  Action  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  Orders  of 
the  Governor,  Federal  Dragoons  brought  into  the  Field,  Indig- 
nation Meeting  at  Lecompton,  its  Legislation 61 


VI  INDEX, 

t  Page 

Lincoln,  Life  of 296 

"       Re-election 135 

Madison,  James 10 

Nullifiers— Their  Real  Designs 21 

Peace  by  Diplomacy 135 

Polk,  President— Takes  His  Seat,  Situation  of  Parties 47 

Pierce,  President,  desires  to  acquire  Cuba 86 

Plot  to  Assassinate  President  Lincoln — The  Conspirators 113 

Sherman  and  His  Great  Campaigns,  Complete 204 

Slavery,  Enemies  of — Strengthened  by  Provision  in  Constitution,  Dcnonnced 
in  Original  Draft  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  Bill 
of  Sale,  Acts  for  Abolition  of,  Opinions  of  our  First  Presidents, 
Above  Compromise,  Outrages  in  Kansas,  Slaveholders  Become 
Rampant  and  Commence  War  on  Civilization,  Why  SlavehokU 

ers  Detested  the  Union 121 

Secret  Societies 62 

State  Rights  Doctrine,  President  Jackson  on 18 

Tyler,  President,  succeeds  Harrison,  His  Unpopularity,  His  Cabinet  entirely 

from  Slave  States,  elected  President  of  Peace  Convention 41 

Taylor,  President,  Suppresses  Cuban  Invasion,  Resolve  to  take  His  Life,  His 

Assassination 54 

To  the  American  People — The  Rights  of  the  North  and  the  Rights  of  the 
South,  the  Rights  of  the  White,  and  Rights  of  the  Black  Man 

—What  should  be  done 357 

Virginia  Legislature 189 

Washington,  George 12 

Webster,  Daniel — Reply  to  Calhoun 26 

Wilmot  Proviso 49 

Walker,  Gen.  Wm 87 

Wilmington— Its  Capture 248 


MR.  LINCOLN'S  FAVORITE  POEM. 


This  was  written  by  William  Knox,  a  young  Scotchman,  a  contemporary  of 
Walter  Scott,  who  died  quite  young,  leaving  this  production  as  a  monument  to  his 
youthful  and  gifted  mind.  His  remarks  on  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and 
fondness  for  this  poem,  display  the  goodness  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  heart. 

Oh  1  why  should  the  spirit  of  mortal  be  proud  ? — 
Like  a  swift-fleeting  meteor,  a  fast-flying  cloud, 
A  flash  of  the  lightning,  a  break  of  the  wave, 
He  passeth  from  life  to  his  rest  in  the  grave. 

The  leaves  of  the  oak  and  the  willow  shall  fade, 
Be  scattered  around,  and  together  be  laid ; 
And  the  young  and  the  old,  and  the  low  and  the  high, 
Shall  moulder  to  dust,  and  together  shall  lie. 

The  infant  a  mother  attended  and  loved  ; 
The  mother,  that  infant's  affection  who  proved 
The  husband,  that  mother  and  infant  who  blest,— 
Each,  all,  are  away  to  their  dwelling  of  rest. 

LThe  maid  on  whose  cheek,  on  whose  brow,  in  whose  eye, 
Shone  beauty  and  pleasure — her  triumphs  are  by ; 
And  the  memory  of  those  who  loved  her  and  praised, 
Are  alike  from  the  minds  of  the  living  erased."] 

The  hand  of  the  king,  that  the  sceptre  hath  borne, 
The  brow  of  the  priest,  that  the  mitre  hath  worn, 
The  eye  of  the  sage,  and  the  heart  of  the  brave, 
Are  hidden  and  lost  in  the  depths  of  the  grave. 

The  peasant,  whose  lot  was  to  sow  and  to  reap, 
The  herdsman,  who  climbed  with  his  goats  up  the  steep, 
The  beggar,  who  wandered  in  search  of  his  bread, 
Have  faded  away  like  the  grass  that  we  tread. 

[The  saint,  who  enjoyed  the  communion  of  heaven, 
The  sinner,  who  dared  to  remain  unforgiven, 
The  wise  and  the  foolish,  the  guilty  and  just, 
Have  quietly  mingled  their  bones  in  the  dust] 

So  the  multitude  goes — like  the  flower  or  the  weed, 
That  withers  away  to  let  others  succeed  ; 
So  the  multitudes  come — even  those  we  behold, 
To  repeat  every  tale  that  has  often  been  told  : 


For  we  are  the  same  our  fathers  have  been ; 
We  see  the  same  sights  our  fathers  have  seen ; 
We  drink  the  same  stream,  we  view  the  same  sun, 
And  run  the  same  course  our  fathers  have  run. 

The  thoughts  we  are  thinking,  our  fathers  would  think  ; 
From  the  death  we  are  shrinking,  our  fathers  would  shrink  t 
To  the  life  we  are  clinging,  they  also  would  cling — 
But  it  speeds  from  us  all  like  a  bird  on  the  wing. 

They  loved — but  the  story  we  can  not  unfold ; 
They  scorned — but  the  heart  of  the  haughty  is  cold  ; 
They  grieved — but  no  wail  from  their  slumber  will  come  ; 
They  joyed — but  the  tongue  of  their  gladness  is  dumb. 

They  died — ay,  they  died — we  things  that  are  now, 
That  walk  on  the  turf  that  lies  over  their  brow, 
And  make  in  their  dwelling  a  transient  abode. 
Meet  the  things  that  they  met  on  their  pilgrimage  road. 

Yea !  hope  and  despondency,  pleasure  and  pain 
Are  mingled  together  in  sunshine  and  rain ; 
And  the  smile  and  the  tear,  the  song  and  the  dirge, 
Still  follow  each  other,  like  surge  upon  surge. 

Tis  the  wink  of  an  eye, — 'tis  the  draught  of  a  breath ; 
From  the  blossom  of  health  to  the  paleness  of  death, 
From  the  gilded  saloon  to  the  bier  and  the  shroud  :— 
Oh!  why  should  the  spirit  of  mortal  be  proud? 


THE  FATHERS 


THE  REVOLUTION. 


THEIR  DEVOTION  TO  FREEDOM. 


ON  the  fifteenth  day  of  May,  1776,  the  birds  had  returned 
with  the  season,  and  were  making  forest  and  grove  resound 
with  their  songs.  The  beautiful  spring  flowers  had  matured 
in  all  their  loveliness,  and  climbing  on  their  tiny  leaves  the 
Honey  Bee  sweetly  sung  out  that  winter  was  gone. 

Although  nature  was  smiling,  the  Colonies  were  sad.  The 
tyranny  of  England  had  kindled  a  feeling  of  revenge  in  their 
minds,  which  soon  cast  the  political  elements  back  into  chaos. 
It  was  on  the  above  mentioned  d&y,  that  John  Adams,  as  Chair- 
man of  a  Committee,  presented  a  resolution  in  Congress,  which 
was  adopted,  recommending  to  the  respected  assemblage  and 
convention  of  the  United  Colonies,  the  establishment  of  a  gov- 
ernment suited  to  the  exigency  of  the  times.  This  resolu- 
tion gained  favor  with  the  public,  and  on  the  seventeenth  day 
of  June  following,  Richard  Henry  Lee  moved,  and  John  Ad- 
ams seconded  the  resolution,  declaring  that "  these  United  Col- 
onies are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  States  ; 
and  that  all  political  connection  between  them  and  Great 
Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved."  After  daily  de- 
liberations on  these  resolutions  for  over  a  month,  on  the  sec- 
ond of  July  they  were  unanimously  adopted  by  Congress  ; 
and  on  the  same  day  it  appointed  THOMAS  JEFFERSON,  JOHN 


4  THE   FATHERS   OF 

ADAMS,  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,  ROGER  SHERMAN  and  ROBERT  R. 
LIVINGSTON  a  Committee  to  draft  "a  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence." 

Although  Mr.  Adams  was  rocked  in  the  cradle  of  liberty, 
Mr.  Jefferson  was  unanimously  known  as  her  champion  ;  and 
on  him  was  the  honor  conferred  of  drafting  the  Declaration. 
He  did  it;  and,  after  some  amendments,  it  was  solemnly  adopted 
in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  on  the  glorious  and  ever  memora- 
ble Fourth  of  July,  1776.  After  being  read,  the  great  bell 
on  the  hall  began,  as  if  by  magic,  to  ring,  reverberating  the 
great  and  immortal  truths  ju>t  promulgated.  Its  loud  notes 
thundered  dismay  to  the  minds  of  tyrants,  but  kindled  hope 
in  the  breasts  of  the  people. 

The  enemy  having  a  large  naval  force  in  our  harbors,  sava- 
ges on  our  frontiers,  treason  in  our  camps,  spies  in  our  cities, 
gold  in  their  coffers,  and  gibbets  in  their  eye — the  fawning 
sycophant,  the  man  who  wanted  peace  in  his  day,  the  go. 
between  threatening  and  promising  ;  and  last,  the  cowardly 
sympathizer  with  the  hated  foe — all  these  to  other  men  would 
have  appeared  unsurmountable  obstacles.  But  in  the  face 
of  all — God  bless  them — they  boldly  stepped  forward,  deter- 
mined to  be  free,  leaving  themselves  no  alternative  but  "  lib- 
erty or  death." 

They  had  the  sagacity  to  determine  the  right,  and  the  cour- 
age to  maintain  it.  While  others  were  wavering,  they  were 
firm  ;  they  could  neither  be  courted,  intimidated  nor  bribed  ; 
the  wealth  of  the  Indies  would  have  been  to  them  as  dust. 
No  royal  standard  could  have  induced  them  to  forsake  the 
standard  of  liberty.  In  the  darkest  hour  a  halo  of  glory 
surrounded  them — a  secret  self-sustaining  influence,  which 
dispelled  all  gloom.  They  gathered  from  the  never  changing 
laws  of  human  nature,  that  mankind,  without  regard  to  race, 
condition,  country,  clime  or  color,  desired  and  deserved  every 
where  to  be  free. 

Thus,  "  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  "  are  enun- 
ciated in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  as  the  inherent 
rights  of  man  ;  "  and  to  secure  these  rights  governments  are 


THE   REVOLUTION.  5 

instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just  power  from  the 
consent  of  the  governed." 

Here  Mr.  Jefferson  not  only  sets  forth  and  enumerated  the 
rights,  but  he  positively  asserts  that  to  secure  them  is  the 
chief  object  of  governments.  He  discards  the  idea  of  gov- 
erning by  "  divine  right,"  and  shows  that  governments  should 
be  created,  not  against,  but  by  the  will  and  consent  of  the 
governed.  The  power  to  rule  is  always  lodged  with  the  peo- 
ple, and  put  in  motion  by  the  will  of  the  majority. 

This  was  the  foundation  laid  down  in  the  Bill  of  Rights  ; 
and  wherever  it  has  been  steadily  adhered  to,  liberty  has  been 
protected,  life  has  been  secure,  property  well  guarded,  and 
unbounded  prosperity  has  everywhere  been  the  reward,  to 
such  a  degree  that  it  has  no  parallel  in  the  history  of  man- 
kind. God,  in  his  infinite  wisdom,  decreed  that  the  man  who 
wrote  the  Declaration,  and  the  man  who  advocated  it,  were 
the  last  living  witnesses  of  its  adoption  by  the  American 
Congress,  and  the  latest  survivors  of  "those  who  subscribed  it 
on  the  Fourth  of  July.  Charles  Carroll,  being  absent  on  a 
secret  mission  on  the  fourth,  subscribed  it  afterwards. 

On  the  anniversary  of  the  fiftieth  year  from  the  day  .the 
Declaration  of  Independence  was  adopted,  they  both  departed 
this  life.  When  the  sun  of  the  glorious  Jubilee  shone  in  un- 
clouded and  meridian  splendor,  during  the  very  hour  on  which, 
fifty  years  before,  the  Declaration  was  read  by  him  and 
adopted  by  Congress,  THOMAS  JEFFERSON  died,  exulting  that 
that  was  the  day  and  the  hour.  Just  as  the  sun  was  saluting 
with  his  parting  rays  the  same  glorious  day,  and  during  the 
very  hour  on  which,  fifty  years  before,  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence was  read  from  the  State  House  to  the  citizens  of 
Philadelphia,  JOHN  ADAMS  expired,  exclaiming,  "It  is  a  great 
and  glorious  day ;"  and  while  giving  utterance  to  the  last 
word  he  departed. 

These  great  men  always  understood  the  design  and  end  of 
government  to  be  freedom  and  security.  And  however  our  eyes 
may  be  beguiled  with  show,  or  our  ears  deceived  by  sound; 
however  prejudice  may  warp  our  judgments,  or  interest  darken 


6  THE   FATHERS   OF 

our  understandings,  the  simple  voice  of  nature  and  reason  will 
say  it  is  right. 

They  had  no  model  in  Grecian  or  Roman  history  to  build 
from  ;  but  took  as  their  guide  the  desire  of  all  men  to  be 
free.  Liberty  was  the  chief  corner-stone  ;  they  claimed  it  as 
a  gift  from  the  Almighty,  coupled  with  humanity,  equality 
and  justice."  With  such  a  natural,  stable,  and  solid  founda- 
tion, it  shadowed  forth  the  noblest  effort  of  human  wisdom. 

It  was  under  the  foregoing  principles  that  the  war  of  the 
Revolution  was  commenced,  and  so  triumphantly  brought  to 
its  close.  It  was  the  departure  from  those  principles,  when 
the  organic  law  of  the  general  government  was  formed,  that 
induced  the  great  and  good  Lafayette  to  remark,  "  That  he 
would  never  have  drawn  his  sword  in  the  cause  of  America 
if  he  had  thought  that  thereby  he  was  founding  a  land  of 
slavery." 

Among  the  enemies  of  slavery  could  be  counted  Washing- 
ton, Jefferson,  Adams,  Franklin,  Sherman,  Livingston,  Patrick 
Henry,  Madison,  Hancock,  Morris,  St.  Clair,  the  Randolphs — 
John  and  Thomas.  Add  to  the  above  the  rest  of  the  signers 
of  the  Declaration,  backed  up  by  the  great  document  itself. 

We  defy  and  challenge  the  world  to  show  one  single  patriot 
of  the  Revolution  who  was  in  favor  of  Slavery,  or  advocated 
its  extension.  Some  desired  its  gradual  extinction,  but  not 
one  can  be  named  who  spoke  in  favor  of  its  remaining  as  a 
permanent  Institution.  Well  may  the  poet  exclaim  : 

"  The  tender  ties  of  parent,  husband,  friend, 
All  bonds  of  nature,  all  in  slavery  end. 
All  other  sorrows  virtue  may  endure, 
And  find  submission  more  than  half  a  cure, 
But  slavery,  virtue  dreads  it  as  her  grave. 
Patience  is  meanness  in  a  slave. 
Now  is  the  dawning  of  a  better  day. 
Come,  snap  the  chain  the  moment  when  yon  may. 
Nature  imprints  upon  whate'er  we  see, 
That  has  a  heart  and  life  in  it,  be  free." 


THE  REVOLUTION. 


WHAT   SLAVERY   DID    FOR   THE    CONSTITUTION. 

The  War  of  the  Revolution  having  been  brought  to  a  suc- 
cessful termination,  the  Colonies  began  to  feel  the  need  of  "  a  -*1 
more  perfect  union."  Surrounded  as  they  were  by  savage 
tribes,  self-defence  and  the  general  welfare  demanded  some- 
thing more  for  their  protection.  Thus,  in  1787,  a  Convention  as- 
sembled in  Philadelphia  and  laid  the  foundations  of  our  Na- 
tional Government.  Notwithstanding  the  Revolution  had 
been  fought  arid  won  on  the  doctrine  of  equal  rights,  yet, 
when  the  colonies  formed  a  national  compact,  they  set  aside 
the  principles  on  which  their  liberties  had  been  gained. 

The  3d  clause  of  Section  2d,  article  1st,  relating  to  repre- 
sentatives and  taxes.  Capital  in  general  is  subject  to  taxa- 
tion ;  but  capital  invested  in  slaves  is,  in  addition,  allowed  rep- 
resentation. "  The  number  of  representatives  shall  not  exceed 
one  for  every  thirty  thousand."  This  excludes  Indians  not 
taxed,  but  negro  slaves  are  counted  as  three  to  Jive.  The 
practical  operation  of  this  clause  in  the  Constitution  is,  that 
ten  white  men  owning  50,000  slaves  would  be  allowed  one 
Representative  in  the  lower  branch  of  Congress  ;  while  ten 
who  had  invested  a  similar  amount  of  capital,  or  ten  times  the 
amount  in  lands  or  merchandise  would  have  nothing  to  say  ex- 
cept one  vote  each.  They  would  just  lack  29,990  more  white 
persons  to  be  entitled  to  a  representative.  Their  capital  in- 
vested in  real  estate  and  merchandise  might  be  taxed,  but  to 
be  represented  also,  they  would  have  to  invest  it  in  negro 
slaves. 

In  a  speech  delivered  in  the  Tremont  Temple,  Boston,  Mass., 
by  Robert  Toombs  of  Georgia,  Jan.  24th,  1856,  he  said  of  the 
above  clause  :  "  This  provision  strengthens  slavery  by  giving 
the  existing  slave  holding  states  many  more  representatives 
in  Congress  than  they  would  have  if  slaves  were  considered 
only  as  property.  Twenty  Representatives  in  Congress  hold 
their  seats  to-day  by  virtue  of  this  clause." 

Section  IX,  article  1st,  as  it  reads  in  the  Constitution  :  "  The 
migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  pf  the 


8  THE  FATHERS  OP 

States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not 
be  prohibited  by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  eight,  but  a  tax  or  duty  may  be  imposed 
on  such  importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for  each 
person." 

This  section  recognized  the  slave  trade  for  a  period  of  twenty 
years,  or  until  1808.  Mr.  Martin,  of  Maryland,  one  of  the  dele- 
gates, proposed  to  amend  that  clause,  so  as  to  prohibit  the  slave 
trade.  For,  said  he,  it  is  inconsistent  with  the  principles  of  the 
Revolution.  But  Mr.  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina,  immediately 
jumped  to  his  feet  and  remarked,  that  the  true  question  was, 
whether  the  Southern  States  shall  or  shall  not  be  parties  to 
the  Union.  Pinkney,  of  the  same  State,  remarked  that  South 
Carolina  would  never  accept  the  Constitution  if  it  prohibited 
the  slave  trade.  After  which  Mr.  Rutledge  remarked,  if  the 
convention  think  that  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia  will  ever  agree  to  be  parties,  unless  their  right  to  im- 
port slaves  be  untouched,  the  expectation  is  vain. 

The  article  was  so  altered  as  to  allow  the  importation  of 
slaves  until  1800,  but  this  was  too  short  a  time.  Pinkney,  of 
South  Carolina,  moved  to  strike  out  1800  and  insert  1808,  and 
the  motion  was  carried. 

In  the  original  draft  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
the  slave  trade  is  denounced  as  piratical  warfare.  These 
denunciations  were  struck  out  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence in  compliance  to  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  who  had 
never  attempted  to  restrain  the  importation  of  slaves,  and 
who,  on  the  contrary,  wished  to  continue  it. —  Writings  of 
Thos.  Jefferson. 

In  the  South  Carolina  Convention,  Judge  Pendleton  ob- 
served that  only  three  states,  Georgia,  South  Carolina  and 
North  Carolina,  allowed  the  importation  of  negroes.  Their 
reason  for  so  doing  was  that  during  the  last  war  they  lost  vast 
numbers  of  them.«  which  loss  they  wished  to  supply. 

It  was  notorious  th:it  the  postponement  of  immediate  abo- 
lition (of  the  slave  trade)  was  indispensible  to  secure  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution.  It  was  a  necessary  sacrifice  to 


THE   REVOLUTION.  9 

the   prejudices   and  interests  of  a  portion  of  the  Southern 
States.— 3d  Story  Com.  Con.  1828,  1829. 

Mr.  Morris,  of  Pennsylvania,  thought  it  would  avoid  am- 
biguity by  making  the  clause  read  thus  :  "  The  importation  of 
slaves  into  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia  shall 
not  be  prohibited."  He  wished  it  to  be  known  that  that  part  of 
the  Constitution  was  a  compact  with  those  States. 

The  2d  section  of  article  IV.  of  the  Constitution  reads 
thus  :  "  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State  under 
the  laws  thereof  escaping  into  another  shall,  in  consequence 
of  any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  ser- 
vice or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party 
to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due."  This  was  inserted 
in  the  Constitution  by  the  same  influence.  Butler  and  Pink- 
ney,  of  South  Carolina,  moved  to  require  fugitive  slaves  and 
servants  to  be  delivered  up  like  criminals. 

Why  the  word  slave  was  left  out  of  the  Constitution.  The 
Northern  delegates,  owing  to  their  peculiar  scruples  on  the 
subject  of  slavery,  did  not  choose  to  have  the  word  aZavemen- 
tioned.— 4  Ell,  Deb.  175. 

Story  says  that  it  was  agreed  that  slaves  should  be  repre- 
sented under  the  milder  appellation  of  "other  persons,"  not  as 
free  persons,  but  only  in  proportion  of  three-fifths.  The  clause 
was  in  substance  borrowed  from  that  passed  by  the  Continen- 
tal Congress  on  the  18th  of  April,  1783.— 2d  Story  Com.  641. 

The  15th  clause  of  the  8th  section  of  the  1st  article  of  the 
Constitution,  provides  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute 
the  laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrections,  and  repel  inva- 
sions. Gov.  Livingston  of  N.  J.,  from  the  General  Committee, 
reported  this  clause  as  it  stands  in  the  Constitution. 

Madison,  Randolph,  and  other  patriots  kept  the  words  ser- 
vant arid  slave  from  being  inserted  in  that  instrument,  and 
substituted  in  their  stead  service  and  person. 

The  South  has  always  viewed  the  above  phrases  as  mean- 
ing slaves  and  slavery  ;  while  the  North  has  soothed  its  abo- 
lition conscience  by  boasting  that  the  word  slave  or  slavery  is 
not  mentioned  in  the  Constitution.  All  admit  that  that  in- 


10  THE   FATHERS   OP 

strument  did  not  create  slavery,  for  it  existed,  as  an  inher- 
itance from  Great  Britain,  long  before  the  Revolution.  For 
over  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  slaves  had  been  held  by  the 
Colonists,  and  if  the  Constitution  had  set  a  limit  to  the  traffic 
on  land,  as  it  did  on  the  sea,  we  should  not  have  had  the  pres- 
ent rebellion. 

Thus  the  Union,  through  the  Constitution,  was  bound  up 
with  the  sinews  and  cemented  with  the  blood  of  the  African 
slave. 

The  anti-democratic  feature  of  the  Federal  Constitution 
was  always  viewed  by  the  patriots  of  the  Revolution  with  a 
jealous  eye.  James  Madison,  in  a  letter  to  Edmund  Randolph, 
dated  New  York,  April  8th,  1787,  remarks  :  "  It  is  also  already 
seen  by  many,  and  must  by  degrees  be  seen  by  all,  that  unless 
the  Union  be  organized  efficiently  on  republican  principles, 
innovations  of  a  much  more  objectionable  form  may  be  ob- 
truded, or,  in  the  most  favorable  event,  the  partition  of  the 
empire  into  rival  and  hostile  confederacies  wiU  ensue" 

,      OPINIONS  AND  POLICY  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS  AND  CONGRESS 
FROM  1789  TO  1820. 

IN  the  proceeding  pages  we  have  given  a  concise  account 
<of  the  organization  of  our  Government,  with  hints  on  the 
character,  opinions  and  designs  of  the  managers  and  actors  in 
the  war  of  Independence.  We  now  purpose  to  admit  what 
they  did,  explain  what  they  should  have  done,  and  did  not,  and 
give  a  truthful  account  of  the  consequences  that  followed. 

In  governments  they  denied  and  repudiated  the  dogma  of 
ruling  by  "  divine  right  ;"  abolished  titles  of  nobility  and  en- 
tailment  of  estates,  evils  that  originated  with  despots,  and 
have  been  continued  only  for  the  benefit  of  the  craft.  They 
rejected  those  assumed  rights  as  antagonistic  to  Republican 
Governments.  But,  while  they  did  this,  they  left  it  in  the 
power  of  the  States  to  retain  the  most  dreadful  foe  of  human- 
ity that  had  reached  their  time.  Tims  the  sin  of  omission  be- 
came with  them  downright  transgression.  The  recognition 
|  by  the  Government  of  the  unnatural  traffic  in  human  flesh  and 


THE  REVOLUTION.  11 

blood,  permitting  States  to  retain  laws  sustaining  the  buying 
and  selling,  and  dooming  to  perpetual  bondage  its  laboring 
poor,  has  proved  a  national  disgrace,  and  is  now  the  damning 
scourge  that  threatens  our  disolution. 

To  show  the  reader  the  terms  by  which  a  slave  is  held  and 
transferred,  we  copy,  verbatim,  a  Bill  of  Sale,  a  South  Carolina 
relic  of  the  rebellion  : 

SLAVE  BILL  OF   SALE. 

"  Bill  of  Sale. 

"  Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  I,  W.  S.  Whaley,  for 
and  in  consideration  of  the  sum  of  six  hundred  dollars  to  me 
in  hand  paid,  at  and  before  the  sealing  and  delivery  of  these 
presents  by  Wm.  M.  Murry  the  acceptor  thereof,  I  do  hereby 
acknowledge  to  have  bargained  and  sold,  and  by  these  presents 
do  bargain  and  sell,  and  deliver  to  the  said  Win.  M.  Murray,  a 
negro  woman,  named  Harriet,  warranted  sound,  to  have  and  to 
hold  the  said  wench  Harriet,  with  her  future  issue  and  in- 
crease, unto  the  said  Wm.  M.  Murray,  his  executors,  adminis- 
trators and  assigns,  to  his  and  their  only  purpose,  use  and  be- 
hoof, forever  ;  and  I,  the  said  W.  S.  Whaley,  my  executors 
and  administrators,  the  said  bargained  premises  unto  the  said 
Wm.  M.  Murray,  his  executors  and  administrators  and  assigns, 
from  and  against  all  persons  shall  and  will  warrant  and  forev- 
er defend  by  these  presents. 

"  In  witness  thereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  seal, 
dated  at  Charleston  on  the  fifth  day  of  March,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty,  and  in  the 
sixty-fourth  year  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of 
America.  W.  S.  WHALEY.  [Seal.] 

"  Signed,  sealed  and  delivered, 
in  the  presence  of 

"  THOMAS  S.  GADDEN." 

This  traffic  in  human  flesh  is  an  -unpardonable  sin  against 
human  nature.  It  has  been  our  great  national  sin  against  the 
Holy  Ghost,  which  can  be  forgiven  neither  in  this  life  nor  the 
life  that  is  to  come. 


12  THE   FATHERS   OP 

Now  as  governments  have  no  future  existence,  their  sins 
must  be  punished  here.  And  as  war  is  one  of  the  most  effec- 
tual means  the  Almighty  takes  to  chastise  a  guilty  nation,  he 
has  sent  it  on  us  in  its  most  malignant  form.  Not  a  war  against 
a  foreign  power,  but  a  war  among  ourselves — a  national  sui- 
cide. Truly  our  scourge  can  only  be  surpassed  by  our  crimes. 
No  question  of  sufficient  magnitude  could  have  ever  been  in- 
troduced to  unite  the  people  of  one  section  against  the  other 
in  battle  array,  except  this  very  question  of  slavery. 

We  shall  now  give  a  few  thoughts  on  the  policy  of  the  ear- 
ly Fathers  ;  and  the  reader  can  rely  upon  its  being  a  correct 
history  in  every  particular.  When  quotations  and  dates  are 
given,  they  are  from  the  best  authorities  and  can  never  be  con- 
troverted. Of  the  reasoning  and  suggestions  the  world  will 
determine  for  itself. 

GENERAL  WASHINGTON'S  election,  as  the  first  President  of 
the  United  States,  took  place  in  1789.  His  re-election  in 
1793.  He  gathered  around  him  as  his  chief  advisers,  such 
men  as  Thomas  Jefferson  and  Edmund  Randolph  for  Cabinet 
officers,  men  who  were  and  are  well  known  to  have  been  dia- 
metrically opposed  to  slavery  in  ever}'  form. 

John  Adams,  who  was  elected  in  1797,  called  to  his  Cabinet 
Timothy  Pickering,  Oliver  Wolcott,  James  McHenry,  Joseph 
Habersham  and  Charles  Lee.  All  had  previously  been  mem- 
bers of  Washington's  Cabinet. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  elected  Nov.  1801,  and  re-elected  in  1805, 
chose  for  his  chief  Cabinet  officer  James  Madison,  and  held 
Joseph  Habersham  and  Benjamin  Stoddert.  Joseph  Haber- 
sham had  been  Post-Master-General  under  both  President 
Washington  and  John  Adams.  He  occupied  the  same  posi- 
tion in  Jefferson's  Cabinet.  Benjamin  Stoddert  had  served 
as  Secretary  of  the  Navy  under  Adams,  and  was  so  continued 
by  Jefferson. 

James  Madison,  elected  first  in  1809,  and  re-elected  in  1813, 
brought  in  James  Monroe  as  his  chief  Cabinet  adviser ;  and 
when  Monroe  was  elected  in  1817,  he  made  John  Quincey 
Adams  Secretary  of  State,  During  these  several  Adminis- 


THE  REVOLUTION.  13 

trations,  Congress  passed  no  less  than  four  slave  trade  acts. 

The  first  is  the  act  of  1807.  The  second  is  the  act  of  1818. 
The  third  is  the  act  of  1819. 

Its  first  section  of  the  last  authorizes  the  President  to  employ 
armed  vessels  of  the  United  States  to  enforce  the  acts  of  Con- 
gress prohibiting  the  slave  trade. 

The  fourth  is  the  act  of  1820,  making  the  slave  trade  piracy. 
The  great  blow  given  to  slavery  by  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, caused  Massachusetts  and  Pennsylvania,  in  1780, 
to  pass  acts  for  its  abolition.  New  York  followed  in  1799,  by 
gradual  emancipation,  to  be  completed  in  1827.  New  Jersey 
passed  an  act  in  1784  to  gradually  emancipate,  to  be  completed 
in  1820.  Rhode  Island,  in  1784.  Connecticut  in  1797.  New 
Hampshire  abolished  slavery  in  her  constitution.  Vermont 
did  the  same,  and  was  admitted  into  the  Union  March  4th, 
1791.  The  North  West  Territory  was  made  free  under  the 
Ordinance  of  1787.  Maine  came  into  the  Union  with  a  free 
Constitution  March  3d,  1820. 

Thus  for  a  period  of  28  years  the  General  Government  was 
managed  by  men  opposed  to  slavery.  In  fact  nearly  all  civil- 
ized nations,  at  that  time,  were  arrayed  against  it.  An  act  in 
Great  Britain,  in  1807,  made  the  slave  trade  unlawful.  Den- 
mark refused  to  admit  African  slaves  in  her  Colonies  after 
1804.  The  Congress  of  Vienna,  in  1815,  pronounced  for  the 
abolition  of  the  trade.  France  abolished  it  in  1817.  So  did 
Spain  ;  the  acts  to  take  effect  after  1820.  Portugal  abolished 
it  in  1818. 

HEAR  THEIR  OPINIONS  OP  SLAVERY  : 

In  a  letter  to  Robert  Morris,  dated  Mount  Vernon,  April 
12,  1786,  Washington  says  :  "  I  can  only  say  that  there  is  not 
a  man  living  who  wishes  more  sincerely  than  I  do,  to  see  a 
plan  adopted  for  the  abolition  of  it.  But  there  is  only  one 
proper  and  effectual  mode  by  which  it  can  be  accomplished  ; 
and  that  is  by  legislative  authority,  and  this,  as  far  as  my  suf- 
frage will  go,  shall  never  be  wanting." 

John  Adams,  one  of  the  Committee  who  assisted  in  drawing 


14  THE  FATHERS   OP 

up  the  Declaration  of  Independence  ;  the  man  whom  Thomas 
Jefferson  called  the  column  of  Congress,  the  pillar  of  support 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  its  ablest  advocate 
and  defender,  agreed  with  Washington. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  dated  July  31, 
1814,  remarks  :  "  What  an  incomprehensible  machine  is  man, 
who  can  endure  toil,  famine,  stripes,  imprisonment,  and  death 
itself,  in  vindication  of  his  own  liberty,  and  the  next  moment 
be  deaf  to  all  those  motives  whose  power  supported  him 
through  his  trial,  and  inflict  on  his  fellow-man  a  bondage,  one 
hour  of  which  is  fraught  with  more  misery  than  ages  of  that 
which  he  rose  in  rebellion  to  oppose." 

"  We  must  wait  with  patience  the  workings  of  an  overruling 
Providence,  and  hope  that  a  way  is  preparing  for  the  deliver- 
ance of  these  our  brethren,  when  the  measure  of  their  tears 
shall  be  full.  When  their  groans  shall  have  involved  heaven 
itself  in  darkness,  doubtless  a  God  of  Justice  will  awaken  to 
their  distress.  Nothing  is  more  certainly  written  in  the  book  of 
fate,  than  that  this  people  shall  be  free." 

James  Madison,  in  speaking  against  the  slave  trade,  said  : 
"  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  by  expressing  a  national  disapproba- 
tion of  the  trade  we  may  DESTROY  it,  and  save  our  country 
from  reproaches,  and  our  posterity  from  the  imbecility  ever 
attendant  on  a  country  filled  with  slaves."  Furthermore,  he 
said,  "  It  is  wrong  to  admit  in  the  Constitution  the  idea  that 
there  can  be  property  in  man." 

James  Monroe,  in  a  speech  in  the  Virginia  Convention, 
said  :  "We  have  found  that  this  evil  has  preyed  upon  the  very 
vitals  of  the  Union,  and  has  been  prejudicial  to  all  the  States 
in  which  it  has  existed." 

John  Jay,  the  first  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States,  ap- 
pointed 26th  September,  1789,  during  Washington's  Admin- 
istration, in  a  letter  to  the  Hon.  Elias  Boudinot,  dated  Novem- 
ber 17th,  1819,  says  :  "Little  can  be  added  to  what  has  been 
said  and  written  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  I  concur  in  the 
opinion  that  it  ought  not  to  be  introduced  nor  permitted  in 
any  of  the  new  States,  and  that  it  ought  to  be  gradually  di- 
minished and  finally  abolished  in  all  of  them." 


THE  REVOLUTION.  15 

Our  entire  volume  might  be  filled  up  with  extracts  from 
these  great  men's  writings  and  speeches.  From  1789  until 
1817,  a  period  of  twenty-eight  years,  so  distasteful  were  the 
slave  sentiments  of  South  Carolina  statesmen,  that  through 
eight  successive  presidential  terms  not  one  of  its  leading  men 
ever  held  a  seat  in  the  Cabinet  of  any  of  the  Presidents,  save 
and  except  Paul  Hamilton,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  under  Mad- 
ison, in  1809  ;  and  we  have  the  best  of  evidence  that  he  was 
a  man  of  liberal  views,  or  he  would  not  have  been  chosen  for 
one  of  the  Cabinet  officers. 

SATAN  ENTERED  PARADISE. 

It  was  on  the  8th  day  of  October,  1817,  that  the  Devil  en- 
tered Paradise.  John  C.  Calhoun,  then  young,  with  princi- 
ples little  understood,  was  chosen  by  James  Monroe  as  his 
Secretary  of  War.  Up  to  this  time  no  question  had  arisen  in 
the  councils  of  the  General  Government  that  threatened  any 
serious  disturbance.  In  1819  and  1820  Missouri,  formed  out 
of  the  Louisiana  purchase,  organized  with  a  slave  Constitution, 
and  knocked  at  the  door  of  the  Union  for  admission.  This 
was  the  first  time  since  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Consti- 
tution that  slavery  presented  itself  in  a  political  aspect. 
There  was  a  peculiar  clause  in  the  Missouri  Constitution,  not 
only  establishing  slavery,  but  also  forbidding  any  legislative 
interference  with  it.  This  was  something  uncommon  in  State 
constitutions,  and  the  doctrine  of  placing  any  State  institu- 
tions above  and  beyond  the  reach  of  legislative  authority  was 
received  by  many  as  dangerous.  Many  other  objections  were 
made,  but  finally  the  controversy  settled  down  on  the  single 
question  of  slavery  :  Has  a  State  a  right  to  have  slavery  if  she 
chooses  ? 

In  this  controversy  the  excitement  ran  very  high ;  sharp 
words  were  used  by  both  disputants  ;  and  a  division  of  the 
Union  was  threatened  on  the  line  of  slavery.  Finally  the  ex- 
citing controversy  was  brought  to  a  close  by  a  Compromise, 
which  generally  leaves  both  disputants  dissatisfied. 

As  a  sample  of  how  little  use  a  compromise  is  to  either 


16  THE  FATHERS   OF 

party,  I  will  relate  the  following  of  our  worthy  President : 
When  the  Pacific  Railroad  question  was  up  before  Congress, 
friends  of  the  New  York  and  Erie  Railroad  called  upon  Pres- 
ident Lincoln  and  desired  him  to  use  his  influence  to  have 
Congress  adopt  the  broad  guage,  so  that  the  Erie  Railroad  could 
run  their  cars  through  to  California.  Mr.  Lincoln  remarked 
that  friends  of  the  Pennsylvania  Central  Railroad  had  called 
on  him  the  week  before,  requesting  his  influence  in  favor  of  a 
narrow  guage.  Says  he,  "  If  I  was  to  grant  your  request  they 
would  be  dissatisfied,  so,  gentlemen,  I  think  the  best  thing  I 
can  do  is  to  compromise,  making  it  a  little  wider  than  the 
track  of  the  Central,  and  not  quite  so  wide  as  the  Erie." 

Missouri,  with  slavery  in  her  Constitution,  was  admitted  ; 
but  the  opponents  of  slavery  secured,  as  an  offset,  the  aboli- 
tion of  slavery  in  all  the  remaining  province  of  Louisiana 
north  and  west  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  and  north  of  the 
parallel  of  36  degrees  30  minutes. 

Our  treaty,  wherein  Spain  ceded  us  Florida,  and  the  Gen- 
eral Government  ceded  Texas  to  Spain,  (this  territorial  trade 
having  taken  place  in  1819,  and  taking  the  two  treaties  to- 
gether,) very  nearly  extinguished  slave  territory  in  the 
United  States.  Except  the  diagram  marked  out  for  Arkansas, 
and  a  few  Indian  reserves,  it  cut  off  all  below  36  deg.  30  rain., 
the  Missouri  Compromise  cutting  off  all  that  vast  expanse  of 
Louisiana  north  of  36  deg.  30  miu.  This  Treaty  gave,  first  to 
Spain,  second  to  Mexico,  all  the  slave  territory  south  of  the 
aforesaid  line.  Coming  into  the  possession  of  Mexico,  it  be- 
came free.  Now  add  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  ceding  the 
Northwest  Territory  to  the  General  Government,  in  all  of 
which  slavery  and  involuntary  servitude,  except  for  crime, 
was  forever  excluded.  By  this  all  the  country  east  of  the 
Mississippi,  above  the  Ohio,  and  out  to  the  Great  Lakes,  was 
made  free.  And  the  Missouri  Compromise  extinguished  it 
north  and  west  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  and  north  of  the 
parallel  of  36  deg.  30  min.,  except,  as  before  stated,  the  dia- 
gram of  Arkansas  and  a  few  Indian  reserves. 

Thus  the  reader  can  see  that  in  1820  Arkansas  and  Florida 


THE  REVOLUTION.  17 

was  the  only  slave  territory  belonging  to  the  General  Govern- 
ment. The  increase  of  slave  States  was  stopped.  And  all  the 
vast  expanse  from  the  Mississippi  river,  Lake  Michigan, 
Rocky  Mountains,  and  Oregon,  by  action  of  the  General  Gov- 
ernment, was  all  made  free  territory,  and  with  the  consent 
and  support  of  Southern  men  then  in  Congress,  and  approved 
by  their  constituents  at  home,  who  were,  almost  to  a  man, 
then  opposed  to  the  further  extension  of  slavery. 

The  excitement  created  by  the  discussion  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  had  been  allayed,  and  all  was  calm  again.  Mr. 
Monroe's  term  of  office  was  about  expiring.  Andrew  Jack- 
son for  President,  and  John  C.  Calhoun  for  Vice  President, 
both  slave  holders.  In  opposition  to  them  was  Adams  for 
President,  and  Clay  for  Vice  President.  Yet  nothing  was 
said  in  the  campaign  to  arouse  the  feelings  of  either  section 
concerning  slavery.  Jackson,  Adams,  Clay  and  Crawford,  were 
all  candidates  for  the  Presidency  in  this  campaign  of  1825. 
Jackson  received  99  electoral  votes  ;  Adams  84 ;  Crawford 
41  ;  and  Clay  37.  Neither  of  the  persons  voted  for  having 
received  a  majority  of  the  votes,  it  devolved  upon  the  House 
of  Representatives  to  choose  from  the  three  highest  on  the 
list  of  those  voted  for  by  the  electors  for  President  ;  which 
three  were  Andrew  Jackson,  John  Q.  Adams,  and  Win.  Craw- 
ford. The  votes  of  thirteen  States  were  given  for  Adams  ;  the 
votes  of  seven  States  for  Jackson  ;  and  the  votes  of  four  States 
for  Crawford.  John  Quincey  Adams  having  received  a  ma- 
jority of  the  votes  of  all  the  States  of  the  Union-  was  duly 
elected  President  of  the  United  States,  commencing  the  4th 
of  March,  1825.  John  C.  Calhoun,  who  had  run  on  the  ticket 
with  Jackson,  received  182  electoral  votes,  which  elected  him 
Vice  President. 

Mr.  Adams  was  a  candidate  for  re-election  in  1829,  with 
Richard  Rush,  of  Pennsylvania,  for  Vice  President,  both 
from  the  free  States.  Jackson  and  Calhoun,  both  slave  hold- 
ers, were  the  opposition  ;  yet  nothing  to  arouse  the  feelings 
concerning  slavery  was  said  by  either  party.  The  only  ques- 
tion of  importance  before  the  voters,  was  the  right  of  the  peo- 

2 


18  THE   FATHERS   OP 

pie  to  govern  themselves.  This  issue  was  brought  forward  on 
account  of  the  previous  election  going  to  the  House,  and  it 
was  openly  charged  that  intrigue  and  corruption  were  the 
leading  features  of  it.  Jackson  received  178  electoral  votes, 
Adams  only  83.  Calhoun  did  not  receive  as  many  as  Jackson. 
The  falling  oif  was  in  Georgia,  where  Mr.  Crawford  charged 
home  on  him  his  connection  with  the  Aaron  Burr  Plot. 

In  the  second  year  of  his  Vice  Presidency,  Calhoun  and  his 
South  Carolina  friends,  seeing  that  the  action  of  the  Federal 
Government  had  been  almost  unanimous  in  favor  of  freedom  ; 
the  vast  territories,  even  those  that  had  been  acquired  from 
France  and  Spain,  being  nearly  all  made  free,  they  perceived 
that  slavery  was  hemmed  in,  and  without  an  outlet  it  would 
soon  become  a  burden  rather  than  a  profit. 

At  this  time  Calhoun's  friends  started  a  paper  in  Washing- 
ton City,  called  the  United  States  Telegraph.  In  this  paper 
he  commenced  to  advocate  the  State  Rights'  doctrine.  He 
was  very  violent  for  the  scheme  which  he  and  his  slave-holding 
friends  had  set  on  foot,  for  nothing  less  than  a  dissolution  of 
the  Union.  This  was  to  be  accomplished  through  the  doctrine 
of  State  Rights.  Getting  that  poison  well  infused  into  the 
Democratic  party,  backed  up  by  so  formidable  an  element,  the 
•State  of  South  Carolina  could  quietly  retire  from  the  Union. 
To  give  his  ideas  more  force,  Calhoun  called  a  meeting  on  the 
.evening  of  the  13th  of  April.  This  was  Jefferson's  birth  day. 
His  object  was  to  use  that  great  man's  name  as  god-father 
for  his  new  political  heresy,  Jefferson  having  died  on  the  4th 
of  July,  1826,  and  this  meeting  was  in  1830.  It  was  Calhoun's 
design  to  put  words  into  Jefferson's  mouth  that  he  never  ut- 
tered. But  the  news  got  spread  about,  and  a  large  gathering 
was  present ;  among  the  rest,  President  Jackson,  who  had 
got  an  inkling  of  what  was  to  be.  Jackson  was  called  upon  to 
act  as  President  of  the  meeting.  After  the  24  regular  toasts 
were  delivered,  eulogizing  the  great  Jefferson,  some  one  in 
the  assembly  called  for  a  volunteer  toast  from  the  President. 
This  toast  not  only  proved  Jackson's  far-seeing  statesman- 
;  ship,  but  also  his  devoted  patriotism.  He  rose  from  his  seat, 


THE  REVOLUTION.  19 

all  eyes  upon  him.  In  an  instant  the  excitement  and  bustle  of 
the  crowd  was  hushed  into  the  stillness  of  death.  Without 
pencil  or  paper,  he  did  not  read  anything  before  prepared,  but 
spoke  directly  from  his  heart :  "  Our  Federal  Union.  It  must 
be  preserved."  What  a  storm  of  applause  followed  !  Jackson 
did  not  say  it  ought,  or  it  should,  but  "  It  must  be  preserved." 

These  were  words  spoken  in  the  right  place  and  at  the  right 
time,  and  the  American  citizen  does  not  live,  without  his  mind 
is  rotten  with  treason,  but  will  say  Amen  to  the  senti- 
ment, and  tell  it  to  his  children  and  their  children's  children, 
to  be  repeated  in  all  coming  time.  The  general  joy  and  good 
feeling  that  had  been  kindled  by  the  President's  happy  hit, 
was  interrupted  by  some  friend  of  Calhoun's,  who  got  on  a 
seat  and  loudly  called  for  a  toast  from  him.  After  quiet  was 
restored,  Calhoun  read  the  following  : 

"  The  Union  next  to  our  liberties  the  most  dear.  May  we 
all  remember  that  it  can  only  be  preserved  by  respecting  the 
rights  of  the  States,  and  distributing  equally  the  benefits  and 
burdens  of  the  Union." 

The  snake  now  came  stealthily  from  the  grass.  The  Union 
was  put  second  to  our  liberties,  when  it  was  the  only  thing 
that  gave  us  liberty.  The  rights  of  the  States  was  then  lug- 
ged in  and  placed  paramount  to  the  Union,  when  any  man 
of  judgment  knows  that  if  the  Union  was  dissolved  all  the 
rights  remaining  to  the  States  would  be  the  right  of  force,  to 
fight  and  use  each  other  up — always  preparing  for  war,  en- 
gaged in  war,  or  suing  for  peace.  This  would  be  the  legacy 
left  to  the  States  if  the  Union  was  gone. 

As  we  before  remarked.  Jeiferson  Avas  to  be  made  god- 
father to  this  State  Rights  heresy.  This  doctrine  of  state 
rights  was,  and  is  yet,  that  a  State  has  a  right  to  annul  an  act  of 
Congress,  arid  resist  by  force,  if  need  be.  its  execution.  The 
Virginia  Resolutions  of  '98-99  were  so  warped  and  miscon- 
strued by  Calhoun,  as  to  favor  the  above  heresy.  Mr.  Madi- 
son, their  author,  still  lived  on  his  farm  ;  and  inletters  to  Mr. 
Maguire  and  Everett,  and  in  his  daily  intercourse  with  his  fel- 
low citizens,  denounced  the  use  that  was  being  made  of  his 


20  THE   FATHERS   OF 

resolutions.  Mr.  Madison's  interpretation  of  their  meaning, 
was  that  they  sustained  and  advised  only  constitutional  means 
t  of  redress,  while  those  of  Calhoun  counseled  violence  and 
revolution.  Instead,  siys  Madison,  of  Virginia  counseling  nul- 
lification doctrine,  the  occasion  was  viewed  as  a  proper  one 
for  exemplifying  its  devotion  to  public  order,  and  acqui- 
escence in  laws  which  it  deemed  unconstitutional,  while  those 
laws  were  not  repealed — meaning  the  alien  and  sedition  laws. 
Calhoun  had  also  dragged  the  Kentucky  Resolutions  of '99  into 
the  support  of  his  heresy,  claiming  Thos.  Jefferson  as  their 
author.  Thus  the  celebration  of  his  birth-day — although  Jef- 
ferson was  not  the  author.  The  resolutions  were  passed  at 
the  same  time  as  those  of  Virginia,  and  contemplating  the 
same  grievance  ;  yet  all  the  remedies  they  proposed  were 
pointed  out  in  the  Federal  Constitution.  Both  sets  of  resolu- 
tions contemplated  only  Constitutional  remedies.  But  "  nulli- 
fication," says  Madison,  "  inserts  deadly  poison  in  the  institu- 
tion we  had  labored  to  construct."  Mr.  Madison  also  under- 
stood Mr.  Jefferson's  views,  which  were  likewise  being  mis- 
represented. 

December,  18,  1831,  Madison,  in  answer  to  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Townsend,  of  South  Carolina,  remarks  :  "  You  ask  whether  Mr. 
Jefferson  was  really  the  author  of  the  Kentucky  resolutions, 
wherein  the  word  '  nullify '  is  used,  (though  not  in  the  sense  of 
South  Carolina  nullification.)  The  inference  is  that  he  was 
not.  That  Mr.  Jefferson  ever  asserted  a  right  of  a  single  State 
to  resist  the  execution  of  an  act  of  Congress,  is  counteracted 
by  nothing  known  to  be  said  or  done  by  him." 

We  have  now  proved  that  the  Virginia  Resolutions  contem- 
plated only  Constitutional  means  of  redress  ;  also,  that  those 
of  Kentucky  were  harmless,  being  similar  to  those  of  Virgin- 
ia. That  James  Madison  while  living  repudiated  the  State 
Rights  heresy,  and  vindicated  the  views  of  Thomas  Jefferson, 
who  was  then  dead,  by  proving  that  he  held  the  doctrine  that 
it  was  not  necessary  to  find  a  right  to  coerce  in  the  Federal 
articles,  that  being  inherent  in  the  very  nature  of  a  compact. 
Having  proved  by  their  own  testimony  that  Madison  and  Jef- 


THE  REVOLUTION.  21 

ferson  were  both  opposed  to  the  heresy  of  State  Bights,  and 
that  they  both  claimed  for  the  General  Government  the  right 
to  exercise  its  authority  and  power  to  overcome  resistance. 
Therefore  this  heresy  did  not  originate  with  either  the  author 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  or  the  author  of  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  ;  but  with  the  champion  of  the 
slave  power,  in  the  person  of  John  C.  Calhoun  of  South  Car- 
olinia. 

We  have  now  arrived  at  the  point  to  show  the  real  designs 
of  the  nullifiers.  Men  seldom  act  without  motives,  either  in 
an  individual  capacity  or  collectively.  When  the  motives  are 
evil,  and  not  likely  to  be  seconded  by  the  public,  an  ardent  de- 
sire for  success  compels  the  manager  or  managers  to  substi- 
tute other  reasons  more  in  harmony  with  the  feelings  of  the 
people  whom  they  aim  to  deceive. 

Although  slavery  yet  lingered,  (would  to  God  it  had  died) 
no  one  was  bold  enough  to  pray  for  its  recovery,  and  nearly 
all  would  have  rejoiced  over  its  death.  Southern  men  had  by 
their  votes  in  Congress  shut  it  out  of  all  the  Territories  of  the 
United  States.  Many  of  the  organized  states  had,  and  were 
abolishing  it.  The  General  Government  was  counted  as  its 
enemy.  The  moral  and  political  sentiment  of  the  entire  na- 
tion was  set  against  it.  Against  such  a  heavy  sea  of  pub- 
lic and  Legislative  opinion,  few  men  in  any  age  would  have 
stepped  forward  as  its  champion. 

South  Carolina,  the  only  State  in  the  Union,  except  Mississippi, 
that  has  more  slaves  within  its  borders  than  free  white  cit- 
izens, furnished  the  man.  He  would  have  come  from  Missis- 
sippi, but  for  the  reason  that  it  had  only  a  surplus  of  14,160 
slaves,  while  South  Carolina  could  boast  of  110,421  surplus 
above  her  white  population.  Thus  .the  demon,  with  all  the 
venom  of  eternal  hate,  came  right  from  the  very  throne  of 
the  slave  power.  John  C.  Calhoun  was  his  name. 

After  surveying  the  situation,  he  began  to  mature  the  plan 
of  attack.  The  will  of  the  people  was  known,  to  be  against 
the  wishes  of  him  and  his  friends.  Nothing  was  left  for  him 
but  to  throw  himself  back  on  the  rights  of  the  States.  This 


22  THE   FATHERS   OF 

was  admirable,  but  the  object  was  first  to  unite  the  people 
of  South  Carolina — second,  that  being  done,  all  the  slave 
States,  like  ripe  fruit,  would  fall  into  the  lap  of  Nullification. 

Presuming  that  a  State  had  an  inherent  right  to  secede,  the 
next  thing  was  to  convince  the  people  of  the  South  that  it 
was  their  interest  to  do  so.  And  for  this  purpose  he  used  the 
Tariff.  The  South,  being  an  agricultural  region,  was  easily 
convinced  that  a  high  tariff  on  foreign  imports  was  injurious 
to  them.  He  next  undertook  to  explain  to  the  South  that  these 
high  duties  were  placed  on  specific  articles,  and  was  done,  as 
special  favor,  to  protect  local  interests.  Thus  he  said  to  the 
people  of  the  South,  You  are  being  taxed  to  support  Northern 
manufacturers.  And  it  was  on  this  popular  issue  he  planted 
his  nullification  flag,  and  gathered  around  it  his  friends  and 
dupes.  The  throne  of  the  slave  power,  located  in  South  Car- 
olina, was  his  backer,  and  the  slaveholders  throughout  the 
South,  who*  loved  slavery  better  than  they  did  the  Union,  were 
his  friends,  and  his  dupes  were  such  of  the  Democrats  from 
the  free  States  as  had  become  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  the 
party,  and  made  a  close  alliance,  by  agreeing  to  drop  the  good 
old  democratic  doctrine  of  the  rights  of  man,  founded,  in  human 
nature,  and  advocated  by  the  apostle  of  democracy,  Thomas 
Jefferson.  These  men  threw  all  such  rights  to  the  wind,  and* 
greedily  seized  the  great  instrument  of  the  slave  power,  State 
Hights.  This  new  bastard  democracy  meant  the  right  to  de- 
stroy, peaceably  or  by  force,  (when  ready,)  the  Federal  Union. 

It  was  thought  necessary,  in  order  to  get  this  matter  fairly 
before  the  nation,  to  call  a  Convention.  So  the  24th  day  of 
November,  1832,  was  set  as  the  time,  and  Columbia,  South 
Carolina,  as  the  place  of  meeting. 

This  was  the  first  open  renouncement  that  had  ever  been 
made  in  any  State  against  the  General  Government.  And 
here  it  is  proper  to  give  Calhoun's  Vision,  or  dream,  as  he  some- 
times called  it,  and  the  origin  of  the  spot  on  the  lack  of  his  hand  : 

It  was  on  the  Sabbath,  late  in  the  month  of  October,  1832, 
Calhoun,  after  a  chat  with  his  friends,  retired  to  his  room,  re- 
solved to  pen  the  article,  or  forge  the  wedge,  that  was  to 


THE  REVOLUTION.  23 

divide  the  Union  of  the  States.  "With  treason  in  his  heart, 
and  treachery  in  his  soul,  all  alone  he  sat  down  at  his  table 
and  commenced  to  write  the  Ordinance  of  Nullification,  or  ar- 
ticle of  dissolution. 

THE  VISION. 

"While  sitting  at  the  table,"  says  Calhoun,  "having  taken  the 
precaution  to  lock  my  door,  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  being 
annoyed,  I  thought  I  heard  it  softly  open.  I  was  then  en- 
gaged in  writing  the  ordinance  to  be  read  at  the  meeting  to 
be  held  at  Columbia,  South  Carolina,  the  next  month.  My 
back  was  towards  the  door,  and  being  engaged  in  deep 
thought,  I  did  not  turn  round  again.  A.  noise  struck  my  ear 
like  the  agitation  of  flowing  robes.  I  looked  around,  and  be* 
hold  a  tall  figure  stood  erect.  A  death-like  fluttering  seized 
my  heart  ;  my  nerves  gave  way  ;  my  sinews  became  weak 
and  soft  like  flesh  ;  my  entire  frame  became  unstrung,  and 
trembled,  as  by  instinct,  for  its  own  preservation. 

"  When  these  awful  sensations  had  passed  over  me,  I  rallied 
as  though  frightened  from  the  effects  of  a  dream.  On  open- 
ing my  eyes,  behold  an  officer,  wearing  the  uniform  of  the 
Continental  army  standing  by  my  table,  and,  as  it  were,  his 
*eyes  fixed  upon  my  manuscript.  He  gradually  raised  his 
eyes  from  the  paper,  and  looked  earnestly  into  mine.  I  re- 
turned the  gaze  as  well  as  I  could.  We  remained  motionless 
for  thirty  seconds,  when  all  at  once  I  felt  a  chilly  sensation  of 
awe  pass  through  me.  I  spoke,  without  effort,  these  words, 
and  I  never  shall  forget  them  :  It  is  the  features  of  the  im- 
mortal Washington;  tliou  hast  come  from  the  realms  of  the  dead. 
For  what  hast  thou  come,  0,  hero  of  the  Revolution  ? 

"  He  spoke,  in  a  firm,  clear  voice  :  '  John  C aid  well  Calhoun, 
desist.  South  Carolina  produced  one  of  the  greatest  martyrs 
to  liberty,  in  the  person  of  Hayne,  and  let  it  not  be  written 
on  her  history  that  she  also  gave  birth  to  the  blackest  traitor 
recorded  in  the  annals  of  time.  Look  only  to  an  everlasting 
union  of  the  States.  In  union  there  will  be  peace  ;  in  union 
there  will  be  prosperity  ;  in  union  there  will  be  happiness  ; 


24  THE   FATHERS   OP 

in  union  there  will  be  liberty.  Dissolution  is  political  anni- 
hilation ;  it  would  be  death.' 

u  Finishing  these  remarks,  he  caught  hold  of  my  right  hand, 
and  pressed  his  thumb  hard  on  its  back,  and  remarking, 
'Across  the  articles  of  dissolution,  stretched  the  skeleton  of 
Hayne,  and  on  the  back  of  your  hand  will  a  black  spot  be 
visible  through  the  remainder  of  your  life.' " 

Calhoun  has  told  this  to  several  of  his  friends,  and  always 
remarking  he  could  not  tell  whether  it  was  a  vision  or  a 
dream.  In  after  years,  when  he  would  become  worked  up  to 
great  mental  excitement  in  his  debates  on  the  right  of  seces- 
sion or  nullification,  he  invariably  fell  to  rubbing  the  black 
spot  on  his  hand,  as  though  it  annoyed  him. 

If  the  black  spot  had  appeared  on  Calhoun's  head,  instead 
of  his  hand,  it  could  easily  be  accounted  for  on  the  ground 
that  he  was  the  first  victim  to  that  awful  Southern  scourge, 
"  nigger  on  the  brain"  But  we  are  rather  inclined  to  think  that 
his  was  only  a  severe  case  of  a  previous  malady  known  as 
"  plantation  grip." 

Calhoun  sent  down  his  ordinance  to  South  Carolina  ;  and  on 
the  appointed  day,  in  November,  the  nullifiers  assembled  at 
Columbia,  and  raised  the  banner  of  Secession.  The  chief  griev- 
ance set  forth  was  the  Tariff,  which  they  alleged  was  passed 
to  protect  manufacturers  of  the  North  at  the  expense  of  the 
South.  The  most  remarkable  thing  they  stated  in  the  or- 
dinance was,  that  they  intended  to  maintain  their  resolve  to 
withdraw  from  the  Union  at  any  hazard,  even  to  the  force  of 
arms.  This  ordinance  was  signed  by  over  one  hundred  of  the 
wealthiest  slaveholders  in  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  and 
returned  to  Calhoun.  The  Tariff  was,  as  we  before  stated> 
only  adopted  as  a  means  to  raise  the  popular  outcry.  The 
Tariff  could  easily  have  been  changed  by  changing  Congress ; 
therefore  there  Avas  no  cause  for  secession  on  that  ground. 

But  we  will  now  prove  by  incontestable  evidence  where 
the  real  trouble  was.  About  this  time  Calhoun  delivered  a 
speech  in  the  Senate.  It  was  after  his  Vice  Presidency  had 
expired,  some  time  in  1833.  He  remarked  :  "  The  contest 


THE   REVOLUTION.  25 

will  in  fact  be  a  contest  between  power  and  liberty,  and 
such  he  considered  the  present  contest  between  South  Caro- 
lina and  the  General  Government — a  contest  in  which  the 
weaker  section,  with  peculiar  labor,  productions  and  situation, 
has  at  stake  all  that  is  dear  to  freemen." 

One  man  in  the  Senate  and  one  in  the  House  had  sagacity 
enough  to  see  the  Hack  man  in  tJie  fence. 

Daniel  Webster,  in  answer  to  Calhoun,  said :  "  Sir,  the 
world  will  scarcely  believe  that  this  whole  controversy,  and 
all  the  desperate  means  which  its  support  requires,  has  no 
other  foundation  than  a  difference  of  opinion  between  a  ma- 
jority of  the  people  of  South  Carolina  on  the  one  side,  and  a 
vast  majority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  on  the 
other.  The  world  will  not  credit  the  fact.  We  who  hear  and 
see  it  can  ourselves  hardly  yet  believe  it." 

John  Q.  Adams  was  the  member  in  the  House.  He  said  : 
"  In  opposion  to  the  compromise  of  Mr.  Clay,  no  victim  is 
necessary,  and  yet  you  propose  to  bind  us  hand  and  foot, 
to  pour  out  our  blood  upon  the  altar,  to  appease  the  unnatural 
discontent  of  the  South — a  discontent  having  deeper  root  than 
the  Tariff,  and  will  continue  when  that  is  forgotten." 

If  Mr.  Adams  had  put  on  the  mantle  of  Jeremiah,  or 
Isaiah,  he  could  not  have  surpassed  in  prophetic  accuracy,  or 
wise  discrimination,  the  above  last  paragraph. 

Mr.  Benton  says,  in  his  Thirty  Years,  that  the  remarks 
of  Calhoun  had  the  appearance  of  laying  an  anchor  to  the 
windward  for  a  new  agitation  on  a  new  subject  after  the  Tariff 
was  dead. 

President  Jackson,  in  his  message  to  Congress,  in  1 832-33, 
puts  the  hollow  cheat  of  State  Rights  to  rest :  "  The  right  of 
a  people  of  a  single  State  to  absolve  themselves  at  will,  and 
without  the  consent  of  the  other  States,  from  their  most  sol- 
emn obligations,  and  hazard  the  liberties  and  happiness  of 
millions  comprising  this  nation,  cannot  be  acknowledged. 
Such  authority  is  believed  to  be  wholly  repugnant,  both  to 
the  principles  upon  which  the  General  Government  is  consti- 
tuted, and  the  objects  which  it  is  expressly  formed  to  obtain." 


26  DESPERATE   SCHEMES   OP 

This  was  a  bomb  into  the  camp  of  the  nullifiers,  and  gave 
them  to  understand  what  they  must  expect  if  they  still  per- 
sisted in  their  treasonable  designs.  Jackson  held  to  the  Union 
without  any  ifs  or  buts.  A.  favorite  remark  of  his,  in  conver- 
sation with  friends,  was  ,  that  no  sectionalinterest  or  sectional 
discontent  should  ever  be  allowed  to  weaken  the  bonds  or  break 
up  the  Federal  Union.  . 

When  Calhoun  saw  these  unconditional  Union  sentiments 
in  Jackson's  message,  he  knew  it  was  a  salvo  from  the  peace- 
maker, shot  only  across  the  bow,  as  a  warning  to  heave  to. 
He  knew  well  that  the  next  discharge  would  be  a  broadside 
that  would  shiver  his  piratical  craft  to  atoms.  So  Captain 
Calhoun,  with  his  brig  South  Carolina,  and  ordinance,  rounded 
to,  and  continued  under  the  guns  of  the  frigate  Constitution, 
Commodore  Andrew  Jackson,  commander,  until  Mr.  Clay, 
under  the  instruction  of  one  of  the  Commodore's  aids,  Mr. 
Clayton,  prepared  articles  of  capitulation,  which  the  piratical 
captain  of  the  South  Carolina  readily  signed,  acknowledging 
the  power  of  the  Constitution  and  nationality  of  her  flag. 

As  we  before  mentioned  that  Calhoun  had  control  of  a 
newspaper  published  in  Washington,  here  is  an  extract  from 
a  speech  delivered  by  the  Hon.  Isaac  Hill,  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, as  to  its  character  :  "  For  the  last  five  years  it  has  been 
laboring  to  produce  a  Northern  and  Southern  party,  to  fan 
the  flame  of  national  prejudice,  to  open  wider  the  breach, 
drive  harder  in  the  wedge  which  shall  divide  the  North  from 
the  South." 

Thus  the  reader  can  see  that  the  slave  power  used  every 
effort  to  create  sectional  hate  and  divide  the  Union  years  be- 
fore either  Thompson,  Tappan  or  Garrison  came  into  the  field. 

Thus  the  storm  originated  in  the  most  densely  slave  pop- 
ulated region  of  the  South.  When  it  reached  the  Ship  of 
State,  the  political  elements  became  agitated,  darkness  cov- 
ered the  southern  horizon,  while  black  darkness  hovered 
round  the  masts  of  the  great  ship  as  it  rocked  to  and  fro  in 
the  vortex  of  contending  elements.  The  storm  and  the  sea 
appeared  in  desperate  conflict  which  should  secure  the 


TRAITORS  IN   CONGRESS.  27 

mighty  prize,  freighted  as  it  was  with  the  accumulated  treas- 
ure and  precious  lives  of  twenty  millions  of  people,  whose 
hopes  of  happiness  were  all  concentrated  there.  Old  masters 
with  different  hopes,  looked  on  from  afar — some  hoping  that 
she  might  sink  and  be  lost  in  the  storm — others  shedding 
tears  at  her  distress,  and  praying  that  she  might  survive, 
when  all  at  once  the  elements  became  calm,  the  mist  dis- 
appeared, and  revealed  to  the  wondering  millions  the  great 
ship  in  all  her  majestic  pride. 

Commodore  Jackson  had  subdued  the  storm,  brought  order 
out  of  confusion,  and  kindled  hopes  in  the  hearts  of  his  coun- 
trymen. Would  to  God  we  had  them  now. 

Thus  ended  the  first  effort  of  the  slave  power  to  destroy 
the  Union.  It  failed,  but  did  not  abandon  the  enterprise ; 
the  darker  the  prospect,  the  more  desperate  grew  its  friends. 

AN  ATTEMPT  TO  ASSASSINATE  PRESIDENT   JACKSON — NEW  THREATS 
OF  DISSOLUTION  OP  THE  UNION. 

The  slave  power  having  been  defeated  in  its  first  attempt 
to  destroy  the  Federal  Union  by  the  sagacity  and  courage  of 
Andrew  Jackson,  withdrew  to  its  den  of  infamy  to  devise  new 
and  desperate  schemes  for  the  future.  It  feared  as  well  as 
hated  the  man  who  defeated  nullification.  Calhoun  himself 
became  more  embittered  by  reflection,  and  was  frequently 
heard  to  say  that  Jackson  was  a  tyrant  and  despot,  and  better 
men  than  he  had  been  hung.  In  fact,  it  was  no  uncommon 
thing  at  that  time  to  hear  threats  against  the  President's  life. 
The  corrupting  influence  of  the  moneyed  power  of  the  United 
States  Bank  joined  hands  with  the  slave  power,  although  from 
very  different  motives.  Both  would  have  been  delighted  to 
have  heard  of  Jackson's  assassination.  But  the  plot  to  over- 
throw republican  institutions  was  far  more  attrocious.  In  the 
presence  of  a  crime  of  such  magnitude  all  other  crimes  grow 
pale.  Thus  Calhoun  had  a  soul  ever  ready  to  betray  human 
nature,  with  a  heart  as  black  as  night. 

About  this  time,  30th  of  January,  1835,  while  the  President 
with  a  few  members  of  his  Cabinet  were  in  attendance  at  the 


28  DESPERATE   SCHEMES   OP 

funeral  of  Mr.  Waren  R.  Davis,  a  Member  of  Congress  from 
South  Carolina,  who  had  just  died  at  Washington,  and  the  fu- 
neral ceremonies  were  being  conducted  in  the  Hall  of  Repre- 
sentatives, where  all  had  congregated,  when  the  ceremonies 
were  over,  and  the  procession  had  just  reached  the  foot  of  the 
steps  at  the  eastern  portico,  President  Jackson,  accompanied 
by  Mr.  Woodbury,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  Mr.  Dicker- 
son,  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  on  coming  out  of  the  door,  at  that 
moment  a  man  stepped  from  the  crowd  into  the  open  space 
in  front  of  the  President,  and  at  a  distance  of  about  eight 
paces,  drew  a  pistol  from  beneath  his  cloak — aiming  at  the 
heart  of  the  President,  attempted  to  fire.  The  cap  exploded 
without  igniting  the  powder  in  the  barrel.  He  immediately 
drew  from  beneath  his  cloak  another,  which  he  had  held 
ready  cocked  in  his  left  hand,  and  pointing  as  before,  this  cap 
also  exploded*  without  firing  the  powder  in  the  barrel.  At 
this  moment  the  President  rushed  at  him  with  uplifted  cane  ; 
the  traitor  shrunk  back,  and  Lieutenant  G-edney,  of  the  navy, 
knocked  him  down.  He  was  secured  by  the  bystanders  and 
taken  before  Justice  Cranch,  who  committed  him  in  default  of 
bail.  His  name  proved  to  be  Richard  Lawrence,  an  English- 
man by  birth,  and  a  house-painter  by  trade.  The  pistols  were 
examined  and  found  loaded.  Caps  were  put  on  them,  and 
both  fired  without  fail,  the  balls  going  through  inch  boards 
thirty  feet  distant. 

The  friends  of  the  President  felt  it  to  be  a  grateful  interpo- 
sition of  the  Almighty.  All  looked  upon  his  escape  as  miracu- 
lous, having  its  origin  in  the  all-wise  providence  of  God. 
The  conduct  of  the  assassin  excited  and  surprised  every  one. 
The  boldness  of  the  undertaking  in  broad  daylight,  arid  in 
a  public  gathering,  was  all  weighed  and  turned  over.  The 
great  precaution  of  the  assassin  in  providing  two  pistols,  fear- 
ing one  might  fail,  was  argued  as  evidence  of  a  deep  laid 
plot.  Various  were  the  surmises,  and  finally  some  one  sug- 
gested that  he  must  be  insane.  At  this  suggestion  the  Mar- 
shal of  the  District  of  Columbia  called  a  council  of  physicians 
to  examine  and  report.  Drs.  Caussin  and  Sewell  were  the 


TRAITORS  IN   CONGRESS.  29 

men  selected.  They  made  the  examination,  and  concluded  not 
to  give  any  official  opinion,  but  to  make  their  report  on  ques- 
tions as  they  put  them,  and  the  answers  as  he  gave  them.  We 
give  a  few  of  the  questions  and  answers  to  show  the  leading 
features  of  his  mind. 

Q.  Did  any  one  advise  you  to  shoot  General  Jackson  ? 

A.  I  don't  like  to  say. 

Q.  Have  you  ever  been  in  Congress,  and  heard  the  mem- 
bers making  speeches  ? 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  How  did  you  like  the  speeches  of  Calhoun.  Clay  and 
Webster  ? 

A.  I  liked  them  well. 

Q.  Who  would  you  like  to  see  President  ? 

A.  Either  Calhoun,  Clay  or  Webster. 

Q.  Are  you  friendly  to  General  Jackson  ? 

A.  No. 

Q.  Why  not? 

A.  Because  he  is  a  tyrant. 

We  have  given  enough  of  this  report  to  show  that  this 
man,  whether  deranged  or  not,  had  strong  prejudices  against 
Jackson,  and  a  high  opinion  of  his  most  bitter  enemies  ;  using 
the  word  tyrant,  a  phrase  Calhoun  was  always  applying  to 
Jackson.  His  admiration  for  Calhoun  was  supposed  by  many 
to  be  caused  by  an  affinity  of  interest,  or  an  accidental  union 
of  feelings  of  revenge  against  a  common  foe. 

Whether  this  man  was  induced  to  attempt  to  murder  the 
President  by  listening  to  his  defamer  making  speeches  in 
the  Senate,  the  greatest  of  which  was  Calhoun,  or  whether  he 
was  secretly  hired  to  assassinate  him,  God  alone  can  deter- 
mine. 

There  is  no  doubt  but  the  death  of  Jackson  would  have 
been  received  by  Calhoun  as  the  tocsin  of  victory.  Add  to 
this  his  deep  and  long  seated  revenge,  and  you  have  two  very 
strong  motives  in  a  bad  man's  heart  to  commit  crime.  Either 
Lawrence's  intellect  was  weak,  and  the  storm  created  by  the 
slave  power  drove  him  to  attempt  the  crime,  or  he  was  se- 


30  .  DESPERATE   SCHEMES    OP 

cretly  hired  by  its  friends  to  do  it.  Either  one  would  fasten 
the  guilt  direct  or  remote  on  the  President's  defamers,  the 
principal  of  which  was  John  C.  Calhoun. 

We  can  not  dismiss  the  history  of  those  thrilling  events, 
without  giving  an  extract  from  Jackson's  Farewell  Address. 
As  putting  down  the  attempted  disolution  of  the  Union  was 
one  of  the  greatest  achievements  of  his  Administration,  he 
still  saw  that  a  new  effort  would  be  made.  He  says  :  "  What 
have  you  to  gain  by  division  and  dissolution  ?  Delude  not  your- 
selves with  the  belief  that  a  breach  once  made  may  be  after- 
wards repaired.  If  the  Union  is  once  severed,  the  line  of  sep- 
aration will  grow  wider,  and  the  controversies  that  are  now 
debated  and  settled  in  the  halls  of  legislation,  will  be  tried  on 
fields  of  battle,  and  determined  by  the  sword.  Neither  should 
you  deceive  yourselves  with  the  hope  that  the  line  of  separa- 
tion would  be  the  permanent  one,  and  that  nothing  but  har- 
mony and  concord  would  be  found  in  the  new  associations 
formed  on  the  disolution  of  the  Union." 

These  solemn  warnings  Jackson  left  to  the  nation,  just  be- 
fore quitting  office  arid  returning  to  his  home  to  die. 

The  storm  created  by  the  slave  power  during  Jackson's  Ad- 
ministration, had  become  lulled  to  a  calm.  Arkansas  and 
Michigan  had  both  been  admitted  into  the  Union  during  his 
term  of  office.  No  slave  territory  now  remained  to  be  formed 
into  slave  states  except  Florida. 

Martin  Van  Buren  was  inaugurated  President  on  the  4th 
of  March,  1837,  and  during  his  term  of  office  nothing  very  ex- 
citing took  place  concerning  slavery.  Its  friends  were  evi- 
dently recruiting  from  the  Waterloo  defeat  given  them  by 
Jackson,  but  had  not  yet  determined  on  the  mode  of  another 
attack. 

In  1839,  the  Hon.  Wm.  Slade  of  Vermont,  a  member  of  the 
Lower  House  of  Congress,  presented  petitions  from  his  con- 
stituents, praying  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District 
of  Columbia.  This  brought  down  the  ire  of  several  Southern 
members.  Among  them,  Wise  of  Virginia,  endeavored  to 
prevent  Slade  from  speaking  by  enforcing  parlimentary  rules, 


TRAITORS   IN   CONGRESS.  31 

alleging  that  he  was  out  of  order.  Finally,  after  repeated  ef- 
forts, a  vote  was  carried  to  adjourn,  sixty- three  members  vot- 
ing against  it.  Here,  Mr.  Campbell  of  South  Carolina,  jumped 
on  a  chair,  and  requested  all  members  from  slave  holding 
states  to  go  at  once  into  the  District  Committee  Room,  where 
a  meeting  was  being  organized. 

Rhett  of  South  Carolina,  wrote  to  the  Charleston  Mercury, 
declaring  that  the  Constitution  had  failed  to  protect  the  South 
in  her  rights,  and  advised  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  pro- 
posed that  two  persons  from  each  slave  state  should  meet  and 
report  on  the  best  means  peaceably  to  dissolve  the  Union. 
Although  six  years  had  hardly  passed  away  since  the  nullifi- 
cation defeat,  another  attempt  was  now  made  on  a  larger  scale. 
Mr.  Patter  of  Virginia,  became  the  pacifier  in  this  contro- 
versy, and  the  ire  of  South  Carolina  simmered  down. 

The  threatened  dissolution  of  the  Union  on  the  line  of 
slavery,  made  so  soon  after  the  defeat  of  the  effort  of  South 
Carolina,  convinced  the  thinking  men  of  all  parties  at  the 
North  that  nullification  was  not  dead,  but  sleepeth. 

About  this  time,  1838-9,  Mr.  Clay  made  a  speech  in  the 
Senate  against  agitating  the  slavery  question.  His  very 
speech  was  agitation,  for  he  could  not  help  but  know  that  any 
kind  of  agitation  was  death  to  slavery.  To  speak  in  its  favor 
is  an  insult  to  a  savage,  and  much  more  to  a  civilized  man, 
who  weighs  the  actions  of  men  and  governments  in  the  scale 
of  justice.  To  speak  against  it,  drags  the  hideous  outlaw  and 
criminal  from  his  dark  abode  into  the  light,  who,  to  be  hated, 
needs  only  to  be  seen.  It  was  in  that  speech  Clay  made  his 
famous  attack  on  Daniel  O'Connell,  the  Irish  liberator.  The 
latter  had  made  some  remarks  against  slavery  in  the  British 
House  of  Commons.  Mr.  Clay,  referring  to  that,  remarked  : 
"  that  he  regarded  his  speech  as  the  ravings  of  a  plunderer  of 
his  own  country,  and  the  vilifier  of  a  foreign  and  kindred 
people." 

The  political  horizon  about  this  time  looked  rather  hazy, 
although  there  was  no  appearance  of  an  immediate  storm. 
The  politicians  were  now  beginning  to  urge  the  claims  of  party 


32  DESPERATE  SCHEMES  OF 

favorites  whom  they  wish  to  become  presidential  candidates. 
Two  financial  crises  had  occurred — one  at  the  commence- 
ment, the  other  at  the  close  of  Mr.  Van  Bureii's  administra- 
tion. The  banks  in  the  different  States  had  become  so  crip- 
pled by  the  crisis,  that  they  joined  the  friends  of  the  United 
States  Bank,  and  both  charged  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  with  being  the  authors  of  all  the  financial  distress. 

The  Democrats  re-nominated  Martin  Van  Buren,  with  Rich- 
ard M.  Johnston  as  Vice  President,  for  a  second  term  ;  while 
the  Whigs  re-nominated  their  old  candidates  who  ran  in  1836, 
William  Henry  Harrison,  of  Ohio,  and  John  Tyler,  of  Vir- 
ginia, for  Vice  President.  Thus  the  presidential  aspirants 
for  the  election  of  1840  were  brought  into  the  field. 

The  banks,  as  before  stated,  made  common  cause  with  the 
Whig  party,  and  gave  their  undivided  support  to  secure  the 
election  of  Harrison  and  Tyler.  Financial  ruin  was  every- 
where evident ;  the  political  element  was  charged  with  na- 
tional discontent  •  the  people  themselves  had  resolved  upon 
a  change.  Add  to  this  state  of  things,  the  millions  of  money 
thrown  into  the  canvass  by  the  discontented  banks — it  made  this 
the  most  exciting  election  ever  witnessed.  When  the  campaign 
fairly  opened,  the  pressure  became  such  that  everything  gave 
way.  The  mechanics  forsook  their  workshops,  the  farmers  their 
plows,  to  join  the  electioneering  cavalcades  that  were  every- 
where to  be  met  moving  on  to  conventions.  The  thorough- 
fares were  crowded  with  processions  made  up  from  all  pro- 
fessions and  trades.  Mounted  on  long  coupled  wagons  could 
be  seen  on  his  seat  the  shoemaker,  with  his  awl  and  last,  at 
work  at  his  shoe  ;  the  tailor  down  on  his  bench,  plying 
his  needle  and  thread,  with  his  goose  by  his  side  ;  the  sadler 
at  work  at  his  tree  ;  the  harness-maker  at  his  trace  ;  the 
tinsmith  at  his  kettle  ;  and  the  blacksmith,  with  his  leather 
apron,  tongs  and  sledge,  at  work  on  his  anvil  ;  the  farmers, 
not  to  be  outdone,  were  there  with  their  threshing-floors  and 
help,  threshing  grain  with  their  old  Indian  flails  ;  the  pio- 
neer and  his  log  hut,  with  latch-strings  outside,  and  a  dog 
and  gun  in  position  within  ;  men  in  companies  of  fifty,  strip- 


TBAITOR8  IN   CONGRESS.  33 

ped  to  the  waist,  with  Indian  costumes,  having  long  black 
hair  hanging  down  to  the  waist,  with  quivers,  tomahawks, 
scalping-knives,  and  bow,  all  painted  and  mounted  on  horse- 
back, going  through  the  various  evolutions  of  Indian  warriors 
advancing  to  battle ;  add  to  this  their  hideous  yell,  accompanied 
with  the  ring  of  the  anvil  and  sound  of  the  flail,  the  sweet 
music  of  the  band,  and  still  sweeter  voice  of  lovely  women, 
joining  in  the  loud  chorus — 

"  We'll  just  take  a  cup  of  hard  cider, 
And  drink  to  old  Tippecanoe." 

Never  was  there  such  a  popular  uprising  of  the  people.  At 
Dayton,  Ohio,  a  convention  was  held  one  month  before  the 
presidential  election.  The  old  hero  of  Tippecanoe  was  there. 
The  crowd,  measured  by  the  acre,  by  competent  engineers, 
showed  one  hundred  thousand  people.  A  flag-pole  and  flag 
on  top  of  a  house  was  the  sign  for  free  lunch  within.  Eight 
hundred  poles  of  that  kind  were  counted.  Men  of  all  ages 
and  conditions  in  life  mingled  together  as  brethren  in^a  com- 
mon cause.  Old  grandmothers,  with  tottering  steps,  sup- 
ported by  buckeye  canes  ;  women  with  children  in  their  arms  ; 
young  misses  and  boys  jostling  about  as  the  great  crowd 
swayed  to  and  fro. 

The  election  over,  Harrison  got  two  hundred  and  thirty- 
four  electoral  votes.  Van  Buren  only  sixty. 

Thus  ended  one  of  the  greatest  political  excitements,  termi- 
nating peacefully,  that  ever  occurred  in  any  country.  The 
people  had  triumphed  in  electing  a  man  of  their  choice. 

The  day  of  political  intrigue  was  now  inaugurated.  In 
1838,  during  Van  Buren's  administration,  Mr.  Preston,  of 
South  Carolina,  had  proposed  the  annexation  of  Texas.  In 
his  speech  on  that  occasion  he  remarked :  "  The  treaty,  Mr. 
President,  of  1319  was  a  great  oversight  on  the  part  of  the 
Southern  States.  "We  went  into  it  blindly.  I  must  say  the 
great  importance  of  Florida,  to  which  the  public  mind  was 

strongly  awakened  at  that  time,  by  peculiar  circumstances, 

3 


34  DESPERATE   SCHEMES   OF 

led  us  precipitately  into  a  measure  by  which  we  threw  away 
a  gem  that  would  have  bought  ten  Floridas." 

Another  remark  in  Mr.  Preston's  speech  is  worthy  of  no- 
tice. Speaking  of  the  boundary  of  1819,  he  said,  "  It  places 
a  foreign  nation  on  the  rear  of  our  Mississippi  settlements, 
and  brings  it  within  a  stone's  throw  of  the  great  outlet  which 
discharges  the  commerce  of  the  Union." 

Although  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  the  slave  power  had  made 
friends,  and  South  Carolina  gave  him  the  first  electoral  vote 
she  had  given  to  any  President  for  twelve  years,  although 
there  was  strong  evidence  of  an  understanding,  neither  Mr. 
Preston's  speech,  nor  the  strong  arm  of  Executive  will,  could 
convince  the  Senate  that  while  Texas  was  at  war  with  Mex- 
ico the  proper  time  for  annexation  had  come.  By  annexing 
Texas,  we  annexed  war.  And  a  motion  to  lay  the  proposition 
on  the  table  prevailed  by  a  vote  of  24  to  14. 

The  annexation  of  Texas  now  became  the  great  scheme  of 
the  slave  power.  Originating  as  it  did  in  South  Carolina,  it 
came  into  the  national  councils  with  the  smell  of  treason.  Be- 
tween 1820  and  1830  nearly  three  hundred  families  from 
the  various  slave  States,  mostly  from  Louisiana,  had  received 
permission  from  Spain,  while  Spanish  authority  was  still 
maintained  in  Mexico,  to  settle  in  that  fertile  region,  under 
the  express  condition  that  they  should  submit  to  the  laws  of 
the  country.  In  the  meantime  Mexico  separated  from  Spain, 
and  immediately  passed  laws  abolishing  slavery  in  her  domin- 
ions, and  also  prohibiting  it  in  all  future  time.  This  the  new 
settlers  in  Texas  did  not  relish.  Backed  up  by  the  slave 
power  of  the  Southern  States,  a  great  number  of  lawless 
adventurers  from  the  border  slave  States  went  over  into 
Texas,  hatched  a  conspiracy,  and  organized  rebellion  against 
Mexico,  and,  with  a  population  of  less  than  twenty  thousand, 
declared  themselves  free.  Thus  war  between  Texas  and 
Mexico  was  commenced. 

There  was  no  more  slave  territory  belonging  to  the  United 
States,  except  Florida.  Mexico  had  abolished  slavery,  and 
passed  laws  prohibiting  it  forever.  The  growth  of  the  slave 


(Engraved  for  the  History  of  the  Plots  and  Crimes.) 


TRAITOKS  IN   CONGRESS.  35 

power  demanded  more  room.  The  General  Government  had 
no  territory  except  that  in  which  slavery  was  prohibited  by 
positive  enactment.  By  surveying  the  situation,  the  slave- 
holders and  nullifiers  of  South  Carolina  discovered  Texas. 
Tims  Mr.  Preston's  effort,  under  Yan  Buren's  Administration, 
to  annex  ;  also,  his  remarks  about  a  foreign  nation  being  placed 
in  the  rear  of  our  Mississippi  settlement,  hagl  a  double  mean- 
ing :  first,  they  were  foreign  because  it  belonged  to  Mexico ; 
second,  it  was  foreign  to  the  Mississippi  settlement  because 
they  were  slave,  and  Mexico  had  declared  Texas  free. 

Thus  the  greedy  slave  power,  with  an  appetite  not  to  be  ap- 
peased, stood  watching  its  chosen  victim  with  the  one  absorb- 
ing thought — how  can  I  secure  it.  It  was  at  this  interesting 
moment  that  General  Harrison  came  to  Washington  to  assume 
his  duties  as  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  nation.  Although  born 
in  a  slave  state,  still,  like  Jefferson,  he  was  opposed  to  slavery. 
As  soon  as  he  got  cleverly  warm  in  his  seat,  he  was  visited 
by  J.  C.  Calhoun  of  South  Carolina,  Messrs.  Gilmore  and  Up- 
shur  of  Virginia,  and  two  others,  whose  names  we  have  forgot- 
ten. These  five  men  had  the  interest  of  slavery  committed  to 
their  care,  and  the  object  of  their  visit  to  the  President  was 
to  ascertain  his  views  about  annexing  Texas.  This  interview 
took  place  in  the  President's  reception  room.  After  passing 
the  usual  compliments  of  the  day,  Calhoun  became  the  spokes- 
man. He  said : 

"  General,  the  subject  of  annexation,  I  believe,  like  a  mo- 
tion to  adjourn,  is  always  in  order.  The  object  of  our  visit 
is  to  ascertain  your  views  concerning  the  annexation  of  Texas." 
To  which  General  Harrison  made  the  following  reply  :  that 
he  had  not  given  the  subject  that  attention  it  deserved  ;  there- 
fore he  could  not  speak  positively  as  to  what  policy  he  would 
pursue.  But  he  could  say  this  much — if  Texas  had  her  in- 
dependence acknowledgd  by  Mexico,  then,  under  certain  con- 
ditions, he  would  favor  annexation. 

This  was  about  all  that  passed  on  that  subject  at  that  in- 
terview, and  the  Southern  gentlemen  retired.  They  did  not 
even  ask  the  General  what  these  conditions  were.  He  had 


36  DESPERATE   SCHEMES   OP 

said  sufficient  to  satisfy  them  that  he  was  not  the  man  to  carry 
out  their  plot,  with  such  men  as  Webster  and  Evving  in  his 
Cabinet.  Their  success  was  next  to  impossible.  Then  for 
the  next  best  thing.  They  had  staked  all  their  hopes  on  get- 
ting back  Texas.  The  South  was  perishing  for  the  want  of 
more  slave  territory,  and  the  defeat  of  Van  Buren  by  Harri- 
son was  now  about  to  prevent  their  success.  They  immedmtely 
went  to  see  John  Tyler  at  his  own  home  in  Virginia,  and 
after  explaining  every  thing  to  him,  he  agreed  to  the  great 
necessity  of  securing  Texas  at  once,  and  at  all  hazards  ;  but 
I  am  powerless,  says  Tyler.  I  will  leave  the  management  of  the 
matter  with  you.  If  I  should  ever  become  President  I  would 
exert  the  entire  influence  of  that  office  to  accomplish  the  object. 

This  was  joyful  news.  They  had  found  the  right  man,  and 
only  one  thing  was  wanting  to  get  him  in  the  right  place. 
President  Harrison  was  near  seventy  years  old,  and  a  little 
would  suffice  to  put  him  aside.  He  had  already  lived  to  a 
good  old  age,  and  received  many  honors.  "  He  can  not,  in  the 
course  of  nature,  live  but  a  short  time  longer.  He  is  sur- 
rounded by  a  bad  set  of  men  who  will  do  all  they  can  to  de- 
feat our  darling  annexation  scheme.  We  can  not  get  rid  of 
them  without  we  first  get  rid  of  the  old  man  himself.  They 
determined  rather  than  be  defeated  to  murder  the  President." 

On  the  17th  of  March  the  Chief  Magistrate  issued  a  Proc-. 
lamation  convening  Congress  in  extraordinary  session  for  the 
31st  of  May  ensuing.  He  was  enjoying  his  usual  good  health. 
"  Thus,"  says  Mr.  Benton,  "  President  Harrison  did  not  live  to 
meet  the  Congress  which  he  had  thus  convoked.  Short  as  the 
time  was  that  he  had  fixed  for  its  meeting,  his  own  time  on 
earth  was  still  shorter.  In  the  last  days  of  March  he  was 
taken  ill.  On  the  4th  day  of  April  he  was  dead.  TJiere  was 
no  failure  of  health  or  strength  to  indicate  such  an  event,  or  to 
excite  apprehensions  that  he  would  -not  go  through  his  term  with 
the  vigor  he  had  commenced  it.  His  attack  was  sudden  and  evi- 
dently fatal  from  the  commencement." — Benton's  Thirty  Years, 
Vol.  II,  210. 

Mr.  Benton  evidently  intended  the  above  remarks  to  con- 


TRAITORS  IN   CONGRESS.  37 

vey  to  posterity  that  General  Harrison  did  not  die  of  natural 
disease — no  failure  of  health  or  strength  existed — but  some- 
thing sudden  and  fatal.  He  did  not  die  of  Apoplexy  ;  that 
is  a  disease.  But  arsenic  would  produce  a  sudden  effect,  and 
it  would  also  be  fatal  from  the  commencement.  This  is  the 
chief  weapon  of  the  medical  assassin.  Oxalic  acid,  prucic 
acid,  or  salts  of  strychnine,  would  be  almost  instant  death,  and 
would  give  but  little  advantage  for  escape  to  the  murderer. 
Therefore  his  was  not  a  case  of  acute  poisoning,  when  death 
takes  place  almost  instantaneously,  but  of  chronic,  where  the 
patient  dies  slowly.  He  lived  about  six  days  after  he  re- 
ceived the  drug. 

By  referring  to  the  Boston  Medical  and  Surgical  Journal, 
Vol.  XXV,  1841,  it  will  be  seen,  that  his  case  was  at  first  con- 
sidered complicated  Pneumonia,  but  terminated  in  gastro  in- 
testinal irritation  or  inflammation,  resulting  in  death  in  a  tittle 
over  four  days  from  the  time  of  the  attack.  The  circum- 
stances which  surrounded  the  illness  of  president  Harrison 
were  such  as  to  preclude  all  apprehensions  of  his  physicians 
of  any  but  natural  causes  for  his  sickness  ;  yet  let  us  con- 
sider how  similar  are  the  symptoms  of  certain  poisons,  and 
the  causes  of  natural  disease,  or  disease  from  poisons  that 
the  best  physicians  may  commit  an  error  in  their  diagnosis, 
and  not  only  fail  to  suspect  the  existence  of  poisons,  but 
even  prescribe  and  administer  the  established  remedies, 
which  only  augment  the  difficulty,  and,  render  the  action  of 
these  poisons  certainly  fatal,  as -will  be  seen  by  referring  to 
Taylor  on  Poisons,  page  107  :  "  To  the  practitioner  the  diag- 
nosis of  a  case  of  poisoning  is  of  great  importance,  as  by 
mistaking  the  symptoms  produced  by  a  poison  for  those  aris- 
ing from  natural  disease,  he  may  omit  to  employ  the  reme- 
dial measures  which  have  been  found  efficacious  in  counter- 
acting its  effects,  and  thus  lead  to  the  certain  death  of  a  patient." 

Again,  the  same  author,  on  the  same  page,  says  that  if  pot- 
sons  are  taken  in  large  doses,  and  the  person  is  in  health, 
"  the  symptoms  appear  suddenly." 

Again,  on  the  same  page  : 


38  DESPERATE  SCHEMES   OP 

"  It  is  very  true  that  these  powerful  agents,  given  at  inter- 
vals in  small  doses,  do  not  cause  those  striking  symptoms 
upon  which  a  practitioner  commonly  relies  as  evidence  of 
poisoning.  They  may  then  produce  disorder,  but  of  so  slight 
a  nature  as  scarcely  to  excite  suspicion.  In  fact,  under  these 
circumstances,  the  symptoms  often  so  closely  resemble  those 
of  disease,  that  an  experienced  practitioner  may  be  easily 
mistaken  respecting  their  origin,  especially  when  no  circum- 
stances exist  to  create  the  least  suspicion  of  criminality  on 
the  part  of  relatives  and  others  around  the  patient.  Arsenic 
given  in  small  doses,  at  long  intervals,  has  thus  occasioned 
symptoms  resembling  those  which  depend  on  chronic  disease 
of  the  stomach.  After  repeated  attacks  and  recoveries,  sus- 
picion may  be  completely  disarmed.  Among  several  cases  of 
this  kind  which  have  been  referred  to  me  for  investigation, 
was  one  in  which  it  was  alleged  that  a  farmer,  in  one  of  the 
midland  counties,  had  been  poisoned  two  years  before  by  his 
housekeeper,  who  was  a  respectable  person,.and  most  atten- 
tive to  him  as  a  nurse  during  his  illness.  He  had  been  at- 
tacked at  intervals  with  vomiting  and  other  signs  of  disorder 
of  the  stomach  about  three  months  before  his  death,  but  re- 
covered under  medical  treatment.  About  eight  days  before 
his  death  the  symptoms  recurred  with  greater  violence  than 
ever,  and  he  sank  under  them.  They  were  referred  to  ulcer- 
ation  of  the  stomach,  so  closely  did  they  resemble  those  of 
disease.  As  there  was  no  suspicion  of  poison,  the  body  was 
not  examined  ;  and  nothing  would  have  been  known  respect- 
ing the  real  cause  of  death,  but  for  a  statement  made  two 
years  afterwards,  by  the  housekeeper,  that  she  had  on  two 
occasions  administered  to  her  master  small  doses  of  arsenic, 
and  the  last,  probably  from  its  being  larger  than  the  first, 
had  occasioned  death.  In  the  case  of  Reg.  v.  Wooler  (Dur- 
ham Winter  Assizes,  1855),  it  was  proved  that  the  deceased 
had  been  laboring  under  symptoms  of  poisoning  by  arsenic, 
for  a  period  of  about  six  weeks  before  her  death.  The  symp- 
toms showed  that  she  must  have  received  the  poison  at  dif- 
ferent periods  in  small  doses.  At  first  they  were  referred  to 


\  .    _. 

TRAITORS   IN   CONGRESS.  39 

disease.  It  was,  however,  their  continuance  and  their  occa- 
sional violent  recurrence  in  spite  of  treatment,  that  induced  a 
suspicion  of  poisoning,  which  was  confirmed  by  a  chemical 
examination  of  the  urine,  and  subsequently  of  the  body." 

From  the  foregoing  quotations  it  will  be  seen  how  natural 
it  was  for  any  physician  to  have  been  mistaken  in  the  case  ; 
and  supposing  this  to  be  true,  it  is  very  evident  that  the  rem- 
edies used  in  the  case,  being  what  Dr.  Taylor  calls  irritants, 
such  as  mercury  and  antimony,  and  capable  of  augmenting 
the  difficulty  and  adding  to  a  condition  already  established, 
the  cause  of  which  not  being  suspected  could  only  be  followed 
by  the  fatal  result.  On  page  109,  the  same  author  says : 
"  A  diseased  state  of  the  body  may  render  a  person  compar- 
atively unsusceptible  of  the  actions  of  some  poisons,  while  in 
other  instances  it  may  increase  their  action  and  render  them 
fatal  in  small  doses."  Again,  on  the  same  page,  he  says  :  "  In 
certain  diseased  states  of  the  system,  there  is  an  increased 
susceptibility  to  the  action  of  poison,  or  what  is  termed  intol- 
erance of  certain  drugs.  Ordinary  medicinal  doses  may  in 
such  cases  exert  a  poisonous  action.  Thus,  in  persons  who 
have  a  tendency  to  apoplexy,  a  small  dose  of  opium  may  act 
more  quickly  and  prove  fatal.  In  one  laboring  under  inflam- 
mation of  the  stomach  or  bowels,  there  would  be  an  increased 
susceptibility  of  the  action  of  arsenic,  or  other  irritants." 

Supposing  the  fatal  agent  used  to  have  been  arsenic,  the 
use  of  mercury  and  antimony  in  his  case  certainly  would  come 
under  the  last  considerations,  "  irritants,"  and  cause  an  in- 
crease of  the  difficulty,  and  transfer  the  disease  to  the  stomach 
and  bowels.  The  whole  class  of  symptoms  of  active  diseases 
of  the  stomach  and  bowels,  are  closely  allied  to  diseases  pro- 
duced by  poisons  of  this  class  ;  and  in  almost  every  instance 
may  be  mistaken,  as  quoted  above,  for  natural  diseases.  Such 
was  the  fact  in  the  case  of  General  Harrison  ;  and  under 
circumstances  that  would  entirely  exempt  hia  physicians 
from  blame  or  censure  for  any  failure  in  diagnosis,  or  the 
administration  of  irritants  in  the  treatment ;  such  remedies 
being  according  to  standard  authority  in  his  supposed  disease  ; 


40  DESPERATE   SCHEMES   OF 

while  they  are  never  recommended  when  poisons  of  the  same 
kind  are  already  in  the  system.  As  this  case  changed  so  much 
from  the  beginning,  it  is  almost  certain  that  the  irritants  used 
in  the  case  fully  developed  the  effect  of  the  arsenic  whicli 
he  had  taken,  and  resulted  as  above  stated. 

Dr.  Taylor,  on  page  123,  says  :  "  The  diseases,  the  symp- 
toms of  which  resemble  those  produced  by  irritant  poisonsr 
are  cholera,  gastritis,  enteritis,  gastro-enteritis,  peritonitis, 
perforation  of  the  stomach  or  intestines,  strangulated  hernia, 
colic,  and  haematemesis."  He  further  adds,  page  125  :  "  Gas- 
tritis, Enteritis,  Gastro-enteritis,  Peritonitis.  —  These  diseases 
do  not  commonly  occur  without  some  obvious  cause  ;  in- 
deed, the  two  first,  in  the  acute  form,  must  be  regarded  as 
the  direct  results  of  irritant  poisoning.  Thus  arsenic  and  other 
irritants,  when  they  prove  fatal,  commonly  give  rise  to  inflam- 
mation of  the  stomach  and  bowels.  In  all  cases  in  which  these 
diseases  present  themselves,  the  object  of  a  practitioner  is,  there- 
fore,. to  determine  the  cause  of  the  inflammation,  whether  it  be 
due  to  natural  disease,  or  the  action  of  an  irritant  poison." 

With  these  facts,  and  the  quoted  authority,  can  any  one 
doubt  that  General  Harrison  was  poisoned,  and  also  that  his 
physicians  overlooked  the  true  nature  of  the  malady.  The 
attending  physicians,  Drs.  May  and  Miller,  supposed  he 
died  of  billious  pleurisy.  His  death  occurred  at  half  past 
12  o'clock  at  night,  Saturday,  April  3d,  1841.  About  noon  it 
was  supposed  he  was  getting  better,  but  at  8  o'clock  the  symp- 
toms became  more  violent,  and-  at  sundown  his  entire  Cabinet 
t  Officers  were  informed  that  the  symptoms  were  such  that  it 
was  evident  he  must  die. 

All  this  time  John  Tyler  was  absent,  at  home  on  his  farm  in 
.Virginia.  Fletcher  Webster,  Chief  Clerk  in  the  State  De- 
partment, was  immediately  dispatched  to  Virginia,  to  inform 
-Tyler  of  the  event  ;  and  on  th  4th,  the  following  official  an- 
.joouncement  was  made  : 


OF  WASHINGTON,  April  4th,  1841. 
•  "  An  all  wise  Providence  having  suddenly  removed  from 


TRAITORS   IN   CONGRESS.  41 

this  life,  William  Henry  Harrison,  late  President  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  we  have  thought  it  our  duty,  in  the  recess  of  Con- 
gress, and  in  the  absence  of  the  Vice  President  from  the  seat 
of  Government,  to  make  this  afflicting  bereavement  known  to 
the  country,  fey  this  declaration  under  our  hands. 

"  He  died  at  the  President's  House,  in  this  city,  4th  day  of 
April,  A.  D.,  1841,  at  thirty  minutes  before  1  o'clock  in  the 
morning.  The  people  of  the  United  States,  overwhelmed, 
like  ourselves,  by  an  event  so  unexpected,  and  so  melancholy, 
will  derive  consolation  from  knowing  that  his  death  was  calm 
and  resigned,  as  his  life  has  been  patriotic,  useful,  and  dis- 
tinguished ;  and  that  the  last  utterance  of  his  lips  expressed 
a  fervent  desire  for  the  perpetuity  of  the  Constitution  and 
the  preservation  of  its  true  principles.  In  death,  as  well  as  in 
life,  the  happiness  of  his  country  was  uppermost  in  his \houghts. 
[Signed,]  "DANIEL  WEBSTER,  Secretary  of  State. 

"THOMAS  EWING,  Secretary  of  the  Treas. 

"JOHN  BELL,  Secretary  of  War. 

"  J.  J.  CRITTENDEN,  Attorney  General. 

"FRANCIS  GRANGER, Post-Master  General" 

On  the  9th  of  April,  Tyler  issued  an  address  to  the  people. 
Among  other  things,  he  said  :  "  That  for  the  first  time  in  our 
history,  the  person  elected  to  the  Vice  Presidency  of  the 
United  States,  by  the  happening  of  a  contingency  provided  in 
the  Constitution,  has  had  devolved  upon  him  the  Presidential 
office."  (He  must  have  felt  keenly  the  sense  of  guilt  that  he 
deserved,  and  would  receive  the  reproach  of  his  countrymen 
when  he  penned  the  following  sentence.)  The  spirit  of  faction, 
which  is  directly  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  lofty  patriotism,  may 
find  it  the  occasion  for  assaults  upon  my  Administration." 

Thomas  Benton  remarks  :  "  Little  did  he  think  when  he 
wrote  the  above  sentence,  that  within  three  short  months, 
within  less  time  than  a  Commercial  Bill  of  Exchange  has  to 
run,  the  great  party  which  had  elected  him,  and  the  Cabinet 
Officers  should  be  united  in  that  assault,  and  should  lead  the 
van  of  public  outcry  against  him." 


42  DESPERATE  SCHEMES   OP 

Betraying  and  deceiving  friends,  formed  the  leading  traits 
of  his  character.  By  this  course  he  became  extremely  unpopu- 
lar. The  number  of  Cabinent  Officers  appointed  by.  Presi- 
dents holding  only  one  term,  run  thus  :  John  Adams,  12  ; 
John  Quincey  Adams  7  ;  Van  Buren  10  ;  Polk  9  ;  Pillmore 
11  ;  Pierce  7  ;  Buchanan  8  ;  John  Tyler  21.  This  outnum- 
bered any  of  the  two-term  Presidents.  Jackson,  during  the 
stormy  times  of  both  his  Administrations,  only  had  19.  If  Ty- 
ler had  served  two  terms  at  the  same  ratio,  he  would  have 
had  42. 

Thus  ends  the  account  of  the  campaign  and  election  ;  also 
of  the  mysterious  and  sudden  death  of  President  Harrison. 
We  now  propose  to  show  more  fully  the  motives  that  induced 
his  murder,  by  following  up  the  assassins  in  the  future  devel- 
opment of  their  plot. 

We  mentioned  in  the  preceding  pages  that  five  Southern 
men  had  visited  the  President  shortly  after  he  took  his  seat. 
We  gave  the  names  of  three — Calhoun,  Gilmore  and  Upshur 
— the  latter  two  from  Virginia.  There  were  two  others  in 
company,  but  their  names  have  slipped  our  memory.  These 
gentlemen,  after  having  the  conversation  with  President  Har- 
rison, went  directly  to  Richmond,  Va.,  and  from  there  to  the 
Vice  President  John  Tyler's  house.  They  there  addressed 
him,  as  a  Southern  man,  and  wanted  to  get  his  views  on  the 
annexation  of  Texas.  We  do  not  pretend  to  give  the  precise 
words  of  their  two  days'  entertainment  ;  only  to  demonstrate 
to  the  world  that  political  intrigue  and  secret  assassination 
were  unanimously  agreed  upon,  and  afterwards  successfully 
carried  out. 

Harrison  was  to  be  secretly  put  out  of  the  way,  so  that  John 
Tyler  would  become  the  Constitutional  President.  To  reward 
those  who  dyed  their  hands  in  his  innocent  blood,  Tyler  sol- 
emnly agreed  to  betray  the  party  that  elected  him,  and  for- 
ever turn  his  back  on  its  men  and  its  measures  ;  and  call,  as 
his  Cabinet  advisers,  the  identical  men  who,  by  foul  murder, 
had  placed  him  in  the  Presidential  Chair.  It  was  not  the 


TRAITORS  IN   CONGRESS.  43 

Democratic  Party  that  Tyler  had  made  an  alliance  with,  but 
it  was  with  the  nullifiers  and  secessionists  ;  men  who,  in  the 
interests  of  slavery,  had  secretly  sworn  to  devote  their  whole 
lives  to  accomplish  the  destruction  of  the  Federal  Union. 

The  Whig  Party  very  soon  discovered  that  Tyler  had  turned 
his  back  on  its  policy;  and  on  the  llth  day  of  September, 
1841,  Senator  Dixon  of  Rhode  Island,  and  Jeremiah  Morrow 
of  Ohio,  both  venerable  with  age,  were  appointed  Presidents 
of  a  meeting  held  by  the  Whig  Members  of  Congress.  They 
issued  what  they  termed  a  manifesto,  renouncing  said  John 
Tyler.  We  copy  the  following  : 

"  That  he  might  be  able  to  divert  the  policy  of  his  Admin- 
istration into  a  channel  which  should  lead  to  new  political 
combinations,  and  accomplish  results  which  must  overthrow 
the  present  division  of  parties  in  the  country,  and  finally  pro- 
duce a  state  of  things  which  those  who  elected  him,  at  least, 
never  contemplated."  Again  :.  "He  has  violently  separated  him- 
self from  those  by  whose  exertions  and  suffrages  he  was  elected 
to  that  office,  through  which  he  reached  his  present  exalted 
situation.  The  existence  of  this  unnatural  relation  is  as  extra- 
ordinary as  the  announcement  of  it  is  painful  and  mortifying." 

On  the  same  day  of  the  manifesto,  his  Cabinet  officers,  all 
except  Webster,  resigned.  He  waited  a  short  time  to  en- 
deavor to  effect  a  union  of  the  Whig  Party,  by  which  he  said 
he  meant  the  Whig  President,  Whig  Congress,  and  whig  Peo- 
ple. But  Mr.  Webster's  stay  was  short. 

This  was  what  Tyler  had  been  wishing  for  weeks — we 
mean  the  breaking  up  of  the  Cabinet.  It  gave  him  a  chance 
to  form  a  new  one.  He  feels  his  way  carefully,  and  only  at 
the  first  selection  brings  in  two  of  the  secret  cabal,  as  Henry 
Clay  termed  it — Alexander  P.  Upshur  and  Thomas  W.  Gil- 
more.  Virginians.  Both  of  these  men  had  visited  him  at  his 
house  in  Virginia,  before  General  Harrison  was  poisoned. 
Thus  Tyler  was  fulfilling  his  part  of  the  contract  with  fidelity. 
Webster  having  remained  longer  than  he  was  wanted  as  Sec- 
retary of  State,  had  to  be  removed.  Abruptness  would  have 
carried  suspicion.  Therefore,  says  Mr.  Benton,  a  middle 


44  DESPERATE  SCHEMES   OP 

course  was  adopted,  the  same  which  had  been  practiced 
with  others  in  1841 — that  of  compelling  a  resignation.  Mr. 
Tyler  became  reserved  and  indifferent  to  him.  Mr.  Gilmore 
and  Mr.  Upshur,  with  whom  he  had  few  affinities,  took  but  little 
pains  to  conceal  their  distaste  for  him.  It  was  evident  to  him, 
when  the  Cabinet  met,  that  he  was  one  too  many.  Reserve 
and  distrust  were  visible  both  in  the  President  and  the  Vir- 
ginia part  of  his  Cabinet.  Mr.  Webster  felt  it,  and  mentioned 
it  to  some  of  his  friends.  They  advised  him  to  resign.  He 
did  so,  and  the  resignation  was  accepted  with  alacrity,  which 
showed  it  was  waited  for.  Mr.  Upshur  took  his  place,  and 
quickly  the  Texas  negotiation,  became  official,  though  still 
private  ;  and  in  the  appointment  and  immediate  opening  of 
Texas  negotiation  stood  confessed  the  true  reason  for  getting 
rid  of  Mr.  Webster. — 2d  vol.  Benton,  30  yrs.  pp.  562. 

As  we  before  stated,  the  object  of  the  conspiracy,  which 
terminated  in  the  murder  of  President  Harrison,  was  to  se- 
cure the  annexation  of  Texas  as  an  outlet  for  slavery.  The 
crime  they  had  committed  was  so  horrible,  that  the  revenge 
of  Almighty  God  soon  overtook  them.  On  the  28th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1844,  a  very  large  gun  on  board  of  the  Princeton  was 
to  be  fired  as  an  experiment.  Many  persons  went  on  board  to 
witness  it,  among  whom  were  the  two  Cabinet  officers,  Mr.  Gil- 
more  and  Mr.  Upshur.  The  vessel  had  proceeded  down  the 
Potomac  below  the  Tomb  of  Washington,  and  at  4  o'clock 
in  the  evening,  when  returning,  it  was  determined  to  fire  the 
gun  once  more.  Lieutenant  Hunt  having  charge,  the  guests 
were  feasting  at  the  table,  when  the  word  came  that  the  gun 
was  to  be  fired  again.  They  all  rushed  out  to  see.  President 
Tyler  also  being  on  board,  was  called  back  by  some  one,  while 
his  Cabinet  favorites  walked,  as  it  were,  right  into  the  jaws 
of  death.  The  great  gun  exploded,  killing  only  five  persons 
out  of  the  great  number.  Among  the  five  were  Gilmore  and 
Upshur.  Tyler  was  saved  from  the  same  fate  by  being  called 
back  to  the  other  end  of  the  vessel.  Kennon,  Marcey,  and 
Mr.  Gardener  of  New  York,  (who  would  have  been  father-in- 
law  to  John  Tyler,)  were  the  other  three  killed. 


TRAITORS  IN   CONGRESS.  45 

Sufficient  of  God's  displeasure,  one  would  suppose,  had  been 
witnessed  to  induce  this  bad  man  to  stop.  But  no  ;  the  very 
prince  of  Nullifiers,  the  deadly  foe  of  the  National  Govern- 
ment and  peace  of  the  country — the  sworn  enemy  of  Free- 
dom, and  champion  of  Slavery — the  secret  mover  of  the  at- 
tempted assassination  of  President  Jackson,  and  poisoning  of 
President  Harrison — John  C.  Calhoun,  was  chosen  Secretary 
of  State,  and  John  Y.  Mason  of  Virginia,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  1 

Tyler's  Cabinet  was  now  gathered  entirely  from  the  slave 
States,  except  William  Wilkins  of  Pennsylvania.  He  had 
what  the  South  called  a  reliable  Cabinet ;  one  that  would  go 
all  lengths,  and  stop  at  nothing,  to  execute  swiftly  the  will  of 
the  slave  power. 

The  ultimate  object  of  the  plot,  of  which  the  poisoning  of 
General  Harrison  only  served  as  a  means  to  carry  out,  re- 
mained yet  to  be  accomplished.  The  scheme  was  hatched 
in  South  Carolina  during  Van  Buren's  term  of  office ;  and  was 
the  idea  of  getting  more  slave  territory,  through  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas.  These  bad  men  now  pursued  that  object  with 
a  step  as  sure  as  time.  A  meeting  was  called  in  May,  1844, 
at  Ashby,  Barnwell  district,  South  Carolina.  The  following 
is  a  part  of  the  fourth  resolution  passed  at  that  meeting : 
"  That  the  alternative  be  presented  to  the  free  States,  either 
to  admit  Texas  into  the  Union,  or  to  peaceably  and  calmly  ar- 
range the  terms  of  a  dissolution  of  the  Union." 

At  another  meeting,  at  Beaufort,  same  State,  and  about  the 
same  time,  one  of  the  resolutions  was  as  follows  :  "  If  Texas 
is  not  annexed,  we  solemnly  announce  to  the  world,  that  we 
will  dissolve  this  Union  sooner  than  abandon  Texas. 

In  the  Williamsburg  district,  same  State,  another  meeting 
was  held.  One  resolution  says :  "  We  hold  it  to  be  better, 
and  more  to  the  interest  of  the  South  and  southern  portion  of 
this  Confederacy,  to  be  out  of  the  Union  with  Texas,  than  in 
it  without  her." 

The  reader  can  see  by  the  foregoing  extracts  the  dispo- 
sition of  the  slaveholders  of  South  Carolina.  "  Texas,  or  dis- 
union I'1  was  the  cry.  The  slave  power  had,  by  the  foul  deed 


46  DESPERATE   SCHEMES   OP 

of  murder,  got  control  of  the  National  Government ;  a  slave- 
holding  President ;  a  slaveholding  Cabinet,  except  one.  It 
only  remained  for  South  Carolina,  by  threats  of  disunion,  to 
control  Congress.  Thus  the  bill  to  annex  Texas  to  the  Union, 
while  she  was  still  at  war  with  Mexico,  was  forced  upon  Con- 
gress by  the  slave  power.  The  bill  passed  the  House  by  23 
majority,  but  would  have  been  defeated  in  the  Senate  if  it 
had  not  been  for  the  treachery  of  Calhoun  and  John  Tyler. 
Five  votes  were  secured  by  fraud. 

Thus  speaks  Mr.  Benton,  (who  was  himself  in  favor  of  an- 
nexation, but  not  by  fraud  :)  "  He,  the  then  Secretary  of  State, 
the  present  Senator  from  South  Carolina,  to  whom  I  address 
myself,  did  it  on  Sunday,  the  second  day  of  March  ;  that  day 
which  preceded  the  last  day  of  his  authority  ;  and  on  that  day, 
sacred  to  peace,  the  Council  sat  that  acted  on  the  resolution  ; 
and  in  the  darkness  of  a  night  howling  with  storm  and  bat- 
tling with  the  elements,  as  if  heaven  frowned  on  the  audacious 
act,  the  fatal  messenger  was  sent  off  who  carried  the  selected 
resolutions  to  Texas.  The  exit  of  the  Secretary  from  office, 
and  the  start  of  the  messenger  from  Washington  should  be 
remembered  together." 

Texas  was  admitted,  and  all  the  consequences  of  admission 
were  incurred  :  war — the  state  of  war — was  established.  With 
force  did  Benton  remark,  "  As  Helen  was  the  cause  of  the 
Trojan,  a-nd  Antony  the  cause  of  the  Roman  civil  war,  and 
Lord  North  made  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  just  so  certainly 
is  John  C.  Calhoun  the  author  of  the  present  war  between 
the  United  States  and  Mexico." 

What  could  be  expected  of  an  Administration  that  secured 
its  power  by  foul  treachery  and  secret  murder.  Tyler  betrays 
the  party  who  elected  him.  Having  dyed  his  hands  in  inno- 
cent blood,  he  could  not  bear  the  company  of  the  dead  man's 
friends  ;  even  the  principles  that  his  victim  had  labored  so 
many  long  years  to  carry  out,  he  threw  aside  and  tram- 
pled with  disdain  under  his  unholy  and  blood-stained  feet. 
The  annals  of  the  world  might  be  searched  in  vain  for  such  ar  F 
villain.  The  man  on  whose  popularity  he  had  been  exalted 


TRAITORS  IN   CONGRESS.  47 

to  high  position,  he  reached  up  to,  and  stabbed.  Well  might 
Henry  Clay  say,  speaking  of  Tyler :  "  That  he  contemplated 
the  death  of  General  Harrison  with  mingled  emotions  of  grief, 
of  patriotism,  and  gratitude — above  all,  of  gratitude !" 

He  betrayed  his  party  and  country,  and  at  last  human  na- 
ture— by  practising  a  cheat  on  a  mighty  nation,  bringing  on  a 
useless  and  bloody  war,  for  the  sole  and  only  purpose  of  ex- 
tending human  slavery. 

War  existed  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico, 
brought  about  by  the  foul  administration  of  John  Tyler,  in  an- 
nexing Texas.  Henry  Clay  and  Theodore  Frelinghuysen, 
in  favor  of  a  protective  Tariff,  were  the  Whig  candidates  ; 
and  James  K.  Polk  and  George  M.  Dallas  were  the  Demo- 
cratic, and  successful  candidates.  They  went  in  favor  of  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  and  received  170  electoral  votes,  while 
Mr.  Clay  got  105.  Eight  slave  States  gave  their  electoral 
votes  to  Polk,  and  five  in  favor  of  Mr.  Cla}^. 

James  K.  Polk,  the  newly  elected  President,  came  to  Wash- 
ington and  took  his  seat  on  the  4th  of  March,  1845.  The 
chief  business  of  his  administration  was  to  recognize  the  war, 
and  prosecute  it  with  vigor  to  a  successful  termination.  Al- 
though originating  and  existing  in  the  preceding  administra- 
tion, it  was  not  declared  by  act  of  Congress  until  the  13th  of 
May,  1846.  And  it  was  not  until  the  beginning  of  February, 
1848,  that  it  was  brought  to  a  close. 

The  terms  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  as  made  by  Mr.  Trist, 
the  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States,  with  the  Mexican 
Government,  included  New  Mexico  and  Upper  California, 
with  the  Lower  Rio  Grande,  from  its  mouth  to  El  Paso,  taken 
as  the  boundary  of  Texas.  These  were  the  acquisitions,  for 
which  the  United  States  agreed  to  pay  to  Mexico  fifteen  mil- 
lions of  dollars,  in  five  instalments,  annually  after  the  first. 
The  claims  of  American  citizens  against  Mexico  were  to  be 
assumed  by  the  United  States,  limited  to  three  and  a  quarter 
millions  of  dollars.*  Thus  terminated  the  war  with  Mexico, 

*  The  use  of  this  money  laid  the  foundation  of  the  once  vast  fortune  of  Cor- 
coran, the  well-known  banker,  traitor,  and  fugitive. 


48  DESPERATE  SCHEMES   OP 

the  great  outlay  of  treasure  by  the  General  Government,  with 
the  immense  loss  of  life,  including  many  of  its  best  citizens. 
Eighteen  millions  and  a  quarter  was  no  small  sum.  Jeffer- 
son only  paid  fifteen  millions  for  Louisiana  ;  and  all  the  fore- 
going territory  could  have  been  acquired  from  Mexico  in 
treating  her  respectfully  for  boundaries  for  even  less  than 
fifteen  millions.  Add  to  that  the  expense  of  a  two  year's  war, 
and  altogether  it  amounts  to  over  $200,000,000. 

Thus  ended  the  annexation  scheme.  As  it  was  hatched 
to  get  more  slave  territor}7",  commenced  by  individual  assas- 
sination, and  ending  in  war,  it  was  pursued  from  the  begin- 
ning with  a  villainy  which  crime  alone  can  excite. 

We  must  now  take  a  view  of  the  situation  of  parties.  The 
slave  and  free  States  were  now  equal  in  number,  and  it  was 
impossible  to  get  one  lone  State  admitted,  as  that  would  give 
a  majority  to  one  or  other  of  the  parties  ;  but  by  coupling 
two  together,  which  had  previously  been  done  with  Arkansas 
and  Michigan,  when  one  was  slave  and  the  other  free, 
they  went  in  with  a  "  rush."  This  worked  so  well  before, 
that  it  was  thought  that,  like  bears  in  couples  agree,  Florida 
and  Iowa  would  make  a  good  pair,  since  they  represented  the 
two  great  principles  of  state.  If  they  had  been  both  black, 
or  unfortunately  both  white,  all  would  have  been  in  vain. 
But  when  there  was  one  of  each  color,  they  were  admitted 
out  of  kindness,  as  lovers  together.  By  this  double  process 
it  kept  the  slave  and  free  States  always  equal  in  number : 
but  the  annexation  of  Texas  had  brought  in  a  large  amount 
of  new  territory.  The  slave  power  now  began  to  get  uneasy, 
fearing,  legislatively,  that  it  would  not  be  able  to  run  slavery 
into  it.  It  was  poWer  that  was  needed.  Like  the  bachelor 
who  married  a  widow  who  had  already  buried  five  husbands, 
when  they  were  about  to  retire  to  bed  the  first  night,  Mr. 
Shuttlecock  (for  that  was  his  name)  remarked,  "  My  dear,  I 
have  always  made  it  a  rule  in  life,  just  before  retiring  to 
bed,  to  return  thanks  to  the  Giver  of  all  good."  "  Oh  !  how 
delighted  I  am,"  says  his  new  wife,  "  it  puts  me  so  much  in 


TRAITORS  IN  CONGRESS.  49 

mind  of  my  first  love  ;  Mr.  Rogers,  my  first  husband,  always 
did  this."  Both  kneeling  by  the  bedside,  Mr.  Shuttlecock 
commenced,  "  0,  Lord,  I  adore  thee  to-night  in  a  new  capac- 
ity ;  I  need  now  thine  assistance  more  than  ever  before  ;  please 
guide  and  direct — "  "  Stop,  stop  1  my  dear,"  cries  his  ex- 
perienced bride,  tapping  him  on  the  shoulder,  "  I  can  do  that ; 
pray  for  strength  ;  strength  is  what  you  need  most."  It  was 
strength,  although  of  a  different  kind,  that  the  slave  power 
wanted. 

The  question  with  Calhoun  was,  where  to  get  power  to  put 
slavery  into  the  new  territories.  It  was  claimed  that  they 
were  free  under  Mexico,  and  came  into  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment free.  But  Calhoun,  needing  strength,  claimed  that  the 
American  Constitution  overrode  and  annulled  all  laws  of 
Mexico  inconsistent  with  it.  "  Grant  that,"  said  his  oppo- 
nents, "  but  where  is  the  authority  in  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion to  carry  slavery  anywhere  ?" 

Mr.  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  now  stepped  in  and  intro- 
duced what  has  since  gone  by  the  name  of  the  Wilmot  Pro- 
viso :  "  That  no  part  of  the  territory  to  be  acquired  should  be 
open  to  the  introduction  of  slavery" 

Thus  commenced  the  agitation,  on  the  power  of  Congress 
to  legislate  about  slavery.  It  was  claimed  that  slavery  had 
rights  above  Congress,  and  above  the  Federal  Constitution 
also.  The  excitement  on  this  vexed  question  began  to  spread, 
and  the  slave  power  again  began  to  rally  its  forces.  The  term 
of  President  Polk  was  about  drawing  to  a  close,  and  it  was 
doubtful  whether  slavery  could  be  carried  into  New  Mexico 
or  California.  The  Southern  members  began  to  hold  nightly 
meetings  in  Washington,  the  result  of  which  was  a  kind  of 
Southern  declaration  of  independence,  setting  forth  that 
"  Their  grievances  were  greater  against  the  United  States 
Government  than  our  ancestors'  were  against  Great  Britain." 
It  was  not  only  claimed,  in  this  new  declaration  of  independ- 
ence, that  slavery  was  to  be  prohibited  in  part  of  the  newly 
acquired  territory,  but  it  was  boldly  set  forth  that  the  Gen- 
eral Government  was  going  to  abolish  slavery  in  all  the 


50  DESPERATE  SCHEMES   OP 

States,  and  bring  on  a  conflict  between  tbe  blacks  and  whites 
of  tbe  South,  wbicb  might  result  in  the  whites  becoming 
slaves. 

This  declaration  was  signed  by  forty  Southern  members  of 
Congress ;  and,  to  cap  the  climax,  Mississippi  and  South  Car- 
olina (the  only  two  States  that  have  more  slaves  than  white 
inhabitants)  passed  acts  in  their  General  Assemblies  calling 
for  a  Southern  Convention  to  arrange  a  new  government,  to 
be  called  the  United  States  South. 

The  presidential  election  now  began  to  take  up  the  attention 
of  all.  The  Democratic  party  had  nominated,  at  Baltimore, 
Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  for  President,  and  Wm.  0.  Butler, 
of  Kentucky,  as  Vice  President.  This  was  in  May,  1848. 
Yancey,  of  Alabama,  endeavored  to  introduce  into  the  Demo- 
cratic creed  :  "  That  the  doctrine  of  non-intervention  with 
the  rights  of  property  of  any  portion  of  this  Confederation, 
be  it  in  States  or  Territories,  by  any. others  than  the  parties 
interested  in  them,  is  the  true  republican  doctrine  recognized 
by  this  party.  Rejected ;  246  against,  36  for.  This  makes 
Yancey  the  real  author  of  the  doctrine  01  squatter  sovereignty. 

In  June  the  Whig  Convention  met  in  Philadelphia,  and 
nominated  Zachary  Taylor,  of  Louisiana,  for  President,  and 
Millard  Pillmore,  of  New  York,  for  Vice  President.  Taylor 
had  the  military  prestige  of  Buena  Vista,  Monterey,  Palo 
Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  which  proved  too  heavy  metal 
for  the  Democratic  candidate. 

Martin  Van  Buren.  who  had  been  called  the  Northern  man 
with  Southern  principles,  now  accepted  the  nomination  of 
a  third  party  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  with  Charles 
Francis  Adams  as  Vice  President.  The  principles  of  this 
party  were,  that  the  General  Government  should  abolish 
slavery  where  it  had  the  power,  prohibit  its  extension,  and 
let  it  alone  in  the  States  where  it  existed  ;  thus  the  term 
Free  Soilers.  The  election  over,  it  soon  became  known  that 
Taylor  had  carried  seven  free  and  eight  slave  States — 163  elec- 
toral votes.  Cass  carried  eight  free  and  seven  slave  States 
— 127  electoral  votes.  Van  Buren  and  his  party  got  none. 


7AOHARY  TAYLOR,  TWELFTH  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

ASSASSINATED  BY  POISON  JULY  4TH— DIED  ON  THE  9TH.  1850. 

(Kugraved  for  the  History  of  the  Plots  and  Crimes.) 


TRAITORS  IN   CONGRESS.  51 

President  Folk's  administration,  ended  with  a  new  threat  to 
dissolve  the  Union,  the  old  Bug-a-boo  of  the  slave  power.  Af- 
ter getting  Texas,  they  now  wished  to  dissolve  Polk,  like 
Jackson,  loved  the  Union,  and  never  countenanced  anything 
in  his  administration  that  threatened  its  overthrow.  He  was 
exemplary  in  private  life,  and  in  public,  only  aimed  at  the  good 
of  his  country. 

At  every  Presidential  election  the  contest  with  the  slave 
power  became  more  bitter.  Like  the  miser,  its  greed  in- 
creased with  its  gain;  get! ing  much,  it  demanded  more. 
Eight  years  before,  it  had  dyed  its  hands  in  the  blood  of  the 
lamented  Harrison,  and  saturated  its  garments  on  the  gory 
fields  of  Buena  Vista,  Palo  Alto  and  Monterey.  Resting  yet 
restless  through  President  Folk's  administration,  it  now  re- 
appears with  all  its  accumulated  pomp,  and  like  the  Roman 
oxen,  ribboned  and  garlanded  for  the  sacrifice. 

President  Taylor  surveyed  the  situation,  and  suggested 
proper  remedies  to  defeat  the  blood-thirsty  foe  of  the  Federal 
Union.  About  his  first  official  act  was  .to  suppress  the  Cuban 
invasion,  a  darling  scheme  of  the  slaveholders  to  secure  that 
Island  at  the  hazard  of  a  war  with  Spain.  After  President 
Taylor  had  written  his  first  and  only  annual  message,  Calhoun, 
mortified  at  the  defeat  of  the  Cuban  expedition,  made  a  visit 
to  the  Department  of  State,  and  requested  the  President  to 
eay  nothing  in  his  forthcoming  message  about  the  Union. 
But  this  bad  man  had  little  influence  over  old  "  Rough  and 
Ready,"  for  after  his  visit  the  following  remarkable  passage  was 
added  :  "  But  attachment  to  the  Union  of  the  States  should 
be  habitually  fostered  in  every  American  heart.  For  more  than 
half  a  century,  during  which  kingdoms  and  empires  have 
fallen,  this  Union  has  stood  unshaken.  The  patriots  who 
formed  it  have  long  since  descended  to  the  grave,  yet  still  it 
remains,  the  proudest  monument  of  their  memory,  and  the 
object  of  affaction  and  admiration  of  every  one  worthy  to 
bear  the  American  name.  In  my  judgment  its  dissolution 
would  be  the  greatest  of  calamities  ;  and  to  avert  that  should 
be  the  steady  aim  of  every  American.  Upon  its  preserva- 


52  DESPERATE   SCHEMES   OP 

tion  must  depend  our  own  happiness,  and  that  of  countless 
generations  to  come.  Whatever  dangers  may  threaten  it,  / 
shall  stand  by  it,  and  maintain  it  in  its  integrity  to  the  full  ex- 
tent of  the  obligations  imposed,  and  power  conferred,  upon 
me  by  the  Constitution." 

The  slave  power  had  now  determined  to  prevent  the  ad- 
mission of  California  into  the  Union  as  a  State.  It  had  the 
requisite  population,  and  had  formed  a  Constitution  forbidding 
slavery  ;  and  President  Taylor,  in  his  message,  recommended 
that  it  be  admitted.  Utah  and  New  Mexico  he  recommended, 
without  mixing  the  slavery  question  with  their  territorial 
governments,  to  be  left  to  ripen  into  States,  and  then  settle 
that  question  for  themselves  in  their  State  Constitutions. 

The  slave  power  had  put  a  scheme  on  foot  in  Texas,  by  which 
that  State  claimed  half  of  New  Mexico,  a  province  settled 
two  hundred  years  before  Texan  independence.  It  wanted 
to  settle  this  boundary  by  force  of  arms  from  Texas.  But  here 
the  President  was  determined  that  the  political  and  judicial 
authority  of  the  United  States  should  settle  the  boundary. 

The  wrath  of  the  slave  holders  now  increased  against  him. 
Having  before  defeated  their  fillibustering  scheme  against  Cu 
ba,  recommending  the  admission  of  California  with  a  Constitu- 
tion prohibiting  slavery,  and  advising  the  dropping  of  the  slave- 
ry question  concerning  New  Mexico  and  Utah,  and  refusing  to 
recognize  the  forged  claims  of  the  Texan  slave  holders  to  half 
of  New  Mexico  ;  and  to  the  foregoing  his  pitting  himself 
against  Calhoun,  in  adding  to  his  Message  the  above  ex- 
tract, after  the  arch-traitor  had  requested  that  all  mention  of 
the  Union  should  be  excluded  from  it,  the  slave  power  had 
now  sufficient  reason  to  count  him  as  an  enemy,  and  his  histo- 
ry gave  them  to  understand  that  he  never  surrendered.  Those 
having  slavery  politically  committed  to  their  care,  had  long 
before  sworn  that  no  person  should  ever  occupy  the  Presiden- 
tial Chair  that  opposed  their  schemes  in  the  interest  of  slave- 
ry. They  resolved  to  take  his  life. 

To  show  the  bitterness  of  the  slave  power,  we  make  an  ex- 
tract from  Calhoun's  speech,  delivered  after  his  visit  to  Presi- 


TRAITORS   IN   CONGRESS.  53 

dent  Taylor,  and  after  the  Annual  Message  of  the  latter  ap- 
peared :  "  It  (the  Union)  can  not  then  be  saved  by  eulogies  on 
it.  However  splendid  or  numerous  the  cry  of  Union,  Union,  the 
glorious  Union,  it  can  no  more  prevent  disunion  than  the  cry  of 
Health,  health,  glorious  health,  on  the  part  of  the  physician, 
can  save  a  patient  from  dying,  who  is  lying  dangerously  ill." 

It  was  generally  understood  at  Washington  that  the  free 
soil  wing  of  the  Whig  Party  had  the  ear  of  President  Tay- 
lor, and  that  Millard  Fillmore  had  but  little  voice  or  influence. 
— See  Ormsby's  History  of  the  Whig  Party,  pp.  312. 

This  the  slave  power  understood,  and  they  determined  to 
serve  him  as  they  had  previously  served  General  Harrison ; 
and  only  awaited  a  favorable  opportunity  to  carry  out  their 
hellish  intent.  The  celebration  of  the  4th  of  July  was  near 
at  hand ;  and  it  was  resolved  to  take  advantage  of  that  day, 
and  give  him  the  fatal  drug.  Being  well  planned,  he  received 
it  at  the  right  time,  and  with  the  same  medical  accurcy  as  did 
Gen.  Harrison. 

The  political  magazine  was  purposely  charged  with  the  rest- 
less element  of  slavery.  This  was  done  to  prepare  a  way  for 
the  President's  death,  that  it  might  pass  unnoticed  in  the 
m  d>t  of  the  general  explosion.  Notwithstanding  the  threat- 
ening of  the  slave  power,  the  correspondent  of  the  New  York 
Evening  Post  telegraphed  from  Washington,  July  3d,  1850, 
ihit  "the  President  remains  firmly  determined  to  defend 
the  possession  of  the  United  States  Government  to  that  ter- 
ritory at  all  hazards."  But  the  last  charge  was  placed  in 
the  m  igazine  when  Ex-Governor  Quitman,  of  Mississippi,  tel- 
egraphed to  Washington,  on  the  same  day,  (3d)  that  he  was 
n  ady,  at  the  head  of  10,000  men,  to  march  on  Santa  Fe,  New 
Mexico."  This  was  all  done  to  force  President  Taylor  to  sub- 
mit to  demands  of  the  slave  power.  It  failed;  but  it  placed 
the  torch  to  the  fuse,  and  amid  the  excitement  of  the  4th  of 
July,  the  explosion  took  place.  It  accomplished  the  object 
— victory  and  revenge  through  the  death  of  tlie  President. 

The  New  York  Post  of  the  10th,  says  :  "  In  the  contention 
which  has  raged  at  the  seat  of  Government,  the  stroke  of 


54  DESPERATE   SCHEMES  OP 

death  has  fallen  upon  one  to  whom  his  station  assigned  no 
small  part  of  the  controversy — the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the 
country,  Gen.  Taylor."  He  would  undoubtedly  have  checked, 
by  the  most  effectual  means,  any  effort  on  the  part  of  Texas 
to  engage  in  a  civil  war  with  the  people  of  New  Mexico.  The 
Post  further  says :  "  It  strikes  us  that  it  is  by  no  means  a  for- 
tunate circumstance  for  the  cause  of  freedom." 

In  the  enjoyment  of  the  most  perfect  health,  the  4th  being 
on  Friday,  he  was  taken  sick  in  the  afternoon  about  5  o'clock, 
and  on  Monday  evening  at  35  minutes  past  10  o'clock,  he  was 
dead.  He  died  from  the  effects  of  the  same  kind  of  drug  as 
was  given  to  President  Harrison.  The  symptoms  in  both  cases 
were  the  same — an  inward  heat  and  thirst,  accompanied  by  fe- 
ver. They  were  both  well  and  hearty  at  the  time  the  drug  was 
given,  and  both  died  within  a  few  days  after  taking  it.  Mr. 
Benton,  speaking  of  the  occurrence,  says  that  "he  sat  out  all 
the  speeches,  and  omitted  no  attention  which  he  believed  the 
decorum  of  his  station  required.  The  ceremony  took  place  on 
Friday,  and  on  Tuesday  following  he  was  a  corpse.  The  violent 
attack  commenced  soon  after  his  return  to  the  Presidential  Man- 
sion."—Page  763,  Vol.  II. 

Gen.  Taylor's  case  being  considered  by  his  physicians,  (a 
portion  of  them  having  likewise  attended  General  Harrison,) 
called  it  "billious  cholera,"  in  other  words,  gastro-enteritis. 
No  doubt  produced,  as  Dr.  Taylor  on  poisons,  page  123,  says, 
by  "  instant  poisons."  The  whole  of  the  circumstances  in  this 
case  prove  conclusively  that  he  had  been  poisoned.  He  lived, 
as  before  stated,  about  the  same  length  of  time  from  the  date 
of  receiving  the  fatal  drug  which  caused  his  death,  as  did 
General  Harrison.  The  authority  I  have  quoted  in  Gen.  Har- 
rison's case,  is  applicable  in  that  of  Gen.  Taylor's.  Well  may 
it  be  supposed  that  the  assassin  who  had  so  managed  the 
poison  in  General  Harrison's  case,  knew  well  how  to  apply 
it  to  Gen.  Taylor  with  equal  success.  See  Grant's  Letter. 

As  President  Harrison  had  been  assassinated  in  about  one 
month  after  taking  his  seat,  it  was  not  considered  prudent  to 
immediately  dispatch  President  Taylor.  Therefore,  for  the 


TRAITORS  IN   CONGRESS.  55 

sake  of  policy,  he  was  borne  with  for  one  year  and  four 
months.  He  was  in  favor  of  the  good  old  Union,  and  was  in 
a  position  to  protect  it  if  assailed.  They  knew  he  was  a  sol- 
dier that  never  surrendered.  Patriotic,  almost  to  devotion, 
and  too  much  of  a  statesman  to  see  his  country  divided  by  in- 
trigue, although  himself  owning  slaves,  still  like  Washington 
he  was  opposed  to  slavery  extension,  and  would  have  rejoiced 
to  have  seen  some  plan  devised  by  which  it  could  be  abol- 
ished. They  slew  him  on  Independence  Day,  while  pouring 
out  his  soul  in  devotion  to  his  country. 

"  With  increased  lustre  on  the  march  of  time, 
Forever  may  his  star  of  glory  shine." 

Millard  Fillmore  now  became  President.  This  individual 
has  always  been  in  favor  of  granting  everything  to  slavery. 
Taylor,  Avhile  alive,  discerning  his  truckling  disposition,  gave 
him  the  cold  shoulder.  Thus,  when  Fillmore  came  into  power, 
he  discharged  every  Cabinet  Officer  that  had  served  under 
President  Taylor,  and  gathered  around  him  new  associates  — 
men  principally  of  tlie  hush-up  policy,  who  wanted  peace  in  their 
day. 

It  was  left  for  Fillmore  to  sign  the  act  admitting  California, 
President  Taylor  having  been  assassinated  before  the  bill 
passed  Congress.  After  it  had  passed,  ten  Southern  Sen- 
ators offered  a  protest.  Of  course  their  protest  amounted 
to  a  burlesque.  The  yeas  in  the  Senate  was  34  ;  nays,  only  18. 

William  M.  Ouyn,  and  John  C.  Fremont,  were  now  ad- 
mitted as  Senators  from  the  new  State,  and  thus  ended  the 
struggle  with  the  slave  power  for  the  admission  of  California. 

Calhoun's  last  speech  was  devoted  chiefly  to  that  subject. 
It  was  read  by  James  M.  Mason  of  Virginia,  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1850.  Calhoun  was  then  sick  and  unable  even  to  read 
it.  This  speech  surpassed  all  that  he  had  before  delivered  iri; 
bitterness  against  the  Union.  After  asserting  that  all  the 
principal  cords  that  bound  it  together  had  been  snapped  aaun-.  / 
der,  and  nothing  now  remained  to  hold  it  together 


force. 


56  DESPERATE   SCHEMES   OF 

The  next  move  to  appease  the  slave  power  was  the  passage 
of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  The  records  and  acts  of  the  General 
Government,  from  its  earliest  organization,  were  scrutinized 
for  authority  to  fall  back  on  as  a  basis.  This  was  one  of  the 
measures  of  Mr.  Clay's  Compromise,  which  had  to  have  a 
separate  hearing,  as  he  was  unable  to  get  all  included  in  one 
bill.  The  vote  on  its  passage  in  the  Senate  was,  yeas  27,  nays 
12.  About  twenty  Senators  did  not  vote  either  way,  and 
were  mostly  against  its  passage.  Butler,  of  South  Carolina, 
was  the  father  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Bill,  and  Mason,  of  Vir- 
ginia, was  its  step  daddj7. 

President  Fillmore  signed  the  Fugitive  Slave  Bill,  and  has  re- 
ceived the  censure  of  a  great  portion  of  the  Northern  people  for  so 
doing.  Whether  he  received  sufficient  intimation,  after  signing  the 
bill  admitting  California,  to  intimidate  him,  we  are  not  prepared  to 
say.  He  is  yet  living,  and  perhaps  can  give  an  answer.  One  thing 
is  certain,  it  has  served  as  his  political  grave.  It  is  not  probable 
that  twenty  negroes  were  ever  reclaimed  under  the  action  of  the 
law.  It  was  got  up  solely  as  a  gag  to  the  free  States.  "  That,  or 
break  up  the  Union  /"  was  the  cry. 

The  time  of  another  presidential  election  was  approaching,  and 
the  flames  of  revolt  were  bursting  out  all  over  the  South.  In  every 
quarter  disunion  meetings  were  being  held,  and  treasonable  toasts 
being  drunk.  Many  and  very  violent  speeches  were  made  in  the 
South  Carolina  Legislature. 

One  remarked :  "  We  must  secede  ....  If  we  can  get  but 
one  State  to  unite  with  us,  we  must  act.  Once  being  inde- 
pendent, we  would  have  a  strong  ally  in  England  ;  but  we 
must  prepare  for  secession." 

Another  said,  "  He  hated  and  detested  the  Union,  and  was 
in  favor  of  cutting  the  connection."  He  avowed  himself  a 
disunionist — a  disunionist  per  se.  If  he  had  the  power  he 
would  crush  the  Union  to-morrow. 

In  the  Nashville  Convention,  one  member  remarked  :  "  Se- 
cession, united  secession  of  the  slaveholding  States,  or  a  large 
number  of  them  ;  nothing  else  will  be  wise,  nothing  else  will 
be  practicable.  The  Rubicon  is  passed  ;  the  Union  is  already 
dissolved."  Further  :  "  Should  we  be  wise  enough  to  unite, 


TRAITORS   IN   CONGRESS.  57 

all  California,  with  her  exhaustless  treasures,  would  be  ours  ; 
all  New  Mexico  also." 

The  following  was  given  as  a  Fourth  of  July  toast  :  "  The 
American  Eagle  : — in  the  event  of  a  dissolution  of  the  Union, 
the  South  claims  as  her  portion  the  heart  of  the  noble  bird ; 
to  the  Yankees  we  leave  the  feathers  and  carcass." 

One  toast  given  at  a  meeting  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina, 
reads  :  "  The  Union,  founded  by  Ignorance,  and  continued  only 
by  knavery" 

Another  Fourth  of  July  toast  was  :  "  The  Union, — a  splen- 
did failure  of  the  first  modern  attempt  by  people  of  different  in- 
stitutions to  live  under  the  same  Government" 

The  administration  of  Millard  Fillmore  had  become  very 
unpopular  with  those  who  placed  him  in  power.  If  Taylor 
had  been  permitted  to  live,  and  go  through  his  term  with  the 
same  determination  as  he  commenced,  the  Whig  party  would 
have  become  strong  and  popular  in  the  free  States.  But  Fill- 
more's  course  resulted  in  the  entire  annihilation  of  the  party 
which  elected  him. 

During  the  term  for  which  Zachary  Taylor  was  elected, 
and  Millard  Fillmore  served,  three  Senators  of  high  influence 
in  their  party  went  to  their  final  account.  John  C.  Calhoun 
died  on  the  last  day  of  March,  1850.  Henry  Clay  died  in 
June  of  1852.  Daniel  Webster,  who  was  Secretary  of  State 
to  Fillmore,  died  in  Optober,  1852.  Neither  of  the  above 
lived  to  witness  another  Presidential  election.  Calhoun  lived 
to  hear  the  efforts  of  his  two  powerful  opponents,  Webster 
and  Clay,  in  reply  to  his,  read  Ijy  Mason,  on  the  4th  of  March. 

The  campaign  of  1852,  wherein  Winfield  Scott,  as  Presi- 
dent, and  Wm.  A.  Graham,  as  Vice  President,  were  the  can- 
didates, was  peculiar.  Fillmore,  by  his  conservatism,  which 
amounted  to  submission,  had  completely  disgusted  the  Free- 
soil  element.  It  was  generally  understood  that  Scott  and 
Graham  were  under  the  control  of  the  views  of  this  party. 
The  compromise  measures  brought  about  by  Mr.  Clay  in  the 
latter  part  of  his  life,  were  approved  by  both  the  Whig  and 
Democratic  platforms.  Many  of  Scott's  friends  said  they  ac- 


58  DESPERATE  SCHEMES 

cepted  his  nomination,  but  "  spit  upon  the  platform."1  The 
conservative  or  submission  wing  of  the  party  were  opposed  to 
what  they  regarded  as  sectional  issues. 

Franklin  Pierce  for  President,  and  Wm.  R.  King  for  Vice 
President,  were  the  Democratic  nominees. 

The  platforms  of  the  two  parties  were  nearly  the  same,  and 
the  conservative  or  submissive  wing  of  the  Whig  party  left 
Scott  and  Graham  to  be  supported  by  the  Free-soil  element, 
and  went  over  in  mass  to  the  support  of  Pierce  and  King, 
the  Democratic  nominees. 

The  reasons  for  nominating  Scott  were  his  alledged  availa- 
bility and  reliability.  The  platform  represented  all,  and  yet  it 
poorly  represented  any  of  the  party ;  it  embraced  too  much 
for  some,  and  too  little  for  others.  With  the  Democrats,  their 
platform  was  everything — the  candidates  nothing.  Pierce  was 
unknown  and  untried ;  like  John  Tyler  he  might  betray  the 
party,  but  they  "  went  it  blind."  Election  over,  Pierce  got  254 
electoral  votes,  carrying  twenty-seven  States,  while  Scott  got 
only  42  electoral  votes,  securing  only  four  States. 

The  anti-slavery  party  first  appeared  with  James  G.  Birney 
as  its  presidential  candidate  in  1840.  It  polled  at  this  elec- 
tion 7,000  votes.  In  1844,  under  the  same  leader,  it  polled 
62,140  votes.  The  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia and  Territories,  was  the  demand  of  the  party  in  both 
the  above  canvasses.  In  the  contest  of  1848  the  vote  of  Yan 
Buren  and  Gerrit  Smith  together  was  296,232,  and  that  of 
John  P.  Hale,  in  1852,  was  157,296.  This  party  did  not  carry 
a  single  State  at  any  of  the  four  presidential  elections.  Their 
newspapers  and  public  speakers  charged  the  Democratic  and 
Whig  parties  with  diverting  the  National  Government  from 
the  path  originally  designed  by  its  founders  into  by-ways  and 
hedges,  for  the  exclusive  interest  of  slavery.  They  referred 
to  the  proviso  of  Thomas  Jefferson  to  prohibit  the  existence 
of  slavery,  after  the  year  1800,  in  all  the  Territories  of  the 
United  States,  Southern  and  Northern  ;  and  they  also  referred 
to  the  Congress  of  1784,  when  six  States  and  sixteen  dele- 
gates voted  for  that  proviso,  while  only  three  States  and 


SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS.  59 

seven  delegates  voted  against  it.  These  charges  concerning 
the  Whig  and  Democratic  party  were  only  partially  histori- 
cally correct,  but  were  prophecies  of  a  coming  time,  true  as 
any  ever  uttered  by  Isaiah  or  Jeremiah,  and  were  exactly  and 
literally  fulfilled  by  the  Man  of  Sin,  Franklin  Pierce,  and  his 
unfortunate  administration. 

USURPING  EXCLUSIVE   CONTROL  OF  THE   FEDERAL  TERRITORY,  AND 
FORCING  SLAVERY  INTO  KANSAS. 

The  South  have  always  claimed  that  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution recognized  slavery  ;  and  that  the  slaveholders  had 
the  undisputed  right  to  remove  with  their  slaves  into  any 
of  the  Territories  belonging  to  the  General  Government, 
and  it  was  bound  to  protect  them.  The  passage  of  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise  Act,  which  excluded  slavery  north  of  36 
deg.  30  min.,  they  viewed  as  a  concession  (unconstitution- 
al) on  their  part  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  country.  Mr. 
Douglas  placed  his  authority  for  disturbing  that  Compro- 
mise, on  its  being  superseded  by  the  Compromise  of  Mr.  Clay, 
in  1850,  which  reads  : 

"  Resolved,  That  as  slavery  does  not  exist  by  law,  and  is  not 
likely  to  be  introduced  into  any  territory  acquired  by  the 
United  States  from  Mexico,  it  is  inexpedient  for  Congress  to 
provide  by  law  either  for  its  introduction  or  exclusion  from 
any  part  of  said  territory  ;  and  that  appropriate  territorial 

governments  ought  to  be  established  by  Congress 

without  the  adoption  of  any  restriction  or  condition  on  the 
subject  of  slavery." 

The  following  is  the  clause  in  the  Nebraska  and  Kansas 
bill,  introduced  by  Mr.  Douglas,  which  repealed  the  Missouri 
Compromise  :  "Which  being  inconsistent  with  the  principle 
of  non-intervention  by  Congress  with  slavery  in  the  States 
and  Territories,  as  recognized  by  the  legislation  of  1850,  com- 
monly called  the  Compromise  Measures,  is  hereby  declared 
inoperative  and  void  ;  it  being  the  true  intent  and  meaning 
of  this  act  not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  territory  or  State, 
nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof 


60 


SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 


. 

perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions 
in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States." 

Many  Senators  spoke  against  it.  On  the  3d  of  March  a 
long  debate  ensued  ;  Mr.  Douglas  speaking  in  favor  of  the  bill 
until  half  past  three  in  the  morning.  Samuel  Houston,  of 
Texas,  the  only  Southern  Senator  who  opposed  its  passage, 
continued  speaking  until  near  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  of 
the  4th  March,  1854,  when  the  bill  was  pressed  to  a  vote  in 
the  Senate  and  passed — yeas  37,  nays  14. 

The  bill  amended,  passed  the  House  of  Representatives 
May  22d,  1854 — yeas  113,  nays  100  ;  only  six  members  from 
slave  States  voting  against  it — Benton,  of  Missouri,  Brigg, 
Collom,  Etheridge  and  Nathaniel  G.  Taylor,  all  of  Tennes- 
see, and  Millson  of  Ya.  The  vote  on  the  final  passage  of  the 
Senate  bill,  as  amended  by  the  House,  was— yeas  35,  nays  13. 

The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  a  great  tri- 
umph of  the  slave  power.  It  was  a  virtual  denial  that  Con- 
gress had  any  power  over  slavery  in  the  Territories,  either  to 
legislate  it  into,  or  prohibit  it  from  entering  therein. 

In  a  speech  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  in  1853, 
Atchison,  of  Missouri,  remarked  :  "  I  have  always  been  of  the 
opinion  that  the  first  great  error  committed  in  the  political 
history  of  this  country  was  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  rendering 
the  Northwestern  Territories  free  territory  ;  the  next  great 
error  was  the  adoption  of  the  Missouri  Compromise." 

Now  the  Ordinance  of  1787  passed  Congress  July  13,  1787, 
just  two  months  and  four  days  before  the  adoption  of  the 
Federal  Constitution.  It  was  ceding  the  Territories  belonging 
to  several  of  the  States  to  the  General  Government.  It  com- 
mences as  follows : 

"  It  is  hereby  ordained  and  declared  by  authority  (of  Con- 
gress) that  the  following  articles  shall  be  considered  as  ar- 
ticles of  compact  between  the  original  States  and  the  people 
and  States  in  said  territory,  and  forever  remain  unaltered, 
unless  by  common  consent. 

"  ARTICLE  VI. — There  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  involun- 


SLAVERY   OUTRAGES   IN   KANSAS.  61 

tary  servitude  in  said  territory  otherwise  than  in  the  punish- 
ment of  crimes,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  con- 
victed, provided  always,  that  any  person  escaping  into  the 
same,  from  whom  labor  or  service  is  lawfully  claimed  in  any 
one  of  the  original  States,  such  fugitive  may  be  lawfully  re- 
claimed and  conveyed  to  the  person  claiming  his  or  her  labor 
or  service  as  aforesaid." 

The  last  part  of  the  above  article  was  dictated  by  the  same 
interest  and  influence  that  two  months  afterwards  engrafted 
into  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  the  last  clause  of 
Section  2d,  Article  4th. 

While  this  act  made  free  the  Northwest  Territory,  it  also 
established  the  basis  for  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act. 

Congress  then  had  exercised  the  power  to  legislate  con- 
cerning slavery  in  the  territories ;  first,  the  Ordinance  of 
1787  ;  second,  the  Missouri  Compromise,  of  1820. 

The  slave  interest  never  acquiesced  in  either  of  these 
measures.  They  claimed  that  slavery  was  above  compromise, 
Congress,  and  the  Constitution ;  no  compromise  could  restrict 
it ;  no  Congress  could  prohibit  it  from  extending  into  the 
Territories  ;  and  the  Constitution  guarded  and  recognized 
it,  while  the  Supreme  Court,  as  property,  protected  it.  This 
was  the  sentiment  of  the  slavery  propagandists  ;  while  those 
wishing  to  restrict  its  extension  in  later  years  pointed  to 
1787  and  1820,  as  precedents  which  sustained  their  position. 
If  Congress  could  make  free  the  Northwest  Territory,  and 
prohibit  slavery  above  36  deg.  30  min.,  why  could  it  not  pro- 
hibit it  from  entering  any  Federal  Territory  ? 

The  controversy  on  this  question  was  always  exciting  Con- 
gress, and  through  Congress  the  country.  Mr.  Clay  designed 
his  Compromise  of  1850  to  quiet  the  agitation.  Mr  Douglas, 
in  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  thought,  by  re- 
moving the  question  from  Congress,  the  people  in  the  terri- 
tories might  peaceably  settle  it  at  their  own  time  and  in  their 
own  way.  But  in  this  (though  meaning  well)  they  both  were 
mistaken.  The  old  Harlequin,  fresh  from  his  conflicts  against 
the  Union  in  Congress,  with  mischief  in  his  head,  honey  on  his 


62  SLAVERY   OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 

tongue,  treason  in  his  heart,  and  lust  in  his  eye,  seeks  out  Kan- 
sas, which  had  been  kept  pure  by  the  Missouri  Compromise 
for  forty  years.  After  being  kicked  out  of  Congress  on  the 
22d  of  May,  1854,  notwithstanding  that  entire  country  was 
north  of  36  deg.  30  min.,  in  defiance  of  his  sacred  obligations 
with  the  Federal  Government  in  1820,  he  now  enters  that 
peaceful  Territory,  with  all  his  accustomed  pomp  and  show  of 
authority,  and  commits  a  political  rape  on  its  virgin  soil. 

The  slaveholders  not  only  in  Missouri,  but  in  other  slave 
States,  took  Mr.  Clay's  and  Mr.  Douglas's  view  of  the  subject, 
and  as  early  as  1851  commenced  to  emigrate  to  that  region. 
In  1854,  the  excitement  in  Missouri  was  intense,  determined 
to  make  Kansas  a  slave  State. 

John  Scott's  affidavit,  page  898,  Kansas  Committee  Report, 
shows  that  secret  societies  were  then  in  existence,  to  force 
slavery  into  Kansas.  This  was  a  year  before  any  person  en- 
tered the  Territory  through  the  influence  of  the  New  England 
Aid  Society.  See  the  affidavit  of  Matthew  R.  Walker,  page 
898  ;  also,  that  of  H.  Rolinson,  page  900,  which  prove  that 
no  persons  were  sent  out  through  that  association,  until  the 
last  of  March,  1855. 

Governor  Andrew  H.  Reeder  of  Easton,  Pa.,  and  other  of- 
ficers appointed  by  President  Jefferson  Davis  Pierce  on  the  1st 
of  July,  arrived  in  that  Territory  on  the  7th  day  of  October, 
1854.  Yet,  long  before  this  arrival,  the  slaveholders  had 
everything  ready.  Secret  Societies  were  every  where  organ- 
ized in  Missouri  and  Kansas,  under  the  names  of  "  Social  Bond" 
"  Blue  Lodge"  "  Friends  Society"  and  "  Friends  of  the  South" 
These  societies  were  all  got  up  to  drive  Free  State  Men  out 
of  the  Territory,  and  to  make  Kansas  a  slave  State.  So  com- 
pletely were  the  pro-slavery  agitators  organized,  that  in 
the  month  following  the  Governor's  arrival,  November  29, 
1854,  Samuel  Woodson,  a  lawyer  of  Independence,  Missouri, 
appeared  at  the  territorial  polls  at  Douglas,  for  the  election 
of  a  delegate  to  Congress,  with  200  Missourians  to  vote.  Out 
of  261  votes  cast,  only  85  were  given  by  actual  settlers.  f 

4th  District. — Dr.  Chapman's  Missourians,  from   Cass  and 


SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN   KANSAS.  63 

Jackson  Counties,  numbering  140  men,  camped  out  all  night ; 
they  said  they  came  to  vote  to  make  Kansas  a  slave  State. 
Out  of  161  votes,  only  30  were  legal. 

5th  District. — Sixty-two  Missourians  went  into  this  district 
by  the  Santa  FC"  road,  and  out  of  82  votes  cast,  only  20  were 
given  by  residents  of  Kansas.  They  also  said  they  came  to 
vote  Kansas  a  slave  State. 

6th  District. — Out  of  105  votes  cast,  80  were  from  Missouri. 

1th  District. — Election  was  held  at  Frey  McGee's,  called 
110.  The  number  of  voters  residing  in  this  district  did  not 
exceed  40,  only  20  of  whom  voted  ;  yet  604  votes  were  polled, 
584  of  which  were  from  Missouri.  Here  the  Missourians 
voted  for  absent  friends,  whom  they  said  instructed  them  to 
vote  for  them,  as  they  could  not  attend. 

llth  District.— Polled  255,  of  which  238  were  illegal. 

15th  District. — Polled  312  votes.  The  Missourians  from 
Clay,  Ray,  and  Platt  Counties,  came,  they  said,  to  make  Kan- 
sas a  slave  State.  One  hundred  and  sixty  illegal  votes  were 
cast  in  this  district.  At  this  election,  Nov.  29,  1854,  1,729  il- 
legal votes  were  cast,  to  make  Kansas  a  slave  State. 

The  residents  of  the  Territory  were  completely  overawed, 
and  took  very  little  interest  in  the  election.  In  fact,  not  more 
than  one-half  of  them  went  to  the  polls.  G-en.  Whitfield,  the 
candidate  of  the  pro-slavery  mob,  was  elected.  He  received 
2,298  votes.  Wakefield  received  248,  and  Flenniken  305. 
Thus  Whitfield  secured  his  election  as  a  delegate  to  Congress, 
for  the  Territory  of  Kansas. 

All  this  rascality  was  practised  before  the  New  England 
Aid  Society  was  in  existence,  it  being  organized  only  the  21st 
of  February,  1855. 

In  January  and  February  Gov.  Reeder  authorized  the  enu- 
meration of  the  entire  population  to  be  taken  ;  it  showed 
5,128  males,  3,383  females,  2,905  voters,  3,469  minors,  7,161 
natives  of  the  United  States,  408  foreign  birth,  151  free  ne- 
groes, and  192  slaves — making  a  total  of  8,601. 

The  Governor  now  issued  a  proclamation  for  an  election 
for  members  of  the  Legislative  Assembly  of  the  Territory, 


64  SLAVERY  OUTRAGES   IN  KANSAS. 

to  be  held  on  the  30th  of  March,  1855.  Thirteen  Members  of 
the  Council  and  twenty-six  Representatives  were  to  be 
elected.  The  high-handed  rascality  previously  practised  was 
known  to  have  been  sanctioned  at  Washington,  which  gave 
additional  license  for  its  repetition  at  this  election  on  a  large 
scale.  From  Andrew  County,  in  the  north,  to  Jasper  county, 
in  the  south,  and  as  far  east  as  Cole  County,  Missouri,  men 
were  organized  into  parties,  and  sent  into  every  council  dis- 
trict in  the  Territory,  and  into  every  representative  district 
but  one,  to  vote — 4,908  thus  went  to  vote  at  this  March  elec- 
tion |  they  went  armed  and  equipped.  S.  Young  and  C.  F. 
Jackson  had  command  of  a  portion  ;  they  had  guns,  rifles, 
pistols,  bowie  knives,  and  two  pieces  of  artillery  loaded  with 
musket  balls.  This  party  camped  near  Lawrence,  about  one 
thousand  strong.  In  the  evening  preceding  the  election  these 
ruffians  held  a  meeting  at  the  camp,  and  sent  about  two  hun- 
dred of  their  party  into  adjoining  districts  to  vote.  Those 
remaining  to  vote  at  Lawrence  had  white  ribbons  in  their 
coats  to  distinguish  them  from  the  settlers — 1,034  votes  were 
cast,  over  800  of  which  were  illegal.  In  the  eighteen  districts 
the  number  of  votes  cast  at  this  (30th  of  March,  1855)  elec- 
tion was  6,307  ;  total  legal  vote  cast,  1,410  ;  illegal  vote, 
4,908.  The  free  State  vote  was  791.  Hundreds  of  free  State 
men  were  driven  from  the  polls,  yet  the  free  State  party  had  a 
majority  of  172  above  all  the  legal  votes  cast  in  the  Territory. 

The  members  thus  elected  held  caucus  meetings,  during 
the  coming  in  of  the  returns,  at  Westport  and  Shawnee  Mis- 
sion, and  many  of  them  secretly  and  openly  declared  that  if 
Governor  Reeder  did  not  publicly  acknowledge  the  legality 
of  their  election  they  would  take  his  life. 

The  Governor  says  :  "  I  made  arrangements  to  assemble  a 
small  number  of  friends  for  defence,  and  on  the  morning  of 
the  6th  of  April  I  proceeded  to  announce  my>  decision  upon 
the  returns.  Upon  one  side  of  the  room  were  arrayed  the 
members  elect,  nearly,  if  not  quite,  all  armed  ;  and  on  the 
other  side  about  fourteen  of  my  friends,  who,  with  myself, 
were  also  armed." 


SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS.  65 

The  bogus  Missouri  Legislature,  that  this  same  force  had 
indirectly  brought  into  existence,  met  at  Pawnee,  July  2d, 
1855.  The  Council  was  composed  of  18  members,  15  of  whom 
were  from  the  slave  States,  1  from  Ohio,  1  from  Indiana,  and 
1  from  New  York. 

The  House  of  Representatives  had  35  members,  29  of  whom 
were  natives  of  slave  States,  1  of  Kansas  Territory,  2  of 
Ohio,  2  of  Pennsylvania,  1  of  New  York,  cursing  negro-steal- 
ers,  and  swearing  that  slavery  shall  be  upheld,  and  that  the 
virgin  soil  of  Kansas  shall  never  be  polluted  with  the  foul 
stain  of  Free-soil-ism  ;  the  Union  only  when  it  protects  sla- 
very. Every  member  of  the  House  was  pro-slavery  except 
S.  D.  Hunter,  a  native  of  Ohio,  and  he  resigned.  Against  this 
worse  than  rascality,  the  free  States  turned  their  backs. 

The  house  in  which  they  met  had  neither  doors  nor  win- 
dows, and  but%  temporary  floor.  While  engaged  in  this  high- 
handed atrocity,  that  dreadful  scourge,  the  Asiatic  cholera, 
broke  out  amongst  them.  To  avoid  the  wrath  which  high 
Heaven  was  pouring  on  their  guilty  heads,  they  fled  to  Shaw- 
nee  Mission.  Here  the  Governor  refused  to  recognize  them, 
except  by  vetoing  the  tyrannical  acts  they  were  passing. 
Mortified  at  such  proceedings,  he  came  out  against  them,  and 
was  the  author  of  a  set  of  resolutions  passed  at  Big  Springs, 
the  first  of  which  was  : 

"Resolved,  That  we  owe  no  allegiance  or  obedience  to  the 
tyrannical  enactments  of  the  spurious  Legislature  ;  that  their 
laws  have  no  validity  or  binding  force  upon  the  .people  of 
Kansas." 

Gov.  Reeder  arrived  in  Washington  in  the  beginning  of 
May,  1855.  He  had  previously  written  several  confidential 
letters  to  the  President,  giving  a  detailed  history  of  events. 
Pierce  expressed  himself,  at  the  first  interview,  as  highly 
pleased  and  satisfied  with  the  Governor's  course,  and,  says 
Reeder,  "in  the  most  unequivocal  language  approved  and  en- 
dorsed all  I  had  done." 

But  Jeff.  Davis  demanded  Reeder's  removal.  This  placed 
the  President  in  a  new  position,  and  he  therefore  immediately 

5 


68  SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 

went  to  work  to  induce  Reeder  to  resign.  "At  the  next  in- 
terview he  expressed  great  fear,"  says  Reeder,  "  for  my  per- 
sonal safety  if  I  returned  to  the  Territory,  and  offered  to  ap- 
point me  Minister  to  China,  alleging  that  McLane,  then  Min- 
ister, was  about  to  return  home."  To  this  new  proposition 
the  Governor  remarked,  that  if  he  could  be  satisfied  that  the 
people  of  Kansas  would  be  as  fully  cared  for  as  if  he  re- 
mained in  office,  and  a  successor  was  appointed  who  would 
resist  the  aggressive  invasion  from  Missouri,  he  was  willing 
to  coincide. 

Pierce  assured  him  that  he  would  appoint  some  honorable, 
upright,  Northern  man,  who  was  above  intimidation  and  cor- 
ruption, and  one  that  would  faithfully  perform  his  duty.  At 
this  interview  he  requested  Pierce  to  issue  a  proclamation  re- 
citing what  had  been  done  in  Kansas,  and  strongly  disap- 
proving it,  and  pledging  his  administration  Against  foreign 
interference  with  Kansas  affairs.  Pierce  now  began  to  talk 
about  Kansas  Emigrant  Aid  Societies,  and  Seeder  began  to 
suspect.  At  the  next  interview  the  Governor  said  to  the 
President :  "  It  is  evident  that  you  are  about  to  make  conces- 
sions in  the  wrong  direction.  I  have  had  a  great  opportunity 
to  ascertain  the  facts,  and  I  consider  this  a  clear  case  of  ag- 
gression on  Northern  rights,  and  whatever  of  concession  or 
compensation  is  to  be  made  should  be  to  the  North,  and  not 
to  the  South  ;  .the  interests  (continued  the  Governor)  of  the 
Democratic  party  and  the  principles  of  truth  and  justice 
loudly  require  it." 

Pierce,  fearing  to  dismiss  Reeder,  offers  a  bribe.  "  If  (says 
the  incorruptible  Jefferson  Davis  Pierce)  the  vacation  of  your 
office  could  be  satisfactorily  adjusted,  all  matters  could  be  ar- 
ranged in  such  a  way  as  to  promote  your  personal  interests." 

The  Governor  considered  himself  insulted,  and  refused  to 
reply,  and  also  refused  to  resign,  and  left  the  room.  Pierce 
waited  until  the  last  of  July  and  then  removed  him.  Reeder 
received  his  notice  to  quit  on  the  15th  of  August,  1855.  Thus 
ended  the  administration  of  the  first  Territorial  Governor  of 
Kansas.  He  was  appointed  by  the  administration  as  a  friend 


SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS.  67 

of  slavery.  He  said  himself  that  he  was  always  in  favor  of 
granting  the  compromises  which  had  satisfied  the  South,  and 
secured  their  rights  against  the  clamors  of  anti-slavery  men. 
— Page  943,  Kansas  Reports. 

The  animal  in  Kansas  he  was  unable  to  tame, 
Although  concession  to  slavery  was  his  political  game. 
The  abolition  clamor  he  had  always  despised, 
But  his  experience  as  Governor  wide  opened  his  eyes. 

Wilson  Shannon  now  received  the  appointment  from  the 
President  to  take  the  place  of  Gov.  Reeder.  Mr.  Shannon 
went  out  from  the  bosom  of  the  pro-slavery  administration  at 
Washington  with  decisive  instructions.  He  proceeded  to  Shaw- 
nee  Mission,  and  in  a  loyal  epistle  to  the  President,  dated  Nov. 
28, 1855,  calls  the  pro-slavery  agitators  the  "  Law  and  order 
party."  The  Free  State  Men,  he  termed  violent  "  Abolition- 
ists." Notwithstanding  the  Governor  well  knew  that  in  April 
of  that  year  Malcomb  Clark,  a  rigid  pro-slavery  man  had 
commenced  a  deadly  assault  on  Cole  McCrea,  at  a  meeting  at 
Leavenworth.  And  it  was  also  known  to  him  how  Mr.  Phillips, 
a  lawyer  of  the  same  place,  had  been  violently  seized  and  taken 
across  the  river  into  Missouri,  tarred  and  feathered,  and  rode 
on  a  rail,  and  his  head  shaved  on  one  side  ;  after  which  they 
went  through  the  mockery  of  selling  him  at  auction,  com- 
pelling a  negro  to  act  as  auctioneer.  He  also  knew  that  R. 
R.  Rees,  and  other  members  of  the  bogus  Kansas  Legisla- 
ture, publicly  encouraged  and  justified  these  lawless  outrages. 
He  also  knew  that  officers  holding  high  position,  such  as  Judge 
Lecompt,  Associate  Judge,  S.  G.  Cato,  and  J.  M.  Burnell, 
Judge  Wood,  of  the  Police  Court  of  Douglas  County,  and  S. 
J.  Jones,  Sheriff  of  the  same  County,  with  Marshal  Donald- 
son, had  organized  themselves  and  friends,  to  the  number  of 
30,  into  a  Vigilance  Committee.  He  knew  that  in  their  offi- 
cial capacity  they  winked  at  gambling,  for  it  was  a  favorite 
amusement  to  join  Sheriff  Jones  in  a  game  of  poker  at  10 
cent  ante.  I 

About  this  time,  1855,  John  Brown,  of  Harper's  Ferry  no- 


68  SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 

toriety,  emigrated  to  Kansas,  and  settled  in  Osage  County. 
He  was  an  Abolitionist,  and  soon  became  the  object  of  the 
I  most  violent  assaults  from  the  Missourians.  One  of  his  sons, 
Frederick,*  was  met  by  a  party  of  these  invading  ruffians, 
alone  in  the  road,  and  murdered  in  cold  blood.  His  body 
was  stripped  of  its  raiment,  and  his  privates  cut  off  and,  stuck 
in  his  mouth.  John,  another  son,  for  being  an  Abolitionist, 
was  caught,  loaded  with  chains,  and  driven  on  foot  before 
the  horses  of  his  captors,  from  Ossawatomie  to  Tecumseh. 
The  cruelty  was  such  that  his  reason  was  destroyed.  The 
house  of  the  old  man,  as.  well  as  that  of  his  son,  was  set  on 
fire  and  destroyed.  The  female  portion  of  his  family  were 
grossly  insulted,  and  attempts  made  to  ravish  them.  Brown 
was  now  ordered  to  leave  the  Territory  in  three  days,  or  sub- 
mit to  be  hung.  The  five  men  who  thus  warned  him,  did  not 
survive  many  hours.  The  only  reply  Brown  made,  was,  "you 
will  not  find  me  here  then,  gentlemen  !"  Before  the  next  sun 
rose,  they  were  in  eternity.  If  he  had  not  killed  them,  they 
certainly  would  have  hung  him. 

Brown's  fame  as  a  warrior  now  began  to  spread  ;  and  H. 
Clay  Pate,  with  a  party  of  thirty -three,  started  from  Westport, 
Missouri,  to  capture  the  old  man.  Brown  heard  of  his  com- 
ing, and  with  a  party  of  sixteen  men  met  Pate  at  Black  Jack, 
near  the  Santa  F6  road.  After  a  short  fight,  a  few  being 
killed,  the  gallant  Pate  surrendered.  Coleman,  the  murderer 
of  Dow,  was  with  Pate,  but  he  was  well  mounted,  and,  with  a 
Wyandot  Indian  named  Long,  made  his  escape. 

At  another  time  Whitfield  raised  in  Jackson  county,  Mis- 
souri, two  hundred  and  twenty  men  to  capture  Brown.  The 
old  man  heard  of  the  move,  and  gathered  up  one  hundred 
and  sixty  men,  and  took  up -a  position  on  the  Santa  Fe  road, 
where  he  knew  Whitfield  would  have  to  pass.  Fifty  of  his 
men  had  Sharp's  rifles,  which  would  kill  at  half  a  mile.  The 
rest,  of  his  party  he  had  concealed  in  the  timber  to  make  the 

*  Rev.  Martin  White,  Methodist  preacher  of  the  South  Church,  boasted  in  the 
bogus  Kansas  Legislature  in  1856,  that  he  killed  Fred.  Brown,  an&thanked  God 
for  it.  The  last  words  were  applauded  b7  the  members.— Lawrence  Herald  of 
Freedom. 


SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS.  69 

attack  on  the  flank.  Colonel  Sumner,  of  Fort  Leavenworth, 
heard  of  the  expected  battle,  and  came  with  a  squad  of  dra- 
goons, and  dispersed  both  parties.  Sumner  remarked  that  it 
Avas  fortunate  for  the  Missouri ans  that  he  had  arrived,  for 
Brown  was  so  fixed  that  he  would  have  killed  and  captured 
the  entire  party. 

In  1856  John  Reid,  a  lawyer  of  Jackson  county,  and  mem- 
ber of  the  Missouri  Legislature,  raised  three  hundred  men, 
and  two  pieces  of  artillery,  and  marched  on  Ossawatomie. 
Brown  this  time  was  taken  by  surprise  ;  he  gathered  hia 
forces,  and  had  barely  time  to  get  into  the  timber  which  lines 
the  Osage  river  with  only  thirty  men  and  a  limited  supply  of 
amunition.  The  enemy  soon  came  in  full  view.  Brown,  al- 
though they  were  ten  to  one  against  him,  commenced  the 
fight.  Reid,  not  knowing  his  numbers,  and  fearing  an  ambus- 
cade, would  not  venture  into  the  woods,  and  his  artillery  did 
but  little  harm,  as  Brown's  men  lay  flat  on  their  faces,  their 
guns  loading  at  the  breech.  Sixty-seven  of  Reid's  men  were 
soon  killed  and  wounded  ;  only  two  of  Brown's  men  were 
killed.  He  retired  up  the  river  through  the  timber  and 
crossed  the  ford. 

Gambling,  theft,  burglary,  forgery,  rape  and  murder,  were 
all  encouraged  when  committed  on  or  against  Free  State  Men 
or  Abolitionists.  Speaking  of  these  times,  Committee  Re- 
port, page  65,  says  :  "  All  the  restraints  which  American  cit- 
izens are  accustomed  to  pay  even  to  the  appearance  of  law, 
were  thrown  off.  Homicides  became  frequent.  All  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  securing  per- 
sons and  property,  were  wholly  disregarded.  The  officers  of 
the  law,  instead  of  protecting  the  people,  were  engaged  in 
these  outrages,  and  in  no  instance  did  we  learn  that  any  man 
was  arrested,  indicted,  or  punished  for  any  of  these  crimes." 

Such  were  the  men  who  represented  the  Administration  of 
Pierce  in  Kansas.  Reeder  having  repudiated  them,  Wilson 
Shannon  was  sent  out  to  become  their  leader  and  confidential 
adviser.  He  assured  these  bad  men  that  the  administration 
would  use,  if  necessary,  all  the  Federal  forces  stationed  in  the 


70  SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 

districts  to  make  Kansas  a  slave  State.  Franklin  M.  Coleman, 
a  resident  of  Hickory  Point,  and  native  of  Brook  Co.,  Vir- 
ginia, had  been  to  the  Shawnee  Mission  to  receive  the  ap- 
pointment of  Justice  of  the  Peace.  Enlivened  and  encour- 
aged by  the  remarks  of  the  Governor,  he  returned  to  hia 
home,  feeling  strong  in  the  pro-slavery  cause,  and  on  the  27th 
of  November,  1855,  shot  and  killed  a  peaceable  and  inoffen- 
sive citizen  by  the  name  of  Dow,  a  Free  State  Man,  native  of 
Ohio. 

Coleman  went  immediately  to  the  Shawnee  Mission,  right 
into  the  arms  of  Gov.  Shannon,  for  protection.  Not  finding 
Shannon  at  home,  he  sought  out  Sheriff  Jones,  of  Douglas 
county,  who  was  at  or  near  the  Mission  at  the  time.  Jones 
was  the  Sheriff  of  the  county  where  the  crime  was  com- 
mitted. The  Sheriff  and  Coleman  went  to  Lecompton,  where, 
without  form  of  law,  without  issuing  a  writ,  entered  $500  straw 
bail,  and  Coleman  continued  free.  As  the  murder  was  viewed 
as  political,  the  free  State  men  threatened  vengeance  on  those 
who  had  been  instrumental  in  committing,  or  justifying  the 
fatal  crime.  Instead  of  being  punished,  Coleman  found  the 
officers  of  the  law  his  justifiers  and  protectors.  This  course 
greatly  enraged  the  free  State  party.  Jacob  Branson,  a  free 
State  resident  of  Hickory  Point,  and  intimate  friend  of  the 
murdered  man,  had,  with  others,  been  freely  expressing  his 
feelings  about  this  high-handed  outrage.  One  Harrison  Buck- 
ley, and  Josiah  Hargis,  both  of  these  men  were  implicated 
with  Coleman  in  the  murder  of  Dow. 

On  the  26th  of  November  a  large  meeting  was  held  on  the 
identical  spot  where  Dow  was  killed.  At  this  meeting  reso- 
lutions were  passed,  one  of  which  reads  : 

"  Whereas,  Charles  W.  Dow,  a  citizen  of  this  place,  was  mur- 
dered on  Wednesday  afternoon  last ;  and  whereas  evidence, 
by  admission  and  otherwise,  fastens  the  guilt  of  said  murder 
on  one  F.  M.  Coleman  ;  and  whereas  facts  indicate  that  other 
parties,  namely,  Buckley,  Hargis,  Wagner,  Reynolds  and  Moo- 
dy, and  others  were  implicated  in  said  murder  ;  and  whereas 
facts  further  indicate  that  said  individuals  and  parties  are 


SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS.  71 

combining  for  the  purpose  of  harassing  and  murdering  un- 
offending citizens;  and  whereas  we  are  now  destitute  of  law, 
even  for  the  punishment  of  crime,  in  this  Territory  : 

"Resolved,  That  a  Vigilance  Committee  of  twenty-five  be 
appointed,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  bring  the  above-named 
individuals,  as  well  as  those  connected  with  them  in  this 
affair,  to  justice." 

It  was  at  this  time,  when  the  public  pulse  had  been  greatly 
excited  by  the  murder  and  outrage,  on  the  very  same  eve- 
ning of  the  meeting,  that  pro-slavery  Sheriff  Jones,  with  a 
posse  of  twenty-five  ruffians,  armed  with  a  peace  warrant, 
which  had  been  procured  for  the  purpose  from  a  pro-slavery 
Justice,  by  Harrison  Buckley,  entered  said  Branson's  house, 
breaking  in  the  door,  at  the  dead  of  night,  and  with  deadly 
weapons  in  their  hands  presented  and  aimed  at  his  head, 
commanded  him  to  put  on  his  clothes,  or  they  would  blow 
out  his  brains.  Branson  being  a  highly  respectable  citizen, 
with  whom  Mr.  Dow,  the  murdered  man,  before  his  death 
had  boarded,  his  friends  met  the  Sheriff  and  his  party  at 
Bolton's  Bridge.  Jones,  in  the  meantime,  had  told  Branson 
that  he  heard  there  were  one  hundred  men  at  his  house,  but 
was  sorry  when  he  found  it  untrue,  for  it  cheated  him  out  of 
his  expected  sport.  Just  when  this  conversation  was  going 
on,  a  party  of  about  forty  formed  in  a  line  across  the  road, 
Jones  and  his  party  halted  and  cried  out,  "  What's  up  ?" 
"  That's  just  what  we  want  to  know  ;  what's  up  ?"  was  the 
reply.  Branson  said  they  had  got  him  a  prisoner.  Some  one 
in  the  rescuing  party  told  him  to  come  over  to  their  side  ;  he 
did  so,  dismounted  the  mule,  and  drove  it  back  to  Jones. 
Jones  and  his  party  were  then  permitted  to  go  about  their 
business.  Two  of  the  men  who  were  implicated  in  Dow's 
murder  were  with  Jones  as  aids,  and  it  was  believed  that 
Coleinan  was  with  him  also.  This  was  the  alleged  cause  for 
Gov.  Shannon's  Wakarusa  war. 

Sheriff  Jones,  immediately  on  his  return,  sent  Hargis  with 
a  note  to  Governor  Shannon,  informing  him  of  what  had  oc^ 
curred,  winding  up  with  this  :  "  You  may  consider  an  open 


72  SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 

rebellion  as  having  already  commenced,  and  /  call  upon  you 
for  three  thousand  men  to  carry  out  the  laws." 

[Signed]    '         SAMUEL  J.  JONES, 

Sheriff1  of  Douglus  County. 
To  His  Excellency 
WILSON  SHANNON, 

Governor  of  Kansas  Territory. 
Nov.  27, 1855. 

Shannon  immediately  authorized  Major  General  Wm.  P. 
Richardson,  of  Doniphan  County,  to  collect  as  large  a  force  as 
he  could  in  his  division,  aad  bring  them  with  all  speed  to  Le- 
compton.  Six  days  after  this  request  was  made,  Richardson 
was  at  Lecompton  with  about  2,000  men.  Word  was  also  sent 
to  Gen.  Strickler,  at  Tecumseh,  (distant  about  12  miles  from 
Lecompton,)  to  gather  immediately  as  many  men.  as  possible, 
and  come  in  all  haste  to  Lecompton.  Strickler  brought  about 
75  men.  Official  orders  were  sent  to  both  of  these  Generals, 
dated  on  the  same  day  of  Jones'  demand,  (27th  of  November.) 
Copies  of  these  official  orders  of  the  Governor  were  taken  by 
Jones'  force,  and  circulated  in  that  part  of  Missouri  bordering 
on  Kansas.  This  part  of  the  State  has  about  50,000  slaves. 
The  story,  as  told,  was  that  the  Territorial  law  had  been  set 
at  defiance,  and  Jones,  the  Sheriff  of  Douglas  county,  a  Vir- 
ginian, and  a  strong  pro-slavery  man,  had  been  threatened 
with  death,  and  no  doubt  ere  this  had  been  murdered  by  an 
abolition  mob. 

The  long  wished-for  opportunity  had  now  arrived  (that  was 
an  excuse)  to  enter  Kansas  and,  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet, 
drive  the  hated  free  State  men  out  of  the  Territory.  Old 
age  and  youth  began  to  assemble  at  the  camp  at  Wakarusa. 
Shannon  said  these  men  came  there  to  fight ;  ihe}^  did  not 
want  peace  ;  it  was  war  to  the  knife  ;  they  would  come,  and 
it  was  impossible  to  prevent  them.  They  came  to  serve  under 
Sheriff  Jones,  and  he  readily  enrolled  them  in  his  posse. 

Generals  Richardson  and  Strickler  had  under  their  com- 
mand about  275  men.  The  forces  thus  assembled  to  com- 
mence the  anticipated  sport  of  murdering  free  State  men  and 


SLAVERY  OUTRAGES   IN   KANSAS.  73 

abolitionists,  on  the  2d  of  December,  1855,  numbered  about 
1,500  men,  925  of  which  were  from  Missouri.  Shannon  now 
began  to  understand  and  dread  the  consequences  of  calling 
together  the  pro-slavery  mob. 

General  Eastin,  commander  of  the  Northern  brigade,  Kan- 
sas militia,  had  written  to  the  Governor,-  dated  Leavenworth, 
Nov.  30,  .1855,  that  the  free  State  men,  one  thousand  strong, 
were  well  fortified  at  Lawrence,  with  cannon  and  Sharp's 
rifles.  Eastin  suggested  in  this  letter  that  the  Governor  call 
out  the  United  States  troops  stationed  at  Leavenworth. 
The  Governor  telegraphed  (Dec.  1st)  from  Kansas  City  to 
President  Pierce,  and  at  the  same  time  sent  a  message  to  Col. 
Sumner,  commander  of  1st  cavalry,  U.  S.  A.,  at  Fort  Leaven- 
worth, informing  him  of  what  he  had  done  and  requesting 
the  Colonel's  co-operation.  Surnner  replied,  (Dec.  1st,  1855,) 
"  I  do  not  feel  that  it  would  be  right  in  me  to  act  in  this  im- 
portant matter  until  orders  are  received  from  the  Govern- 
ment." 

Shannon  now  sent  a  letter  to  Gen.  Richardson,  commanding 
the  Territorial  militia,  informing  him  that  he  had  also  sent 
Sheriff  Jones  a  letter  stating  that  he  was  endeavoring  to 
procure  the  aid  of  the  Federal  forces,  and  requesting  that 
they  use  every  effort  to  preserve  law  and  order  ;  also  warn- 
ing Jones  that  the  forces  under  him  were  poorly  armed,  and 
would  be  ill  prepared  to  come  in  contact  with  the  free  State 
party,  who  were  well  supplied  with  Sharp's  rifles.  Jones  in- 
forms the  Governor  by  letter,  on  Dec.  4th,  that  he  has  suffi- 
cient force  to  protect  him  in  serving  the  writ,  and  thinks  he 
had  better  not  wait  for  the  aid  of  the  Federal  forces,  but  to 
"  pitch  in  on  his  own  hook."  He  tells  the  Governor  that  the 
strength  of  the  free  State  men  has  been  greatly  exaggerated ; 
he  has  now  in  his  hands  warrants  for  sixteen  persons  who 
were  with  the  party  that  rescued  Branson.  On  this  very  day, 
a  mob  headed  by  Judge  Tompson  and  Capfc.  Price,  broke  open 
the  United  States  Arsenal  at  Liberty,  Mo.,  and  took  three 
6-pounders,  swords,  pistols,  rifles  .and  amunition. 

Gen.  Richardson  writes   to   Gov.  Shannon,  dated  Dec.  3, 


74  SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 

that  it  is  essential  to  the. peace  of  the  Territory  that  the  free 
State  men  should  surrender  their  Sharp's  rifles,  and  requests 
the  Governor  to  give  him  authority  to  make  the  demand. 

About  this  time  the  Governor  had  received  a  reply  from 
the  President,  stating  that  he  would  use  all  the  power  at  his 
command  to  preserve  order  in  the  Territory,  and  to  enforce 
execution  of  the  laws.  He  immediately  sent  a  letter  to  Col. 
Sumner ;  also  the  telegraph  dispatch  he  had  received  from 
President  Pierce  ;  on  the  strength  of  which  Sumner  imme- 
diately started  with  bis  regiment  (Dec.  5th)  to  meet  the  Gov- 
ernor at  the  Delaware  crossing  .of  the  Kansas  that  evening. 
But  the  Governor  did  not  receive  Col.  Sumner's  dispatch 
until  the  morning  of  the  6th. 

Messrs.  Lawrence  and  Babcock,  citizens  of  Lawrence,  and 
representatives  of  the  free  State  men,  now  waited  on  the  Gov- 
ernor and  informed  him  that  an  armed  mob  was  surrounding 
the  town,  and  requested  him  to  use  his  authority  to  preserve 
the  peace,  and  protect  the  place.  The  Governor  calculated 
for  the  Government  troops  under  Sumner  to  march  into  the 
town  of  Lawrence,  and  thus  protect  the  place  from  assault 
by  the  pro-slavery  mob  of  fifteen  hundred  men  under  Jones, 
Richardson  and  Strickler. 

In  the  afternoon  of  Dec.  5th  the  Governor  left  Shawnee 
Mission.  He  went  by  the  way  of  Westport,  Missouri,  to  pro- 
cure the  aid  of  Col.  Boone,  a  grandson  of  Daniel  Boone.  His 
object  was  to  procure  his  influence  over  the  pro-slavery  men. 
They  started  for  Lawrence  ;  on  the  way  they  were  met  by  a 
dispatch  from  Col.  Sumner  stating  that  on  mature  reflection 
he  had  concluded  not  to  move  until  he  had  received  direct 
orders  from  the  Government.  Boone  and  the  Governor  hur- 
ried on  to  the  pro-slavery  camp  at  Wakarusa,  (within  six 
miles  of  Lawrence.)  This  was  under  the  command  of  Gen. 
Strickler.  Gen.  Richardson,  who  commanded  another  force 
of  the  same  character  at  Lecompton,  about  18  miles  distant, 
had  been  requested  by  the  Governor,  with  other  leading  pro-* 
slavery  men  at  that  place,  to  meet  him  at  Wakarusa.  They 
arrived,  and  the  Governor  appointed  8  o'clock  in  the  eve- 


SLAVERY  OUTRAGES   IN  KANSAS,  75 

ning  at  his  quarters  for  an  interview.  About  forty  of  the 
leading  pro-slavery  men  were  there.  They  were  all,  except 
one,  determined  on  the  destruction  of  Lawrence,  to  which 
course  the  Governor  was  opposed.  The  conference  broke 
up  about  midnight,  having  accomplished  nothing.  The  Gov- 
ernor informed  them  that  he  intended  on  the  7th  (to-morrow) 
.  to  go  to  Lawrence,  and  ascertain  to  what  terms  the  free  State 
party  would  accede. 

The  Governor  immediately  sent  an  express  to  Col.  Sumner, 
informing  him  that  "  it  is  hard  to  restrain  the  pro-slavery 
men  from  making  an  attack  upon  Lawrence  ;  they  are  beyond 
my  power — at  least  soon  will  be,"  Col.  Sumner  refused,  without 
direct  orders  from  Washington,  to  participate.  The  pro- 
slavery  mob  did  not  want  the  United  States  troops  to  inter- 
fere, as  they  felt  all-powerful  without  them.  They  now  be- 
came clamorous,  and  refused  to  wait  longer  for  diplomacy, 
threatened  to  take  matters  into  their  own  hands  and  raise  the 
black  flag. 

The  Governor,  on  the  7th,  entered  Lawrence,  and  had  an 
interview  with  Gen.  J.  H.  Lane  and  Charles  Robinson.  The 
Governor  dreading  his  own  men,  felt  that  moments  were  hours 
to  the  citizens  of  Lawrence.  He  there  stated  he  was  satisfied 
that  he  misunderstood  its  people  and  the  territory,  and  that  they 
were  innocent,  and  had  violated  no  law.  Not  one  of  the  per- 
sons against  whom  Jones  had  writs,  were  in  Lawrence,  and 
the  Governor  could  not  persuade  the  citizens  of  Lawrence 
to  deliver  up  their  arms  to  a  mob.  He  gave  orders  to  Gen. 
Richardson  to  suppress  any  unauthorized  demonstrations 
against  Lawrence,  at  every  hazard,  informing  him  that  the 
people  were  willing  to  make  concessions. 

A  treaty  was  agreed  on  and  entered  into,  on  December  8th? 
1855.  The  treaty  sets  forth  "  that  the  rescue  of  Branson  was 
without  the  knowledge  or  consent  of  tJie  people  of  Lawrence,  and 
denies  all  knowledge  by  the  Free  State  Men  of  any  organization  in 
the  Territory  to  resist  the  laws;  and  requires  Gov.  Shannon  to 
use  his  influence  to  secure  the  people  of  Kansas  Territory  re- 
muneration for  damages  suifered  at  the  hands  of  Sheriff 


76  SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 

Jones  and  his  posse,  and  also  affirms  that  Gov.  Shannon  never 
called  on  the  people  of  any  other  State  to  aid  in  executing  the 
laws.  [Signed]  WILSON  SHANNON, 

CHARLES  ROBINSON, 
J.  H.  LANE. 
LAWRENCE,  K.  T.,  Dec.  8th,  1855. 

The  Governor,  now  issued  orders,  December  8th,  to  Gen. 
Richardson  and  Strickler,  and  Sheriff  Jones,  to  disband  their 
forces,  as  matters  had  been  arranged  to  the  satisfaction  of  all 
parties.  But  the  Governor  was  fearful  of  a  refusal  so  to  do, 
and  on  the  9th,  next  day,  put  the  following  authority  into  the 
hands  of  the  Free  State  Men  : 

"  To  C.  Robinson  and  J.  H.  Lane,  Commanders  of  the  enrolled 
Citizens  of  Lawrence  : — You  are  hereby  authorized  and  directed 
to  take  such  measures,  and  use  the  enrolled  forces  under  your 
command  in  such  manner,  for  the  promotion  of  the  peace  and 
the  protection  of  the  people  of  Lawrence  and  its  vicinity,  as 
in  your  judgment  will  best  secure  that  end. 

"  WILSON  SHANNON. 

"  LAWRENCE,  Dec.  Qth,  1855." 
• 

Major  Clark,  formerly  an  Arkansas  editor,  and  one  Colonel 
Burns,  of  Weston,  Missouri,  and  Dr.  Johnson,  son  of  the  then 
Governor  of  Virginia,  on  the  6th  of  December,  1855,  while 
Mr.  Thomas  W.  Barber  and  his  brother,  and  brother-in-law, 
were  peaceably  going  from  Lawrence  to  their  home,  about 
nine  miles  distant,  when  about  half  way,  they  were  met 
by  a  party  of  fifteen  pro-slavery  ruffians.  Burns  and  Clark 
were  with  them,  and  they  trotted  off  in  advance  of  the  crowd, 
and  overtook  Mr.  Barber  and  his  party,  and  commenced 
firing  on  them  with  their  revolvers.  T.  W.  Barber  was 
killed  ;  his  brother's  horse  was  also  wounded  and  died  that 
evening ;  fortunately  lie  and  Mr.  Pierson  made  their  escape. 
The  Barbers  were  from  Preble  County,  Ohio.  Mr.  Pierson 
was  from  Huntingdon  County,  Indiana. 

These  men  went  out  from  Gen.  Richardson's  pro-slavery 
camp  at  Lecompton  in  company  with  Judge  Cato,  of  the  Su- 


SLAVERY  OUTEAGES  IN  KANSAS.  77 

preme  Court,  Judge  Wood  of  the  Police  Court  of  Douglas 
County,  and  others,  to  see  Gov.  Shannon  at  Wakarusa,  all 
armed  to  the  teeth. 

Under  such  high-handed  outrages,  is  it  any  wonder  that 
Gov.  Shannon  had  become  disgusted  Avith  the  pro-slavery 
mob,  and,  like  Reeder,  determined,  if  possible,  to  shake  them  off  ? 
Thus  the  effort  of  Jefferson  Davis  Pierce  to  drive  out  the  Free 
State  settlers  in  Kansas,  by  calling  in  the  pro-slavery  border 
ruffians  of  Missouri,  under  the  name  of  Kansas  Militia,  re- 
sulted in  failure.  Pierce  intended  Col.  Sumner  to  use  the 
Federal  forces  against  the  Free  State  Men,  and  in  favor  of 
slavery,  and  expected  him  to  act  on  telegraphic  authority 
sent  to  Shannon  ;  but  this  wise  man  refused  to  do  so  without 
direct  instructions  from  the  War  Department,  which  did  not 
arrive  in  time. 

Pierce's  message  of  the  4th  of  March,  1850,  endorsing  all 
the  pro-slavery  Kansas  outrages,  was  the  most  untruthful  pub- 
lic document  ever  issued.  Simultaneous  with  its  issue  at 
Washington,  the  Free  State  Legislature  of  Kansas  assembled 
at  Topeka.  Robinson,  as  Governor,  issued  a  message  review- 
ing past  troubles.  Notwithstanding  they  expected  to  be  ar- 
rested for  treason,  22  Representatives  and  11  Senators  were 
present.  Although  the  free  State  men  at  this  time  controlled 
four-fifths  of  the  entire  population,  and  the  Organic  Act  pro- 
vided that  the  Legislature  shall  lie  chosen  from  the  residents  of 
the  Territory,  and  that  those  who  vote  for  them  shall  be  actual 
citizens  of  the  same, 

The  people  of  the  Territory  had  nothing  to  do  with  mak- 
ing the  laws  that  Gov.  Shannon  and  the  corrupt  administration 
at  Washington  were  endeavoring  to  force  on  them.  Shannon 
and  Pierce  were  compelling  submission  to  the  tyrannical  acts 
of  the  pro-slavery  legislature,  elected  by  fraudulent  votes  from 
Missouri,  by  threatening  to  arrest  the  Governor  and  members 
of  the  Legislature  chosen  by  the  bona  fide  settlers  according 
to  the  requirement  of  the  Organic  Act  of  the  Territory. 

The  legislature  of  Kansas  assembled  at  Topeka  on  the  8th 
of  March,  1859,  and  elected  A.  H.  Reeder  and  JauiesH.  Lano 


78  SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 

United  States  Senators.  All  of  these  individuals  expected  to 
be  arrested  for  treason,  but  were  determined  to  make  no  re- 
sistence  to  the  Federal  officers. 

Gov.  Shannon  at  this  time  was  boarding  with  Clark,  the 
Indian  agent,  who  had  murdered  Barber,  the  free  State  man, 
on  the  6th  of  December,  1855. 

Under  Shannon's  instructions,  United  States  Marshal  Don- 
aldson and  Sheriff  Jones,  with  a  very  large  force  of  border 
ruffians,  accompanied  by  artillery,  made  an  assault  on.  the 
town  of  Lawrence.  The  United  States  forces  were  not  pei«- 
mitted  to  move  from  their  quarters,  or  take  any  part  in  the 
contest.  Marshal  Donaldson  first  entered  the  place  with  a 
posse,  and  arrested  a  number  of  persons  for  treason,  and 
seized  all  the  arms  he  could  find.  The  inhabitants  made  no 
resistance  to  the  United  States  officers.  He  then  went  through 
the  mockery  of  disbanding  his  forces  ;  after  which  they  were 
immediately  led  on  by  Sheriff  Jones  ;  artillery  was  hauled 
up,  and  they  opened  with  cannon  on  the  Free  State  Hotel. 
This  building  was  burned  ;  also  the  printing  office  of  the 
Herald  of  Freedom,  and  other  dwellings,  were  entirely  de- 
stroyed by  the  torch  and  cannon  in  the  hands  of  the  pro- 
slavery  mob.  The  loss  of  life  by  the  indiscriminate  firing  of 
cannon  in  a  populous  city  must  have  been  frightful.  Many 
of  the  members  of  the  free  State  Legislature  were  arrested ; 
and  Gov.  Robinson  was  arrested  at  Lexington,  Missouri,  May 
21,  1856. 

The  pro-slavery  men  now  began  to  distrust  Governor  Shan- 
non, and  a  new  plan  of  continuing  the  strife  was  resorted  to — 
that  of  making  raids  from  Missouri,  by  bands  of  from  100  to 
300  men,  under  different  leaders,  for  the  purpose  of  murder- 
ing and  driving  out  the  Free  State  Men.  This  was  not  done 
as  before,  under  cover,  but  in  defiance  of  all  law.  Shannon 
became  unable  to  control  the  pro-slavery  element,  and  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  summer  of  1856  he  resigned  in  disgust.  A. 
second  failure  of  the  Administration  to  force  slavery  into 
Kansas. 

When  Shannon  resigned,  Daniel  Woodson,  a  Virginian,  whom 


SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS.  79 

Pierce  had  appointed  Secretary  of  Kansas,  officiated  as  Gov- 
ernor until  the  arrival  of  Geary.  The  presidential  election 
was  near  at  hand  ;  and,  at  the  solicitation  of  Buchanan,  not 
only  a  new  Governor,  but  a  change  of  tactics  in  Kansas  was 
deemed  necessary  to  assist  in  the  impending  presidential 
struggle.  Gen.  Sumner,  who  was  supposed  to  have  sympathy 
for  the  free  State  men  on  account  of  his  northern  birth,  was 
dismissed  from  command  by  Jeff.  Davis,  and  Persifer  F. 
Smith,  a  Louisiana  slaveholder,  appointed  to  take  charge  of 
the  department  of  the  West.  In  Davis's  instructions  to  his 
new  General,  he  remarks  that  "patriotism  and  humanity  alike 
require  that  the  rebellion  shall  be  promptly  crushed"  Shortly 
after  his  arrival  in  the  Territory,  Geary,  on  the  12th  of  Sep- 
tember, 1856,  issued  a  proclamation,  which  was  read  aloud  at 
Leaven  worth  to  the  assembled  crowd  by  Mr.  Adams.  This 
proclamation  demanded  that  all  military  organizations  in  the 
Territory  (except  the  Federal  forces)  should  disbancj^  The 
change  that  had  been  suggested  by  Buchanan  was  to  sustain 
the  pro-slavery  party  by  acknowledging  the  validity  of  the 
laws  passed  by  the  bogus  legislature,  and  sustain  the  pro- 
slavery  judicials  in  their  crusade  against  freedom  by  arrest- 
ing free  State  men.  To  make  the  matter  appear  fair,  all  mil- 
itary organizations  had  to  be  disbanded — border  ruffians,  as 
well  as  free  State  men.  This  was  the  scheme  hit  on  by  Bu- 
chanan— to  disarm  the  free  State  men,  and  render  them  power- 
less for  defence. 

Atchison,  Reid  and  Titus  had  a  border  ruffian  force  then  in 
Kansas  of  2.400  men,  with  four  pieces  of  artillery.  The  Mis- 
souri Platte  Argus  at  the  time  said  :  "Geary  agreed  to  carry 
out  what  the  border  ruffians  wanted  if  they  would  disband,  and 
with  that  understanding  they  marched  out  of  the  Territory. 
The  record  they  left  behind  can  only  partially  be  given. 
They  murdered  Maj.  Hoyt,  of  Lawrence,  by  breaking  in  his 
skull,  and  otherwise  mutilating  the  body  so  as  to  render  reo 
ognition  almost  impossible.  One  hundred  of  them  ravished  a 
mother  and  daughter  during  the  absence  of  the  husband 
and  father  at  Kansas  City.  About  the  same  time  Mr.  Hopp, 


80  SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 

formerly  of  Rock  Island.  111.,  while  about  three  miles  on  his 
way  from  Lawrence  to  Leavenworth,  was  shot  and  scalped, 
and  left  dead  in  the  road.  They  broke  up  the  Quaker  Mission 
at  the  Shawnee  Reserve,  where  the  Friends  had  a  school 
educating  a  few  Indians,  plundering  the  place,  and  driving  off 
the  horses,  while  the  Quakers  were  forced  .to  flee  for  their 
lives.  On  Washington  Creek,  about  seven  miles  from  Law- 
rence, they  visited  the  house  of  Henry  Hyatt,  a  native  of 
Indiana.  A  young  widow,  a  friend  of  the  family,  had  accom- 
panied them  to  their  new  home  ;  and  in  the  evening  of  August 
20th,  while  she  was  passing  from  an  out-house  into  the  dwell- 
ing, she  was  seized  by  a  band  of  ruffians,  who,  before  she 
could  scream  for  aid,  choked  her  tongue  out  of  her  mouth 
and  tied  it  with  a  string  behind  her  and  round  her  neck,  tell- 
ing her  if  she  made  the  least  noise  she  would  instantly  be  shot. 
They  then  tied  her  hands  behind  her  back,  and  removed  her 
to  a  p%tch  of  prairie  grass,  about  400  yards  from  the  house, 
and  after  ravishing  her  in  turn  kicked  her  in  the  sides  and 
abdomen,  and  left  her  (as  they  supposed)  to  die.  On  their 
way  out  of  the  Territory  these  pro-slavery  ruffians,  in  passing 
the  house  of  Mr.  Buffam,who  was  just  then  harnessing  up  his 
horse,  they  demanded  it.  He  explained  to  them  that  he  had 
an  aged  father  and  mother,  and  a  sister  and  brother  that  Avere 
blind  and  dumb,  all  depending  on  him  for  support.  "  You 
see,"  said  he,  "I  also  am  myself  a  cripple."  They  immediately 
ripped  out  an  oath  that  he  was  a  "damned  abolitionist,"  and 
shot  him  through  the  bowels.  They  then  took  his  horse,  leav- 
ing him  in  such  a  condition  that  he  died  in  about  one  hour. 
They  sacked  the  town  of  Franklin,  and  scalped  a  man  while 
alive,  and  exhibited  his  skinless  head  to  his  outraged  friends. 
On  the  Missouri,  above  Leavenworth,  the  settlers  at  Kick- 
apoo,  Atchison  and  Doniphan,  irrespective  of  party,  were 
plundered  of  all  they  possessed  ;  even  the  under  garments  of 
women  and  the  children's  clothes,  were  stripped  from  their 
bodies  and  carried  off  by  the  pro-slavery  border-ruffian  mob. 
Lecompton  and  Tecumseh,  both  strongholds  of  pro-slavery  in 
Kansas,  came  in  for  a  share  of  their  lawless  depredations. 


SLAVEBT  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS.  8 

In  the  meantime  a  force  was  collected  at  Lexington,  on  the 
Missouri  river.  This  is  a  town  in  the  State  of  Missouri  where 
emigrants  going  to  Kansas  by  water  have  to  pass.  All  steam- 
boats wrere  compelled  to  stop  here  and  submit  to  a  search. 
If  any  free  State  persons  were  aboard,  they  were  sent  back ; 
if  they  had  arms,  they  were  taken  from  them.  Thus  no  more 
free  State  emigrants  were  permitted  to  enter  Kansas  by  the 
water  route.  Colonel  Richardson,  a  Missourian,  was  also 
dispatched  to  the  Nebraska  line,  with*  a  force  of  400  border 
ruffians  to  block  up  the  land  road,  and  prevent  any  free  State 
settlers  entering  Kansas  by  that  route.  With  all  these  ad- 
vantages in  favor  of  the  pro-slavery  party,  success  appeared 
inevitable. 

This  was  the  situation  on  the  29th  of  September,  1856, 
when  Governor  Geary  brought  the  Federal  dragoons  into  the 
field.  Clark,  the  murderer  of  Barber,  (whom  Ex-Governor 
Shannon  had  boarded  with,)  Col.  Titus,  Reid  and  Atchison 
were  retained  by  Geary  as  his  aids.  Lane,  the  free  State 
General,  made  his  escape  with  a  small  force,  with  their  arms, 
into  Nebraska.  Up  to  October  14,  1856,  not  onp  pro-slavery 
man  had  been  arrested  by  Geary.  All  kinds  of  charges  were 
made  and  indictments  found  against  free  State  men,  who  were 
arrested  by  U.  S.  Marshal  Donaldson,  (although  they  never 
resisted  Federal  authority.)  supported  by  the  Federal  army. 

Every  hope  of  the  free  State  party  appeared,  to  the  outside 
world,  as  crushed  by  the  slave  power  wielding  the  Federal 
Government.  Geary's  rule  was  such  that  it  compelled  free 
State  men  to  flee  from  the  Territory  for  their  lives.  The 
slave  State  of  Texas  had  voted  $50,000  to  assist  the  border 
ruffians  to  make  Kansas  a  slave  State,  and  large  sums  were 
sent  from  other  slave  States  to  the  leaders  of  the  pro  slavery 
bands  to  encourage  them  to  persevere  in  aiding  the  Federal 
Government  to  murder  and  drive  out  of  the  common  terri- 
tories all  the  settlers  from  the  free  States. 

The  pro-slavery  agitators  in  Congress  were  now  anxious 
to  lend  their  aid  to  the  Federal  Executive,  in  the  shape  of 
attaching  to  the  army  bill,  authority  to  use  the  Federal  army 

6 


82  SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 

to  put  down  insurrection  in  Kansas  ;  which  meant,  to  use  it  to 
butcher  its  free  State  settlers  if  they  did  not  give  their  con- 
sent that  slavery  should  be  supreme  in  the  Federal  territories. 
The  army  bill  passed  the  House  with  the  above  clause  at- 
tached ;  80  Southern  Representatives  voted  for  it,  and  21 
members  from  the  free  States — making  101  votes.  The  Sen- 
ate refused  to  pass  it  with  that  clause,  by  a  vote  of  25  to  7. 
It  was  struck  out,  and  sent  back  to  the  House,  and  the  bill 
was  then  passed  with  no  proviso  as  to  the  employing  of  the 
army  in  Kansas. 

Some  time  in  October,  1856,  a  train  of  emigrants  under  Mr. 
Eldridge,  250  in  all,  were  met  by  Deputy  Marshal  Preston, 
•with  700  troops  and  six  pieces  of  artillery.  He  ordered  the 
emigrants  under  arrest,  and  searched  their  baggage.  They 
were  mostly  from  New  York,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Wiscon- 
sin and  Iowa.  They  were  all  discharged  by  Gov.  Geary  on 
their  arrival  in  Kansas,  and  their  arms  and  baggage  restored 
to  them. 

Gov.  Geary  had  arrived  in  time  to  witness  Mr.  Buffum  die. 
He  pledged  him  that  he  would  bring  his  murderer  to  justice. 
A  "warrant  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Marshal  Donaldson  for 
the  arrest  of  Hays,  the  murderer.  He  was  arrested  and 
brought  before  Judge  Lecompte,  who  released  him  on  bail, 
Sheriff  Jones  becoming  his  surety.  This  aggravated  Gov. 
Geary,  and  he  immediately  offered  a  large  reward  for  his  re- 
arrest.  Donaldson  refused  to  act,  and  swore  he  would  resign. 
The  Governor  induced  Col.  Titus,  who  was  one  of  his  aids, 
to  make  the  arrest.  Titus,  the  most  rabid  of  all,  and  the 
leader  of  the  band  of  Southern  thieves,  was  about  to  leave, 
with  his  two  companies,  to  join  Walker,  in  Nicaragua,  and, 
for  a  large  consideration  from  the  Governor,  he  and  his  men, 
who  had  been  kept  as  a  kind  of  body-guard  when  all  other 
militia  was  disbanded,  made  the  arrest.  Hays  was  this  time 
brought  before  Judge  Cato,  who  refused  a  writ  of  habeas 
corpus,  and  the  criminal  was  sent  to  jail.  This  occurred  on 
the  29th  of  November,  and  Titus  left,  with  his  two  compa- 
;  nies,  on  the  1st  of  December.  This  act  of  simple  justice  on 


SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS.          .    83 

the  part  of  the  Governor  completely  turned  the  pro-slavery 
officials  of  Kansas  against  him.  They  sent  letters  to  the 
heads  of  department  requesting  his  removal,  and  a  perfect 
feud  was  got  up  between  him  and  Judge  Lecompte.  This 
unprincipled  judicial  knave  had  just  committed  twenty  free 
State  men  for  manslaughter,  and  sent  them  to  prison  for  five 
years.  Such  an  act  of  judicial  outrage  was  never  before  per- 
petrated in  the  whole  history  of  the  country.  Gov.  Geary 
saw  and  felt  it;  his  better  nature  revolted  against  it,  and 
they  joined  issue.  He  removed  the  Lecompte  trials  and  or- 
dered them  before  Judge  Cato. 

On  the  6th  of  January,  1857,  several  members  of  the  free 
State  Legislature  met  at  Topeka.  Sheriff  Jones  swore  out, 
and  Judge  Cato  issued  the  warrants,  and  the  new  Marshal, 
who  was  appointed  to  fill  Donaldson's  place,  (Pardee,)  made  the 
arrests. 

The  bogus  pro-slavery  Legislature  met  at  Lecompton  on 
January  15,  1857.  Gov.  Geary  advised  the  Legislature  to  re- 
peal some  of  the  obnoxious  laws,  and  let  slavery  alone  until  a 
Constitution  was  adopted.  Not  a  single  officer  in  the  Terri- 
tory was  amenable  to  the  people  or  to  the  Governor  ;  they  all 
held  their  offices  by  appointment  of  the  bogus  Legislature. 

On  the  17th  of  February,  1857,  a  bill  was  framed  and  passed 
by  this  infamous  Legislature  to  assist  Hays,  and  other  pro- 
slavery  murderers  to  give  bail  and  escape  justice.  The  Gov- 
ernor vetoed  it ;  but  the  Legislature  passed  it  over  his  head 
by  only  one  dissenting  vote.  After  it  was  passed,  Clark, 
(whom  Gov.  Shannon,  and  Sheriff  Jones  had  boarded  with,) 
the  murderer  of  Barber,  gave  himself  up,  and  entered  bail  to 
appear.  The  Governor  had  also  vetoed  the  bill  providing  for 
a  Constitutional  Convention,  because  it  did  not  provide  that 
the  Constitution  should  be  submitted  to  the  people.  The 
bogus  Legislature  passed  it  over  his  head.  Geary  had  en- 
tirely lost  his  influence  over  the  Legislature,  and  the  Conven- 
tion that  assembled  to  form  a  pro-slavery  Constitution  looked 
on  him  with  distrust. 

Judge  Lecompte  wrote  a  letter  to  Attorney  General  Cush- 


84  SLAVERY   OUTRAGES   IN   KANSAS. 

ing,  dated  Jan.  9th,  1857,  stating  that  he  regarded  Geary's 
advent  into  Kansas  as  "  a  woful  curse  to  the  Territory."  Also 
a  large  party  of  South  Carolinians,  who  had  gone  to  help 
make  Kansas  a  slave  State,  left  for  home  ;  passing  through 
Washington  about  the  first  of  the  month,  they  remarked  that 
they  were  "  completely  disgusted  with  Geary  and  Kansas." 

The  Legislature  appointed  one  Sherrard  to  fill  the  place  of 
Sheriff  Jones,  resigned.  He  being  an  outlaw  and  a  drunkard, 
the  Governor  refused  to  commission  him.  He  secretly  way- 
laid the  Governor,  and  in  order  to  get  him  into  combat,  so  as 
to  have  an  excuse  to  assassinate  him,  spit  in  Geary's  face. 

The  Governor  exerted  himself  to  get  up  an  indignation  meet- 
ing at  Lecompton.  Sherrard  attended  the  meeting,  pistol  in 
hand,  and  after  wounding  three  persons  was  himself  shot 
dead  by  a  young  man  attached  to  the  Governor's  suit.  Geary, 
hearing  that  there  was  a  plot  to  assassinate  him,  ordered 
out  a  regiment  of  United  States  infantry  stationed  in  the 
town,  and  sent  to  Tecumseh  for  the  dragoons  who  were  em- 
ployed there  to  guard  the  prisoners,  but  it  was  found  that 
all  the  ferry  boats  had  been  set  adrift,  and  there  was  no  way 
of  passing  over  the  troops.  He  then  called  out  a  number  of 
citizens  for  his  defence.  The  bogus  Legislature  had  justified 
the  act  of  spitting  in  his  face.  The  Governor  becoming  sat- 
isfied that  his  life  would  be  taken  if  he  remained  in  the  Ter- 
ritory, resigned  about  the  middle  of  March,  1857. 

The  officers  of  the  United  States  army  under  Gen.  Smith, 
when  that  Louisiana  slaveholder  found  the  Governor  would 
not  go  all  lengths  to  sustain  slavery,  also  turned  against  him. 
In  his  farewell  address,  the  Governor  says  :  "  I*  have  been 
refused  a  detachment  of  two  companies,  with  the  taunting 
reply  that  '  The  United  States  army  is  not  here  to  protect 
you.''  A  band  of  fifty  men  have  been  organized,  ever  since  I 
entered  the  Territory,  to  assassinate  me  if  I  did  not  go  en- 
tirely in  the  interest  of  slavery.  My  life  was  constantly  in. 
danger.  The  murders,  assassinations  and  robberies  of  the 
pro-slavery  border  ruffians  have  never  been  told." 

Thus  ended  the  administration  of  Gov.  Geary  in  Kansas. 


SLAVERY  OUTRAGES   IN   KANSAS.  85 

He  was  selected  by  Pierce,  at  Buchanan's  solicitation,  to  go 
into-  Kansas  to  quiet  the  excitement,  in  order  to  assist  in 
the  presidential  canvass  of  the  fall  of  that  year,  1856.  The 
fraudulent  voting,  the  arming  of  the  border  ruffian  militia 
under  the  form  of  law,  and  the  raids,  in  defiance  of  all  law, 
of  from  100  to  300  Missourians  into  Kansas  to  murder  the 
free  State  men,  all  having  failed,  Geary  went  out  to  disband 
all  the  above  auxiliaries,  and  bring  the  Federal  forces  into 
the  field,  to  make  a  show  of  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  diffi- 
culties, in  order  that  Buchanan  might  not  be  defeated.  The 
election  was  carried  by  the  pro-slavery  party,  under  the  ban- 
ner of  State  Rights,  and  slavery  in  the  Territories  to  be  re- 
jected or  established  by  the  residents  themselves  without  any 
outside  interference.  Stripped  of  all  mask,  this  doctrine  is, 
that  a  State  has  power  above  the  General  Government ;  and 
slavery  is  above  the  control  of  any  act  that  Congress  might 
pass.  In  this  election  the  democratic  party  became  entirely 
sectional,  and  their  ticket  was  elected  on  a  platform  that 
Thomas  Jefferson  would  have  spurned,  and  Andrew  Jackson 
epit  upon. 

A  resolution  was  passed  in  the  Buchanan  Cincinnati  Con- 
vention, endorsing  the  Administration  of  Pierce.  This  was 
for  the  Southern  pro-slavery  eye.  It  was  excluded  from  the 
platform,  and  few  of  the  Northern  Democratic  journals  ever 
published  it,  and  no  one  of  them  ever  endorsed  it.  So  much 
for  the  fork-tongued,  cheating  convention,  that  nominated 
Jim  Buchanan,  a  worse  traitor  than  Benedict  Arnold.  By 
this  double  dealing  they  secured  for  him  1,800,000  votes.  Fre- 
mont, his  opponent,  received  1,275,000.  In  the  free  States 
alone,  Fremont  exceeded  him  130,000.  Add  Fillmore's,  the 
Know  Nothing  candidate's  vote,  890,000,  to  Fremont's,  and  it 
leaves  the  old  traitor  325,000  votes  in  the  minority.  ...A 

What  Raynor  Kenneth,  of  North  Carolina,  a  Fillmore  Na- 
tive American  Orator,  thought  of  Buchanan,  may  be  seen  in 
a  speech  delivered,  in  Philadelphia,  Nov.  1st.  1856.  He  re- 
marks :  "  Buchanan  is  the  representative  of  slavery  agitation  ; 
he  is  the  representative  of  discord  between  sections ;  he  is 


86  SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 

the  man  whom  the  Northern  and  Southern  agitators  have 
agreed  to  present  as  their  candidate.  If  he  be  elected,  at  the 
end  of  four  years  more,  they  will  spring  upon  you  another 
question  of  slavery  agitation." 

Pierce's  sectional  pro-slavery  administration  had  made  more 
anti-slavery  men  than  the  lecturers  and  newspapers  of  that 
party  had  done  for  twenty-five  years.  Buchanan,  as  was  ex- 
pected, carried  all  the  slave  States  ;  add  to  them  New  Jersey, 
Indiana,  Illinois,  and  his  own  State,  Pennsylvania,  which  to- 
gether gave  him  174  electoral  votes.  There  being  no  separate 
anti-slavery  candidate,  as  heretofore,  Fremont  carried  the 
great  States  of  New  York  and  Ohio,  and  nine  other  free 
States,  making  113  electoral  votes  in  all.  Unlucky  Fillmore, 
or  the  Native  American  candidate,  carried  only  Maryland. 
The  anti-slavery  converts  made  by  Pierce's  administration  in- 
creased from  152,296  in  1852  to  1,275,000  in  1856.  The  trai- 
tor was  about  sixty  rfive  years  old  when  elected. 

Not  only  did  the  South  claim  that  the  Territories  belonging 
to  the  Federal  Government  were  all  open  to  the  introduction 
of  slavery,  but  they  desired  the  annexation  of  Cuba  ;  and 
Pierce,  in  all  haste,  set  about  to  procure  it,  and  solicited  the 
aid  of  James  Buchanan,  then  Minister  to  England,  and  J.  Y. 
Mason,  then  Minister  to  France,  to  assist  our  Spanish  Minis- 
ter, Pierre  Soule,  to  negotiate  at  Madrid.  In  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Soule  headed,  "  Department  of  State,  Washington,  August 
16th,  1854,"  Secretary  Marcy  says  :  "  Sir,  I  am  directed  by 
the  President  to  request  that  you  call  a  meeting  of  three 
ministers,  to  meet  at  Paris,  to  consult  on  the  best  measures  to 
adopt  in  your  negotiations  at  Madrid." 

This  meeting  was  held,  but  not  at  the  place  suggested  by 
Pierce,  but  in  Belgium  and  Prussia.  We  make  a  few  extracts 
from  the  letter  of  reply,  dated  at 

"Aix  LA  CHAPELLE,  October  18,  1854. 

"  The  undersigned,  in  compliance  with  the  wish  expressed 
by  the  President  in  his  several  confidential  dispatches  you 
have  addressed  to  us  respectively  to  that  effect,  have  met  in 
conference,  first  at  Ostend,  in  Belgium,  on  the  9th  10th  and 


; 
SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS.  87 

. 

llth  instants,  and  then  at  Aix  la  Chapelle,  in  Prussia,  on  the 
days  next  following  up  to  the  18th  of  October." 

After  enumerating  the  immense  advantage  that  would  ac- 
crue from  annexing,  the  reply  goes  on  : 

"  Indeed,  the  Union  can  never  enjoy  repose  or  possess  reliable 
security  as  long  as  Cuba  is  not  embraced  within  its  boundaries" 

[$120,000,000  was  the  price  Pierce  wanted  to  pay  for  Cuba.] 

If  Spain  should  refuse  to  sell  the  island  : 

"  Then  the  question  should  assume  a  new  shape:  Does  Cuba 
in  the  possession  of  Spain  seriously  endanger  our  internal  peace, 
and  the  existence,  of  our  cherished  Union ;  if  so,  every  law,  hu- 
man and  divine,  iviU  justify  us  in  wresting  it  from  Spain  if  we 
have  the  power. 

[Signed]        JAMES  BUCHANAN, 
J.  Y.  MASON, 
PIERRE  SOULE," 

That  part  of  Pierce's  administration,  to  procure  more  slave 
territory  at  the  hazard  of  a  war  with  Spain,  was  only  rendered 
more  odious  by  its  being  notoriously  known  that  the  admin- 
istration was  secretly  encouraging  the  getting  up  of  hostile 
expeditions  to  invade  Cuba,  and,  to  blind  the  public,  on  the 
8th  of  December,  1855,  issued  a  proclamation  to  prevent  it. 

Gen.  Wm.  Walker,  of  Scottish  descent,  but  a  native  of  Ten- 
nessee, was  now  struggling  to  become  master  of  Central 
America.  He  had  already  fought  the  battles  of  Rivas,  Souci, 
Virgin  Bay,  and  Granada,  but  was  compelled  to  fight  a  second 
battle  at  Rivas  on  the  llth  of  April,  1856.  In  this  fight  he 
was  victorious,  but  with  severe  loss.  Don  Patrick)  Rivas  was 
Walker's  President  of  Nicaragua.  His  proclamation,  pre- 
viously issued,  had  been  received  with  some  favor  by  Guate- 
mala, Honduras,  and  San  Salvador.  The  object  of  Walker's 
first  expedition  to  Sonora,  according  to  his  own  statement, 
was  to  develope  the  resources  of  Lower  California,  and  to 
effect  a  perfect  social  organization  therein  ;  and  to  this  he  said 
it  was  necessary  to  make  it  independent.  In  his  brief  hour 
of  presidential  authority,  after  declaring  independence  of 


88  SLAVERY   OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 

Mexico,  his  second  decree  was,  extending  the  laws  of  the 
slave  State  of  Louisiana  over  the  Republic  of  Sonora.  This 
was  his  record  that  induced  the  administration  of  Pierce  to 
recognize  and  encourage  him  in  his  new  field  of  operations. 
After  Walker's  Minister  had  been  recognized  at  Washington, 
the  administration  authorized  a  meeting  to  be  held,  on  the 
23d  of  May,  1856,  in  the  city  of  New  York.  Lewis  Cass 
wrote  a  letter  to  be  read  at  this  meeting  ;  he  says  :  "  My  feel- 
ings and  sympathies  are  with  you  in  the  demonstration  of 
public  satisfaction  at  the  wise  and  just  measure  of  the  admin- 
istration, by  which  the  existing  Government  of  Nicaragua  is 
recognized,  and  will  be  encouraged  to  go  on  in  its  good 
work."  Add  to  this  Marcy's  threatening  letter  about  the 
same  time  to  Louis  Molina,  Charge  d'  Affaires  of  Costa  Rica. 
That  Government  was  hostile  to  Walker  and  his  adventurers, 
and  Secretary  Marcy  gives  its  Minister  to  understand  that 
such  hostility  was  viewed  as  indirectly  against  the  United 
States  Government. 

The  Washington  Daily  Union,  from  the  27th  of  December 
to  the  14th  of  March,  had  accounts  of  six  different  expedi- 
tions on  their  way  to  join  Walker.  Meetings  were  held  in 
New  Orleans,  Mobile,  Charleston,  Nashville,  and  almost  every 
other  Southern  town  of  note,  endorsing  the  action  of  the  ad- 
ministration, and  encouraging  it  and  Walker  to  persevere  in 
the  good  work  in  which  they  were  jointly  engaged.  Colonel 
Titus,  who,  with  two  companies,  had  been  sent  by  Florida  to 
assist  in  driving  the  free  State  men  out  of  Kansas,  was  in- 
duced by  the  administration  to  start  with  his  force  to  the  as- 
sistance of  Walker,  in  Nicaragua.  He  left  Kansas  on  the  1st  of 
December,  1856,  at  the  secret  solicitation  of  the  administra- 
tion to  assist  the  South,  under  Walker,  in  acquiring  more 
slave  territory  in  Central  America. 

This  sectional  administration  of  the  Man  of  Sin  was  now 
coming  to  a  close.  In  the  brief  time  of  four  years  it  had  ful- 
filled every  prediction  of  the  anti-slavery  men  of  the  North, 
and  completely  corrupted  the  fountains  of  the  democratic 
element,  and  used  the  prestige  of  that  great  party  to  over- 


SLAVERY   OUTRAGES   IN   KANSAS.  89 

throw  its  long  cherished  principles  established  by  Jefferson, 
Jackson  and  Polk.  His  administration  was  managed  exclu- 
sively by  the  disciples  of  Calhoun ;  they  annulled  the  doc- 
trine  that  Congress  had  power  over  slavery  in  the  Territories 
by  repealing  the  Missouri  Compromise  of  1820,  by  which 
they  opened  all  the  Federal  territory  to  the  introduction  of 
slavery.  They  sent  armed  assassins  from  the  slave  States 
into  Kansas  to  force  slavery  into  that  Territory,  against  the 
expressed  will  of  a  great  majority  of  its  actual  settlers,  a  de- 
tailed account  of  which  we  have  already  given.  They  were 
plotting  to  acquire  the  island  of  Cuba,  at  the  hazard  of  a  war 
with  Spain.  They  allied  themselves  with  and  encouraged 
Walker  in  his  disreputable  and  subsequent  disastrous  fail- 
ure to  extend  slavery  into  Central  America.  They  perverted 
justice,  by  influencing  the  Supreme  Court  to  join  in  their  un- 
holy pro-slavery  crusade,  and  compelled  Judge  Taney  to  keep 
secret  his  unrighteous  decision  in  the  Dred  Scott  case  until 
after  the  presidential  election — he  holding  it  in  his  pocket 
over  six  months — that  their  new  candidate  (Buchanan^  might 
not  be  defeated  by  its  promulgation.  After  the  desirable  ob- 
ject had  been  accomplished  it  was  made  public,  March  6th, 
1857,  two  days  after  Buchanan's  inauguration. 

To  provide"  against  Buchanan's  defeat  by  Fremont,  the  ad- 
ministration had  arranged,  according  to  a  previously  required 
pledge,  to  betray  the  United  States  Government  into  the 
hands  of  the  ultra  pro-slavery  men  of  the  Southern  States. 
The  proof  of  this  can  be  found  in  the  Washington  corres- 
pondence of  the  New  Orleans  Delta,  dated  Sep\  10th,  1856, 
which  says  :  "  If  Fremont  is  elected,  Virginia,  Georgia  and 
South  Carolina  will  immediately  withdraw  from  the  Union, 
before  Fremont  can  get  hold  of  the  army  and  navy  or  purse- 
strings  of  the  Government.  Wise,  of  Virginia,  is  actively  at 
woiik,  and  the  South  can  rely  on  President  Pierce  in  the  emer- 
gency contemplated" 

Buchanan  now  began  to  arrange  for  the  presidential  term 
for  which  he  had  been  elected.  The  ultra  pro-slavery  men  of 
the  South  determined  to  control  or  kill  him.  They  expected 


90  POISONING  OP  PRESIDENT   BUCHANAN. 

he  would  be  the  last  President  that  the  pro-slavery  party 
could  ever  elect,  and  they  were  determined  to  have  four  years 
exclusive  control,  so  as  to  disarm  the  Federal  Government. 
Pierce  stood  ready,  if  Fremont  had  been  elected,  in  1856,  to 
betray  bis  country.  Buchanan  might  be  sure,  but  Breckin- 
ridge  they  knew  to  be  safe.  Like  Butler,  Gordon  and  Leslie, 
of  Wallenstein  memory,  they  resolved  to  take  the  life  of  their 
leader.  Who  acted  the  part  of  Capt.  Devereux,  in  attempt- 
ing to  assassinate  Buchanan,  we  know  not. 

THE  ATTEMPT  TO   MURDER  PRESIDENT  BUCHANAN. 

Presidents  Harrison  and  Taylor  had  been  singly  assassin- 
ated. The  first  had  been  dispatched  with  such  perfect  suc- 
cess, and  a  period  of  ten  years  having  nearly  elapsed,  and  no 
arrests  having  been  made,  it  was  thought  safe  to  apply  the 
same  means  to  destroy  President  Taylor.  Although  the  first 
had  twice  succeeded  without  detection,  still  a  repetition  for 
a  third  time  of  poisoning  a  President  during  the  early  part  of 
his  term  of  office,  and  amid  high  political  excitement,  it  was 
thought  would  be  surrounded  with  evidence  of  foul  play,  and 
thus  lead  to  detection. 

Therefore,  to  prevent  suspicion  and  investigation,  a  change 
of  tactics  was  determined  upon.  Instead  of  the  President 
(as  heretofore)  being  the  only  victim,  it  was  so  arranged  that 
from  twenty  to  fifty  persons  were  to  lose  their  lives,  and 
among  them  President  Buchanan.  It  would  thus  appear  as  an 
accidental  occurrence. 

Every  effort  had  in  each  case  been  made  to  use  the  Chief 
Magistrate  exclusively  for  the  slave  interest,  and  only  when 
these  efforts  had  failed  was  murder  used  to  secure  victory. 
The  slave  interest  was  led  to  believe,  by  Buchanan's  political 
life,  and  by  intimations  from  the  .old  public  functionary  him- 
self, that  his  administration  would  be  rigidly  pro-slavery.  The 
Kansas  troubles  were  at  their  height.  Through  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  slavery  had  a  chance  in  that 
territor}%  and  Jefferson  Davis,  and  Hunter,  of  Virginia,  and 
Tooinbs,  of  Georgia,  with  other  disciples  of  Calhoun,  were 


POISONING  OF  PRESIDENT  BUCHANAN.  91 

determined  to  rule  and  direct  the  incoming  administration. 
Every  effort  was  resorted  to  for  the  purpose  of  compelling 
Buchanan  to  make  up  his  Cabinet  from  the  pro-slavery,  dis- 
union Southern  element.  The  old  gentleman  became  very  stiff 
in  the  back  after  his  election,  and  began  to  think  he  was 
his  own  master ;  the  country  appeared  to  him  to  have  >a 
Northern  as  well  as  a  Southern  interest,  and  he  refused  to 
be  controlled. 

He  visited  Washington  in  the  latter  part  of  February,  and 
put  up,  as  usual,  at  the  National  Hotel.  On  Sunday,  the  22d 
day  of  February,  it  became  generally  known  that  he  had  set 
his  face  strongly  against  the  Jeff.  Davis,  pro-slavery  rule  or 
ruin  party.  It  was  given  out  that  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan, 
and  Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  were  to  have  the  leading  po- 
sitions in  his  Cabinet. 

"  He  had  also  promised  to  settle  the  question  of  the  freedom 
of  the  territories  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  people  of  the  free 
States."— New  York  Eve.  Post. 

"  The  appointment  of  Cass  and  Cobb  to  the  two  command- 
ing positions  in  the  Cabinet  strikes  the  secessionists  between 
wind  and  water,  and  is  equivalent  to  a  practical  and  absolute 
repudiation  of  the  border-ruffian,  Kansas,  negro-agitation, 
disunion  policy  of  Pierce." — New  York  Herald,  Feb.  22, 1857. 

The  Herald  of  the  26th  says  :  "  The  appointments,  by  the 
Jefferson  Davis  faction,  will  doubtless  be  accepted  and  treated 
as  a  declaration  of  war,  and  as  a  war  of  extermination  on  one 
side  or  the  other." 

On  the  22d,  Buchanan's  determination  became  known  ;  and 
on  the  23d  of  February,  1857,  (next  day,)  he  was  poisoned.  The 
plot  was  deep,  and  planned  with  skill.  Mr.  Buchanan,  as  is 
customary  with  men  in  his  station,  had  a  table,  or  chairs,  re- 
served for  him  and  his  friends.  The  President  was  known  to 
be  an  inveterate  tea-drinker  ;  in  fact,  Northern  people  rarely 
drink  anything  else  in  the  evening.  Southern  men  mostly 
prefer  coffee.  Thus,  to  make  sure  of  Buchanan,  and  cause  as 
many  deaths  in  the  North  as  possible,  arsenic  was  sprinkled 
in  the  sugar  bowls  containing  the  tea  or  lump  sugar,  and  set 


92  POISONING  OF  PRESIDENT   BUCHANAN. 

on  the  table  where  he  was  to  sit.  The  pulverized  sugar  used 
for  coffee  setting  on  the  table  was  kept  free  from  the  poison- 
ous drug  by  deep-laid  strategy  ;  thus,  not  a  single  Southern 
man  was  affected.  Fifty  or  sixty  persons  dined  at  different 
intervals  at  that  table  that  evening ;  and  as  near  as  we  can 
ascertain  about  thirty-eight  died  from  the  effects  of  the  poison. 
Mr.  Buclianan  was  poisoned,  and  with  great  difficulty  pre- 
served his  life.  His  physician  treated  him  understandingly,from 
instructions  given  by  himself  as  to  the  cause  of  his  disease,  for  he 
understood  ivell  what  was  the  matter.  We  make  the  above  state- 
ment from  the  highest  authority,  and  as  to  tJie  material  facts  we 
feel  confident  that  the  Ex-President,  altlwugh  not  our  author,  will 
not  contradict  them. 

Shortly  after  the  occurrence,  the  Cincinnati  Commercial 
had  an  article  headed  as  follows  : 

"Poisoning  the  President. — Mr.  Buchanan,  it  is  well  known, 
has  suffered  terribly  from  the  epidemic,  and  is  by  no  means  at 
this  time  in  good  health.  Agentleman  of  our  acquaintance,  pass- 
ing through  Washington  a  few  days  since,  happened  to  hear  con- 
firmation of  the  fact  from  Mr.  Buchanan  himself."  The  Com- 
mercial says,  "  We  take  the  liberty  of  quoting  the  following 
from  a  private  letter  :  '  As  I  was  passing  a  gas  light  I  saw  a 
couple  of  gentlemen,  one  of  whom,  although  I  had  not  seen 
him  for  sixteen  years,  I  almost  knew  to  be  the  President.  I 
stepped  alongside,  and  a  glance  confirmed  me  ;  I  was  not  mis- 
taken. The  old  man  totters ;  his  legs  are  weak.  A  half 
stumble  drew  some  remark  from  his  companion  which  I  did 
not  hear.  His  reply  was  :  '/  am  not  right;  my  health  is  not 
recovered;  adding,  in  a  sort  of  begging  tone,  '  but  I  am  getting 
better.' " 

"  Kitting  the  President. — When  elected  President,  Mr.  Bu- 
chanan was  in  the  highest  physical  condition.  A  few  days  be- 
fore the  inauguration  he  visited  the  Capital,  and  on  returning 
to  Wheatland  was  slightly  affected  with  an  epidemic  prevail- 
ing at  the  Capital  at  the  time.'' — Neio  York  Herald,  March 
Uth,  1855. 


POISONING   OP   PRESIDENT  BUCHANAN.  93 

"S;nce  the  appearance  of  the  epidemic  the  tables  of  the 
National  Hotel  have  been  almost  empty.  But  more  remark- 
able than  the  appearance  of  the  mysterious  epidemic  itself,  is 
the  supineness  of  the  Washington  authorities  in  regard  to  it. 
Have  the  proprietors  of  the  hotel,  or  clerks  or  servants  suf- 
fered from  this  disease  ?  If  not,  in  what  respect  has  their 
diet  and  accommodations  differed  from  those  of  the  guests. 
There  is  more  in  this  calamity  than  meets  the  eye.  It  is  not 
a  matter  to  be  trifled  with." — New  York  Post,  March  18, 1857. 

Those  having  a  hand  in  the  foul  crime,  in  order  to  delude 
investigation,  said  the  disease  resulted  from  the  water  in  the 
cistern,  into  which  a  number  of  rats  that  had  been  poisoned 
with  arsenic  had  plunged.  The  Board  of  Health  met  on  the 
evening  of  March  16th.  The  sewerage  of  the  establishment 
was  pointed  to  and  observed.  All  the  drains,  it  appears,  were 
south,  and  southern  winds  were  supposed  to  have  an  effect. 
But  how,  it  may  be  asked,  did  a  cause  which  existed  for  so 
long  a  time  only  begin  to  produce  a  fatal  effect  immediately 
on  the  arrival  of  President  Buchanan  in  Washington  ?  The 
South  Side  Democrat,  Petersburg,  Va..  says:  "Is  boasted 
modern  science  so  completely  in  the  dark  that  it  cannot  de- 
tect the  difference  of  effect  between  mephitic  air  and  arsenic?" 

Symptoms  of  the  attack,  and  Names  of  some  of  the  Murdered 
Dead. — A  persistent  diarrhea,  in  some  cases  accompanied  with 
violent  vomiting,  and  alwa}'s  with  a  most  depressing  loss  of 
strength  and  spirits  in  the  person.  Sometimes  for  one  day 
the  patients  would  be  filled  with  hopes  of  recovery,  then  re- 
lapse back  again  into  loss  of  spirits  and  illness. 

Mr.  Lenox,  of  Ohio,  died  on  his  way  home  from  Washing- 
ton. He  was  a  guest  at  the  National  at  the  time  of  the  oc- 
currence. 

Mrs.  J.  L.  Adams,  of  New  York  city,  also  died  from  the 
effects  of  this  disease.  "  A  post-mortem  examination  of  Mrs. 
Adams  revealed  the  fact  that  the  stomach  had  been  partly 
eaten  away  by  arsenic" — See  New  York  Post,  March  14,  1857. 

Mrs.  Robert  Johnston,  of  Newark,  N.  J.,  after  an  illness  of 
five  weeks,  died.  Mrs.  Johnston,  and  daughter,  and  husband 


94  POISONING  OF  PRESIDENT  BUCHANAN. 

had  been  at  the  National  Hotel  at  the  time.  Mr.  Johnston 
and  the  daughter  were  also  severely  afflicted,  but  recovered. 
— Newark  Advertiser,  April  IQth,  1857. 

Elliott  Eskridge,  Mr.  Buchanan's  nephew,  was  believed  to 
have  died  from  the  same  cause. 

The  following  individuals  were  also  poisoned  at  the  time, 
but  recovered  :  Hon.  Robert  B.  Hall,  member  of  Congress 
from  Massachusetts  ;  Hon.  0.  B.  Matteson,  of  New  York 
State  ;  Benj.  F.  Butler,  (now  Brigadier  General,)  of  Mass. ; 
John  Appleton,  editor  of  the  Union,  Washington,  D.  C.  ;  J. 
Glancy  Jones,  of  Pennsylvania  ;  Samuel  Medary,  of  Colum- 
bus, Ohio  ;  Wilson  G.  Hunt,  G.  Gifford,  and  Marshal  Hillyer, 
all  of  the  city  of  New  York.  The  latter  gentleman's  physi- 
cians detected  arsenic  in  the  contents  of  his  stomach. 

Intimidated  by  the  attempted  assassination,  Buchanan  be- 
came more  than  ever  the  tool  of  the  slave  power.  He  now, 
in  conversation  with  Southern  ultras,  boastingly  remarked, 
that,  "  in  tJie  repeal  of  tJie  Missouri  Compromise  tJie  South,  for 
the  first  time  in  tJie  history  of  our  Government,  had  obtained  its 
rights."  So  wrote  the  correspondent  of  the  Huntsville  (Ala.) 
Democrat. 

Gov.  Geary  explained  fully  to  the  President  the  true  con- 
dition of  Kansas,  and  offered  to  return,  if  he  would  furnish  him 
the  military  required  to  protect  him  against  the  border  ruf- 
fians. Clark,  Calhoun  and  Whitfield  were  now  in  Washington, 
demanding  Geary's  removal.  It  now  became  known  that  Me 
Lane,  chief  clerk  of  the  surveyors  office  in  Kansas,  had  in- 
tercepted, read  and  destroyed  two  bushels  of  letters  going 
from  and  directed  to  Gov.  Geary.  The  contents  of  some  of 
the  intercepted  letters  were  communicated  to  the  leaders 
of  the  pro-slavery  party,  and  as  many  of  these  epistles  bit- 
terly denounced  them,  it  was  a  miracle  that  he  ever  came 
out  of  the  Territory  alive. 

Buchanan  commenced  <his  administration  in  Kansas  affairs 
as  though  the  entire  territories  of  the  United  States  belonged 
exclusively  to  the  slave  drivers.     Lecompte  was  retained  as  { 
Judge,  and  Whitfield,  Emery,  Woodson  and  Anson  were  also 


SLAVERY  OUTEAGES  IN  KANSAS.  95 

kept  in  office.  Thus  the  judiciary,  land  officers,  public  sur- 
'  ve}7ors  and  marshals  were  all  of  the  same  stripe.  Robert  J. 
Walker,  formerly  of  Mississippi,  was  appointed  Governor, 
and  another  desperate  effort  made  to  force  slavery  into  Kan- 
sas. All  the  power  asked  for  by  Geary  was  readily  promised 
to  Walker.  Buchanan,  through  his  Secretary,  Fred.  P.  Stan- 
ton,  of  Kentucky,  in  an  address  published  in  the  Lecompton 
Union,  the  latter  part  of  April,  1857,  says  that  the  "  adminis- 
tration has  recognized  the  authority  of  the  territorial  Legisla- 
ture, and  the  validity  of  the  territorial  laws,  (one  law  of  which 
was  that  rebellion  against  territorial  law  was  punishable  with 
death,)  and  has  especially  recognized  the  cud  providing  for  a  Con- 
stitutional Convention" 

Gov.  Walker  arrived  in  the  Territory  the  last  of  May.  On 
the  3d  of  June,  in  his  inaugural,  he  remarks  that  "  the  terri- 
torial enactments  must  be  obeyed,  and  he  wishes  all  parties 
to  take  part  in  the  elections,  and  hopes  that  the  Constitution 
will  be  submitted  to  the  people."  He  was  willing  to  sustain 
the  pro-slavery  party  in  enforcing  obedience  to  the  laws 
passed  by  the  bogus  territorial  Legislature  of  1855.  He  pro- 
claimed that  he  would  use  the  United  States  troops  to  pre- 
vent illegal  voting  at  the  polls  ;  but  when  told  that  Missou- 
rians  were  coming  over  to  vote,  he  refused  to  send  troops  to 
the  exposed  border.  He  had  also  procured  writs  against  forty 
or  fifty  persons  who  had  been  voted  for  to  serve  under  the 
charter  of  the  city  of  Lawrence.  Old  Ex-Governor  Shannon 
laughed  at  this,  but  he  did  not  understand  that  it  was  a  poor 
political  bone  that  Walker  deemed  necessary  to  throw  to  the 
hungry  slave  power. 

The  Governor  took  the  stump,  and  everywhere  in  the  Ter- 
ritory urged  on  the  pro-slavery  party  the  importance  of  grant- 
ing to  the  actual  settlers  of  Kansas  a  fair  chance  to  vote,  and 
also  strongly  recommended  that  the  Constitution  should  be 
submitted  to  a  direct  vote  of  the  people.  Although  exter- 
nally appearing  to  act  for  the  interest  of  slavery,  his  policy 
concerning  the  election,  and  his  well  known  liberal  views 
about  submitting  the  Constitution,  when  drafted  by  the  Con- 


96  SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 

vention,  to  the  approval  of  the  people,  divided  the  pro-slavery 
party.  A  great  number  of  the  rank  and  file  sided  with  the 
Governor,  while  the  leaders  of  the  party  combined  against 
him.  Mr.  Perrin,  Walker's  private  Secretary,  in  a  letter  to 
the  New  York  Times,  dated  Lecompton,  June  3d,  1857,  says : 
"  A  middle  party  has  sprung  up,  who  will  vote  with  the  free 
State  party,  and  there  is  no  doubt  but  with  this  party  the 
settlement  of  the  Kansas  question  must  eventually  rest." 

Senator  Wilson,  of  Mass.,. was  in  Kansas  in  the  latter  part 
of  May  and  fore  part  of  June,  1857.  He  and  Walker  some- 
times spoke,  one  after  the  other,  from  the  same  platform. 

The  Lecompton  Constitutional  Convention,  elected  under 
Gov.  Walker,  Sept.  12,  1867,  refused  to  admit  the  free  State 
delegates.  Gov.  Robinson  (free  State)  had  been  tried  for 
treason,  August  21,  by  Judge  Cato,  who  charged  the  jury 
strongly  against  him,  but  they  brought  in  a  verdict  of  Not 
Guilty.  Nearly  every  officer  appointed  by  Buchanan,  except 
Walker  and  Stanton,  had  committed,  aided  and  encouraged 
murder  in  Kansas. 

Although  Walker  refused  to  send  troops  to  protect  the 
polls. on  the  Kansas  border,  the  free  State  men  were  delighted 
when  he  threw  out  the  fraudulent  returns  sent  in  from  Johns- 
ton arid  Magee  counties.  This  act  of  justice,  so  faithfully  done 
by  him,  was  bitterly  censured  and  condemned  in  a  letter  to 
him  from  Buchanan.  The  administration  was  now  bearing  hard 
down  on  Walker.  The  New  York  Day  Book,  a  pro-slavery 
sheet,  demanded  his  removal,  because  he  had  forfeited  the 
good  opinion  of  the  Democracy  of  the  Territory.  Buchanan, 
in  his  message  of  December  8th,  1857,  came  out  against  him. 
Senator  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  the  Chicago  Times,  and  Philadel- 
phia Press  were  among  his  defenders.  Walker  became  dis- 
gusted, and  resigned.  His  resignation  was  accepted  by  Gen. 
Cass,  December  18th,  1857. 

On  the  day  previous  the  bogus  Legislature  had  agreed  to 
submit  the  Lecompton  Constitution  to  a  vote  of  the  people. 
Although  this  pro-slavery  document  had  been  in  existence 
since  September,  no  one  (not  even  Gov.  Walker)  had  been 
permitted  to  see  it. 


SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS.  97 

The  Kansas  Legislature  was  composed  of  13  free  State  men 
and  6  democrats  in  the  Senate,  arid  29  free  State  men  and  15 
Democrats  in  the  House. 

Gov.  Denver  was  next  appointed  to  fill  Walker's  place.  The 
free  State  element  had  now  become  so  powerful  that  Gen. 
Lane  was  making  numerous  arrests  for  illegal  voting.  The 
Lecompton  Constitution  was  repudiated  by  several  thousands 
of  the  popular  vote.  This  news  of  defeat  set  hard  on  the 
pro-slavery  party.  In  Congress,  Keitt,  of  South  Carolina, 
grabbed  Mr.  Grow,  member  of  the  House  from  Pennsylvania, 
by  the  throat.  The  latter  knocked  him  down,  remarking  at 
the  same  time,  that  "  no  negro-driver  should  crack  his  slave 
whip  over  him."  This  occurred,  Feb.  6th,  1858,  and  produced 
a  general  row  in  the  House,  which  was  difficult  to  quell. 

Buchanan,  chagrined  at  Walker's  failure  in  Kansas,  re- 
marked, after  he  had  sent  his  Kansas  message  into  Congress, 
Feb.  2d,  1858,  that  "he  would  carry  Lecompton  through  in 
sixty  days  or  die." 

The  free  State  men  were  not  only  getting  strong,  but  bold. 
Gov.  Denver  issued  a  proclamation  against  arming  the  militia  ; 
yet  Gen.  Lane  kept  on  arming,  and  stigmatized  Denver  as  a 
perjurer,  calumniator  and  tyrant.  This  was  in  March,  1858. 
The  object  of.  arming  the  militia  was,  if  the  Lecompton  Con- 
stitution passed  Congress,  to  make  it  impossible  to  organize 
any  Government  under  it.  On  the  27th  of  March,  1858,  per- 
sons pretending  to  be  officers  of  the  United  States  army,  in 
search  of  deserters,  went  in  the  dead  of  night  to  the  house  of 
Isaac  Denton,  on  the  Osage  river.  Mr.  Denton  rose  from  his 
bed  and  let  the  pro-slavery  ruffians  in,  when  he  was  imme- 
diately shot  dead.  Mr.  Hedric  and  Mr.  Davis,  his  neighbors, 
were  also  on  the  same  night  murdered  in  the  same  manner. 

On  the  30th  of  the  same  month  a  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion was  sitting  at  Leavenworth.  The  Convention  drew  up  a 
remonstrance  addressed  to  the  President,  Congress,  and  the 
Legislatures  of  the  different  States.  This  instrument  set 
forth,  1st,  that  the  Lecompton  Constitution  was  not  the  act  of 
tlie  people  of  Kansas  ;  2d,  that  it  had  been  condemned  by 

7 


98  SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 

them.  It  was  signed  by  Winchell,  Thacher,  Emery,  Walden 
and  Foster.  Ex-Gov.  Walker,  after  reading  this  remonstrance, 
in  a  letter  to  S.  S.  Cox,  said,  "  If  the  Lecompton  bill  now 
pending  in  Congress  pass,  the  odious  Lecompton  Constitution, 
born  in  fraud,  and  baptized  in  forgery  and  perjury,  will  be 
defeated  by  an  overwhelming  vote  by  the  people  of  Kansas." 
Secretary  Stanton,  in  a  letter  about  the  same  date,  said  :  "The 
Constitution  has  once  been  rejected  by  the  people  of  Kansas, 
and  why  does  Congress  wish  to  send  it  back  again  to  be  re- 
pudiated." 

Persifer  F.  Smith,  the  pro-slavery  commander  sent  out  by 
Jeff.  Davis,  under  Pierce's  administration,  to  supersede  Gen. 
Sumner,  died  at  Leaven  worth,  May  16, 1858.  Only  three  days 
after,  as  though  hell  had  been  reinforced,  Capt.  Hamilton,  a  Mis- 
sourian,  with  25  armed  ruffians,  17  of  whom  were  from  Mis- 
souri and  8  from  Kansas,  captured  11  free  State  men  in  the 
southern  part  of  Kansas,  and  at  a  ravine  near  Fort  Hamilton, 
placed  them  in  a  row  standing,  when  he  ordered  his  men  to 
take  aim  and  fire.  They  all  fell  at  the  first  discharge  ;  five  were 
instantly  killed,  and  five  severely  wounded.  The  murderers 
then  went  up  and  began  to  rifle  their  pockets.  Finding  one 
still  unhurt,  the  Captain  placed  his  pistol  to  his  ear  and  put 
the  ball  through  his  head.  One  of  the  men,  who  had  been 
slightly  wounded,  was  overlooked  in  their  great  haste  to 
•escape ;  he  worked  his  way  back  to  the  post  and  told  the  sad 
news.  Many  of  these  ruffians  were  personally  acquainted 
with  their  victims,  and  murdered  them  because  they  were 
free  State  men.  Campbell,  Colpetzer,  Ross,  Stilman  and  Rob- 
inson, were  some  of  the  dead.  Reed,  a  baptist  preacher,  Hall 
And  Hargraves,  (father  and  son,)  were  among  the  severely 
wounded.  The  names  of  the  others  we  could  not  procure. 

To  prevent  the  repetition  of  these  outrages,  the  free  State 
party  encouraged  Capt.  Montgomery  to  organize  a  sufficient 
force,  with  which  he  afterwards  frequently  made  excursions 
into  Missouri.  In  a  little  speech,  this  free  State  Captain  said, 
"  he  made  no  war  on  peaceable  citizens,  be  they  pro-slavery  or 
free  State,  but  only  on  those  who  are  devastating  Kansas,  and 


SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS.  99 

murdering  peaceful  citizens  ;  neither  did  he  allow  any  of  his 
men  to  insult  a  woman." 

Gov.  Denver  accomplished  very  little  during  his  term  of 
office.  He  made  a  treaty  of  peace  similar  to  that  of  Shannon, 
but  the  pro-slavery  party  broke  it  by  commencing  indiscrim- 
inately to  murder  the  people  of  Fort  Scott.  He  resigned  Sept. 
21,  1858. 

Buchanan,  determined  to  make  Kansas  a  slave  State,  al- 
though so  often  defeated,  was  resolved  to  make  one  more 
effort.  On  the  12th  of  November,  1858,  he  appointed  Samuel 
Medary,  formerly  Editor  of  the  Ohio  Statesman,  and  more 
recently  Ex-Governor  of  Minnesota  Territory.  His  instruc- 
tions were  to  prevent  Kansas  from  sending  a  Constitution 
into  Congress  that  winter,  if  possible. 

A  few  persons  said,  and  a  great  many  believed,  that  the 
pro-slavery  murderer,  Capt.  Hamilton,  was  instructed  from 
Washington  to  commit  his  depredations  in  order  that  a  plau- 
sible excuse  could  be  had  for  making  another  military  effort 
to  subdue  the  free  State  men.  One  thing  is  certain,  Medary 
had  scarcely  got  warm  in  his  seat  when  Hamilton  charged 
the  people  of  southern  Kansas  with  stealing  negroes.  Mr. 
Bailey,  and  several  other  free  State  men,  were  murdered  in 
December,  and  Medary  made  a  requisition  on  the  President 
for  military  aid. 

Medary  endeavored  to  do  away  with  the  expressive  names 
of  pro-slavery  and  free  State  men,  and  introduce  the  good  old 
titles  of  Democrats  and  Republicans.  He  thought  the  name 
of  Democrat  would  cover  a  multitude  of  sins,  and  perhaps  it 
might  change  him  from  being  the  tool  of  a  corrupt  adminis- 
tration to  being  the  choice  of  the  people  of  Kansas.  He  be- 
came a  candidate  for  Governor,  in  opposition  to  Charles  Rob- 
inson, at  the  election  of  December  6,  1859.  Hon.  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  in  Kansas  during  the  canvass.  It  was  an  ani- 
mated one.  Medary  was  backed  up  by  the  administration. 
He  had  as  his  supporters  Russell's  and  Waddell's  teamsters, 
the  Indian  agents,  and  hangers  on  generally.  Every  effort 
was  made  to  secure  Democratic  success,  but  it  failed.  Rob- 


100  SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN  KANSAS. 

inson  was  elected  Governor  by  about  3,000  majority,  and  the 

entire  Republican  ticket  by  about  the  same  vote.     The  Gov- 

j.  ernor  and  members  of  Congress  were  the  same  that  were 

$  elected  under  the  Topeka  Constitution  of  1855  ;  and  Topeka, 

as  then,  now  became  the  State  Capital. 

Thus  bribery,  forgery,  perjury,  arson  and  murder,  under 
various  pretenses,  with  the  assistance  of  two  corrupt  admin- 
istrations of  the  Federal  Government,  backed  up  by  the  slave 
power,  seducing  the  weak  and  striking  down  the  strong,  leav- 
ing no  effort  untried,  even  unto  fire  and  blood,  to  force  sla- 
very into  Kansas,  failed.  The  God  of  battles  saw  these  mur- 
ders and  secret  assassinations  ;  the  groans  of  the  victims 
ascended  like  incense  from  liberty's  altar,  and  he  swore  by 
himself  that  Kansas  should  be  free. 

Although  Medary  was  overwhelmingly  defeated  by  the 
people  of  Kansas  in  the  December  election,  still,  by  instruc- 
tions from  Buchanan,  he  continued  to  stay  in  the  Territory. 
The  people  of  Kansas  had  chosen  a  Governor  ;  but  Medary 
was  left  by  Buchanan  to  keep  up  the  strife,  and  guard  and 
protect,  with  the  fidelity  of  a  watch-dog,  the  institution  of 
slavery.  In  February,  1860,  the  Kansas  Legislature  passed  a 
bill  prohibiting  slavery  in  Kansas.  Medary  vetoed  it,  and  on 
the  29th  of  the  same  month  the  same  Legislature  passed  it 
over  his  veto.  He  had  previously,  by  the  aid  of  the  military, 
cleaned  out  all  the  settlers  on  the  Indian  national  lands  south 
of  Fort  Scott.  This  was  done  at  the  commencement  of  winter, 
and  hundreds  of  them  perished  from  hunger  and  cold.  Be- 
tween the  action  of  the  Federal  Government  and  its  ally, 
Capt.  Hamilton,  the  deaths  from  cold,  hunger  and  assassina- 
tion, in  this  part  of  Kansas,  were  frightful  to  contemplate. 

Capt.  Montgomery,  as  we  have  before  stated,  organized  a 
company  for  the  defence  of  the  free  State  settlers  in  south- 
western Kansas.  Frequent  charges  had  previously  been  made 
against  him,  and  in  1859  he  gave  himself  up  to  Gov.  Medary 
to  be  tried,  but  no  grand  jury  could  be  found  in  Kansas  that 
would  indict  him,  He  finally  became  the  terror  of  the  slave- 
holders and  border  ruffians  of  southwestern  Missouri.  In 


SLAVERY   OUTRAGES    IN    KANSAS.  101 

November,  1860,  placards  were  extensively  posted  and  circu- 
lated in  that  region  setting  forth  that  Capt.  Montgomery, 
with  a  band  of  abolitionists,  were  setting  free  and  running  off 
all  the  slaves  in  the  border  counties.  This  was  untrue  ;  but 
it  was  the  last  desperate  effort  of  a  corrupt  administration  to 
revive  and  rally  the  pro-slavery  element  for  another  struggle 
to  force  slavery  into  Kansas. 

At  this  time  the  entire  slave  interest  in  Missouri,  from  Gov. 
Stewart  down,  became  alarmed.  Stewart  called  out  a  large 
force  of  militia,  and  sent  them  to  the  border.  The  admin- 
istration at  Washington  sent  out  Gen.  Harney  to  assist  (jov. 
Medary.  Harney  wanted  to  take  the  matter  out  of  the  Gov- 
ernor's hands,  by  declaring  martial  law  ;  but  Medary  insisted 
that  the  Government  troops  should  only  be  used  to  assist  the 
U.  S.  Marshal  to  make  arrests.  Harney's  object  in  declaring 
martial  law  was,  that  he  could  then  immediately  court-martial 
and  shoot  Montgomery  and  his  party  when  they  were  cap- 
tured. 

It  was  now  rumored  that  Montgomery  was  at  Mound  City 
with  three  hundred  well  armed  men.  Harney,  fearing  to 
make  an  attack  on  the  city  alone,  requested  the  aid  of  Gen. 
Frost.  With  their  united  strength  they  advanced  ;  but  when 
they  arrived  they  failed  to  find  Montgomery.  From  this  time 
forward  all  kinds  of  exaggerated  stories  and  pro-slavery  lies 
were  freely  circulated  :  Montgomery  was  here  to-day  com- 
mitting depredations  ;  to  morrow  he  was  somewhere  else 
slaughtering  the  masters  and  stealing  their  slaves. 

John  Brown,  who  had  suffered  so  much  from  the  pro-slavery 
border  ruffians  of  Missouri,  understanding  well  the  nature  of 
the  Kansas  contest,  concluded  about  this  time  to  make  a  flank 
movement,  and  change  his  base  from  the  Osage  country  of 
that  Territory  to  Harper's  Ferry,  Virginia.  As  a  great  num- 
ber of  Virginians,  including  the  son  of  Ex-Gov.  Johnston,  had 
come  to  Kansas  to  fight  him  and  his  cause,  he  thought  it 
courtesy  to  return  the  compliment.  Arrangements  having 
been  made  to  Brown's  satisfaction,  he  and  his  company  en- 
tered Maryland  by  way  of  Chainbersburg,  Pa.,  and  took  up 


102  SLAVERY  OUTRAGES  IN   KANSAS. 

their  quarters  in  Washington  county,  at  a  house  previously 
rented,  about  five  miles  from  Harper's  Ferry.  The  party 
comprised  only  20  men  besides  Brown,  the  commander-in- 
chief ;  five  of  them  were  negroes.  On  the  night  of  the  16th 
of  October,  1859,  these  men  forcibly  seized  the  U.  S.  arsenal 
at  Harper's  Ferry,  and  held  it  from  half  past  ten  o'clock  on 
Sunday  night  until  about  ten  o'clock  on  Tuesday  morning. 
The  assault  to  re-capture  the  arsenal  was  made  by  the  United 
States  Marines,  led  on  by  Col.  Harris,  Lieut.  Green,  and  Maj. 
Russell.  Fifteen  of  Brown's  men  were  killed,  three  wounded, 
and  five  taken  prisoners.  Six  citizens  were  killed. 

This  was  not  a  slave  insurrection,  but  a  continuation  of  the 
Kansas  struggle.  It  was  the  first  blow  that  the  free  State 
men  struck  at  their  old  enemy  outside  of  that  Territory. 
Brown  understood  well  the  nature  of  the  hideous  monster, 
and  thought  he  was  doing  God's  service  to  beard  him  in  his 
den.  Physically,  the  magnitude  of  the  undertaking  was  too 
great  for  the  small  means  under  Brown's  command  ;  but  its 
tragical  termination,  and  the  bravery  of  his  death,  gave  to  lib- 
erty another  martyr,  and  to  freedom  a  new  impulse.  Although 
his  body  lies  mouldering  in  the  ground,  his  soul  is  in  the 
Union  army  triumphantly  marching  on. 

Through  two  presidential  terms  the  slave  power  kept  up 
the  Kansas  slavery  agitation.  Through  the  repeal  of  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise,  it  was  opened  by  Pierce's  administration, 
and  continued  with  an  energy  worthy  of  a  better  cause  until 
his  term  of  office  expired.  It  was  then  passed  over  to  Bu- 
chanan, as  the  life  and  soul  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  he 
revived,  extended,  and  encouraged  the  agitation  for  two  years 
in  Congress  under  the  names  of  Lecompton,  and  anti-Le- 
compton  Democrats,  then  Crittenden  Compromise,  Mont- 
gomery-Crittenden  Compromise,  and  then  again  the  English 
bill.  Thus,  under  the  guidance  of  the  slave  power,  and  the 
treason  of  Pierce  and  Buchanan,  the  Democratic  party  be- 
came corrupted,  demoralized,  divided  and  ruined. 

During  Buchanan's  entire  term  of  office  he  refused  to  ac- 
quiesce in  the  settlement  of  the  Kansas  question.  He  pros- 


SLAVERY   OUTRAGES   IN   KANSAS.  103 

tituted  the  Federal  Government  by  rewarding  with  office  those  who 
supported  his  slave  policy  by  voting  for  the  Lecompton  Constitution. 
Joseph  Miller,  of  Ohio,  a  weak  and  wavering  Democrat,  was  reward- 
ed for  his  vote  in  favor  of  Lecompton  with  a  judgeship  in  Nebraska ; 
a  half  dozen  more  were  similarly  rewarded.  But  Douglas,  Broderic,* 
Walker,  Stanton  and  Forney,  whom  he  could  not  bribe,  were  de- 
nounced as  traitors  to  the  Democratic  party.  Gov.  Medary,  now 
discovering  that  Buchanan  was  determined  not  to  permit  the  Kan- 
sas question  to  be  settled  during  his  administration,  resigned,  De- 
cember 20,  1860.  As  soon  as  the  Southern  States  began  to  withdraw 
from  the  Union,  Buchanan  signed  the  bill,  admitting  Kansas. 

It  was  determined  that  this  question  should  be  the  final 
excuse  for  separation  and  disunion.  The  war  had  commenced 
in  Kansas,  and  was  five  years  in  full  blast  before  John  Brown 
made  his  raid  on  Harper's  Ferry,  and  was  in  its  seventh  year 
before  President  Lincoln  took  his  seat.  The  faithful  historian, 
who  seeks  truth,  will  find  slavery  to  have  been  the  cause, 
the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  an  accessory  before 
the  fact,  and  driving  freedom  out  of  Kansas  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet,  the  exact  time  when  the  rebellion  commenced. 

*  Backed  up  and  encouraged  by  the  administration  at  Washington,  a  combi- 
nation of  pro-slavery  Democrats  was  formed  in  California  to  take  the  life  of 
Senator  Broderic.  He  boldly  denounced  the  Lecompton  fraud,  and  Senator 
Gwin,  unable  to  cope  with  him  in  argument,  gave  Broderic  to  understand  that 
he  was  anxious  to  fight  him  a  duel.  Broderic  refused  to  fight  until  after  the 
election.  Another  pro-slavery  dog,  by  the  name  of  Perley,  also  challenged 
him  to  fight.  Broderic  refused.  Justice  Terry,  a  Lecompton  Democrat,  an 
experienced  duelist  and  an  excellent  shot,  then  challenged  him,  Broderic  had 
previously  taken  this  man  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Vigilence  Committee,  and 
thus  saved  his  life.  He  now  saw  there  was  a  price  set  upon  his  head,  and 
again  declined ;  but  Terry  pressed  the  matter  so  hard  that  Broderic  at  last, 
fearing  private  assassination,  accepted  the  challenge.  The  duel  was  fought 
September  13,  1859.  Broderic  fell  at  the  first  fire,  pierced  through  the  lungs, 
and  died  on  the  16th.  Calhoun  Benner  and  Tom  Hays  were  Terry's  seconds, 
and  J.  H.  McKibbon  seconded  Senator  Broderic.  Buchanan  dreaded  this 
powerful  opponent,  and  the  slave  holders  also  dreaded  him,  and  were  deter- 
mined to  have  his  life.  Brought  up  in  the  city  of  New  York,  andunaccostomed 
to  the  use  of  fire  arms,  he  had  no  chance  with  the  individual  who  had  been 
pitched  upon  to  take  his  life.  His  death  was  a  public,  political  murder,  for  the 
benefit  of  pro-slavery  principles  and  pro-slavery  men. 


104  DYING  DAYS   OP  DEMOCRATIC   RULE. 

Jeff.  Davis,  as  Secretary  of  War  under  Pierce,  ordered  Gen. 
Smith  to  bring  the  Federal  forces  into  the  field  to  drive  free- 
dom out  of  Kansas.  This  was  in  1856  ;  and  on  the  9th  of 
February,  1861,  he  is  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the 
slaveholder's  rebellion  at  Montgomery,  Alabama.  Ceasing  to 
control,  he  determines  to  destroy  the  Federal  Government. 

THE   SLAVEHOLDERS   BECOME   SAVAGES,  AND   COMMENCE  WAR 
•AGAINST   CIVILIZATION. 

South  Carolina,  on  the  20th  of  December,  1860,  takes  the 
lead.  The  rebel  chiefs,  decorated  in  all  the  panoply  of  war, 
now  assembled  at  Charleston,  and  joined  in  a  war  dance, 
stamping,  yelling,  and  brandishing  their  scalping-knives  and 
tomahawks,  threatening  death  and  universal  slaughter  against 
the  tribes  of  the  North.  These  demonstrations  were  looked 
upon  by  the  South  Carolina  tribe  as  immense,  and  full  of 
promise  for  the  future.  Great  care  was  taken  to  send 
hourly  reports,  of  the  most  exciting  nature,  from  Camp 
Charleston,  to  all  the  other  slaveholding  tribes.  Thus,  in 
one  of  these  reports,  Chief  Ruffian  was  represented  as  hav- 
ing made  a  great  speech,  in  which  he  said  :  "  The  inde- 
pendence of  the  Southern  tribes  can  only  be  secured  by  the 
tribe  of  South  Carolina  taking  tJte  lead"  This  speech,  which 
was  made  at  Columbia,  was  represented  as  causing  a  furore  of 
excitement  among  the  braves. 

Another  Bull. — "  Virginia  and  other  slaveholding  States  may 
as  well  at  once  understand  their  position  with  the  South  Car- 
olina tribe." 

Stitt  Another. — "  The  South  Carolina  tribe  is  decidedly  in 
earnest.  There  is  but  one  voice  among  them,  and  that  is  for 
war.  They  have  done  counseling — now  they  act." 

These  firo-brands  of  revolution  were  swiftly  carried  in 
every  direction  by  the  savages,  and  served  to  excite  the  dif- 
ferent tribes  to  join  in  the  foul  plot.  As  was  intended,  the 
excitement  by  this  means  soon  reached  the  neighboring 
tribes.  Mississippi  was  the  first  to  show  sympathy  ;  and  on 
the  9th  day  of  January,  1861,  they  agreed  to  send  warriors  to 


DYING  DAYS  OF   DEMOCRATIC   RULE.  105 

Charleston.  South  Carolina  has  703,708  souls,  including  402,406 
slaves.  Mississippi  has  791,305  souls,  including  436,631  slaves. 

On  the  llth  of  the  same  month  the  tribe  of  Florida,  num- 
bering 14(f,425  souls,  holding  61,745  slaves;  also  on  the  llth, 
the  tribe  of  Alabama,  numbering  964,201  souls,  including 
435,080  slaves,  both  of  these  tribes  sent  warriors  to  the  camp 
at  Charleston.  And  on  the  20th  of  January  the  great  and 
powerful  tribe  of  Georgia,  numbering  1,057.286  souls,  including 
462,198  slaves,  also  joined  the  war  party,  and  sent  warriors  to 
the  great  camp  at  Charleston.  On  the  26th  of  January  the 
tribe  of  Louisiana,  numbering  708,002  souls,  including  331,726 
slaves,  joined  the  others  by  sending  warriors  to  Camp  Charles- 
ton. On  the  1st  day  of  February,  the  tribe  from  the  Rio 
Grande,  Texas,  numbering  604,215  souls,  including  182,566 
slaves,  sent  warriors,  and  joined  the  other  tribes  in  the  fortunes 
of  war. 

Seven  tribes  had  now  banded  together,  and  had  a  great 
number  of  warriors  congregated  at  Camp  Charleston.  The 
other  tribes  appeared  to  be  holding  off. 

It  was  not  until  after  the  seven  tribes  had  united,  that  a 
chief  was  selected.  On  the  9th  of  February,  1861,  Davis 
was,  by  the  consent  of  the  other  chiefs  at  Montgomery,  Ala- 
bama, declared  to  be  the  great  chief,  around  whom  were  to 
be  gathered  all  the  slaveholding  tribes.  (Capital  moved  to 
Richmond,  Va.,  May  20th,  1861.) 

Thus,  South  Carolina,  Mississippi,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Florida, 
Louisiana  and  Texas,  make  seven  tribes.  Combined  they 
number  4,968,994  souls,  and  hold  2.312,028  slaves. 

It  was  their  determination  so  to  arrange  matters,  that  when 
hostilities  commenced  other  tribes  would  be  brought  in  by 
the  excitement.  And  for  the  purpose  of  getting  up  the  war 
fever,  Wise  started  for  the  James  River,  and  from  there  he 
went  to  the  Blue  Ridge  Country,  every  where  urging  the 
great  men  of  the  tribe  to  prepare  for  war.  In  this  way  all 
the  eastern  part  of  the  country,  inhabited  principally  by  that 
portion  of  the  Virginia  tribe  that  held  slaves,  was  worked  into 
excitement.  In  the  valleys  and  on  the  hills  the  blue  smoke 


106  DYING  DAYS  OF  DEMOCRATIC  RULE. 

by  day,  and  the  red  lights  by  night,  could  everywhere  be  seen  ;  while 
Wise  went  from  camp  to  camp,  counseling  the  braves  and  training 
them  for  the  conflict. 

Among  the  tribes  living  east  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  all  peaceful  pursuits 
were  abandoned  by  day,  and  the  horrors  of  night  were  increased  by 
the  howl  of  the  wolf,  the  scream  of  the  panther,  and  the  yell  of 
the  savage — all  equally  ravenous  and  thirsting  for  blood. 

Thus  Wise,  with  his  eloquence,  had  made  all  things  ready,  and  only 
one  thing  was  needed,  and  that  was  some  one  to  lead.  Chief  Ruffian, 
a  very  old  man,  was  of  the  Virginia  tribe,  and  upon  his  head  fell  the 
honors  of  commencing  the  work  of  death.  And  on  the  morning  of 
the  12th  of  April,  1861,  atprecisely  4|  o'clock,  standing  near  the  grave 
of  Oceola,  in  Fort  Moultrie,  he  fired  the  first  gun  at  Sumter.  (This 
man,  Edmond  Ruffian,  aged  over  74  years,  on  the  17th  of  June, 
1865,  committed  suicide,  at  the  residence  of  his  son,  27  miles  from 
Danville  Va.,  by  placing  a  loaded  musket  to  his  mouth,  and  blowing 
off  the  top  of  his  head.)  This  fort,  although  strong,  contained  only 
a  force  of  one  hundred  and  nine  men ;  while  the  attacking  party 
numbered  above  ten  thousand.  Thirty-three  hours  the  little  gar- 
rison held  out  against  overwhelming  numbers,  when  they  were  com- 
pelled, the  fort  being  on  fire,  to  surrender,  and  haul  down  the  starry 
flag.  After  which  was  run  up  the  Palmetto  flag  of  South  Carolina. 

Now  the  management  in  putting  forward  Ruffian  was  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  programme  laid  down.  Only  five  days  af- 
ter he  commenced  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter,  on  the  17th  of 
April,  the  tribe  of  Virginia  joined  the  ignominious  seven. 
This  was  a  great  acquisition,  a  very  powerful  tribe,  numbering 
1,596,079  souls,  and  holding  490.887  slaves ;  and  located  near 
and  joining  lands  with  some  of  the  great  Northern  tribes,  its 
acquisition  was  heralded  with  delight  by  the  chiefs. 

On  the  6th  of  may,  the  tribe  known  as  Arkansas,  numbering 
435.427  souls,  including  111,104  slaves;  and  also  on  the  6th 
of  the  same  month,  the  tribe  from  the  Cumberland,  known  as 
Tennessee,  numbering  1,109,847 souls, including  275,784 slaves; 
and  on  the  20th  of  May,  the  tribe  from  Pamlico  Sound,  known 
as  North  Carolina,  numbering  992,667  souls,  including  331,081 
slaves,  joined  the  others. 

This  made  eleven  tribes  that  had  embarked  in  the  war, 


DYING   DAYS  OP   DEMOCRATIC  BULB.  107 

numbering  in  all,  men,  women  and  children,  0,103,014  souls. 
The  slaves  held  by  these  eleven  tribes  number  3,521,884. 
There  remains  four  tribes,  holding  slaves,  that  have  refrained, 
in  a  legislative  capacity,  from  joining  the  war  party.  Although 
thousands  and  thousands  of  their  braves,  and  many  of  their 
chiefs  have  gone  on  their  own  account,  and  are  now  fighting  in 
the  army  of  the  South,  yet  the  tribes  themselves,  although 
many  of  their  members  sympathize,  have  never  yet  joined  the 
rebellion  in  force.  Their  names  are  Maryland,  numbering 
687,034  souls,  and  holding  only  87,188  slaves.  Missouri,  num- 
bering 1,182,317  souls,  and  holding  only  114,965  slaves.  Ken- 
tucky, numbering  1,155,713  souls,  and  holding  225-,490  slaves. 
The  little  tribe  of  Delaware,  numbering  112,218  souls,  and 
holding  only  1,798  slaves. 

Thus,  these  four  tribes  are  not  in  actual  hostility  against 
the  North ;  yet  the  great  majority  of  their  leading  men 
have  very  decided  sympathies  with  the  South.  The  four 
tribes  number  3,137,282  souls,  including  429,441  slaves. 

The  condition  of  the  country,  long  before  President  Lincoln 
came  to  Washington,  was  deplorable.  Not  only  had  seven 
States  passed  the  ordinance  of  secession,  and  organized  a  Con- 
federacy, but  also  many,  or  nearly  all  the  forts  in  the  slave 
States,  had  been  seized  on  the  2d  of  January,  1861.  Forts  Pu- 
laski  and  Jackson,  in  Savannah  Harbor,  Georgia,  Avere  taken 
possession  of  by  the  tribe  in  that  State  ;  the  former  mounting 
150  guns,  and  cost  'the  General  Government  $923,000  ;  the 
latter  mounting  14  guns,  and  cost  $80,000.  Also  the  Mount 
Vernon  Arsenal  in  Alabama,  with  20,000  stand  of  arms. 

On  January  4th,  the  next  day,  Fort  Morgan  in  Mobile  har- 
bor, was  seized  by  the  Alabama  tribe.  It  cost  the  General 
Government  $1,212,000,  and  mounts  132  guns  ;  also  the  Arse- 
nal at  Mobile,  containing  800  stand  of  arms,  and  1,500  barrels 
of  powder,  300,000  rounds  of  cartridges. 

On  the  9th  of  the  same  month  the  steamer  Star  of  the  West,  while 
on  her  way  to  Fort  Sumter,  in  Charleston  harbor,  with  provisions  for 
the  starving  garrison,  was  fired  into,  two  shots  taking  effect. 

On  the  llth  of  January,  Forts  St.  Phillips  and  Juckson,  on 


108  DYING  DAYS  OP  DEMOCRATIC  RULE. 

the  Mississippi,  and  Fort  Pike,  on  Lake  Pon  char  train,  and  the 
United  States  Arsenal  at  Baton  Rougue,  were  all  taken  by  the 
Louisiana  tribe. 

On  January  13th,  Fort  Barrancas,  and  the  United  States 
Navy  Yard  at  Pensacola,  were  seized  by  the  Florida  tribe ; 
and  the  United  States  Arsenal  at  Augusta,  Geo.,  was  seized 
by  the  tribe  of  Georgia  on  the  24th  of  January  ;  and  on  the 
31st  of  the  same  month,  the  Mint  belonging  to  the  United 
States,  at  New  Orleans,  was  seized,  with  $389.000  of  Govern- 
ment money,  and  $122,000  in  the  Sub  Treasury. 

The  Peace  Convention  now  commenced  its  sittings  at 
Washington.  How  humiliating  it  is  to  read  how  the  South 
spurned  every  offer  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood. 

The  Illinois  and  Kentucky  Legislatures  had  previously 
recommended  Congress  to  call  a  Convention  to  change  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  so  as  to  give  additional 
guarantees  to  slavery.  In  the  excitement  that  was  raging, 
Virginia  sent  invitations  to  all  the  States,  inviting  them  to 
send  delegates  to  a  Convention,  to  be  held  in  Washington, 
D.  C.,  on  the  4th  of  February,  1861.  Only  twenty  States  re- 
sponded ;  seven  slave — Delaware,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  Mary- 
land, Missouri,  North  Carolina  and  Tennessee  ;  thirteen  free 
— New  York,  New  Jersey,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  Maine,  Vermont,  Pennsylvania, 
Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois  and  Iowa. 

This  Convention  (wholly  unknown  to  the  Constitution)  as- 
sembled about  one  month  after  the  traitors  at  Charleston 
had  fired  on  the  ship  Star  of  the  West,  which  was  taking  pro- 
vision to  the  starving  garrison  at  Fort  Sumter.  It  was 
without  legal  form,  and  got  up  by  traitors  to  gain  time,  and 
keep  down  the  rising  ire  of  the  North.  Many  well-meaning 
men  of  the  free  States  went  to  see  what  additional  conces- 
sions were  required  to  appease  the  wrath  of  the  slave-drivers. 
These  self-constituted  settlers  of  our  national  difficulties, 
although  without  authority,  offered  to  do  any  and  everything 
for  peace.  Many  of  them,  with  tears  in  their  eyes,  went  on 
bended  knees,  and  implored  the  traitors  to  desist.  They 


DYING   DAYS   OP  DEMOCRATIC   RULE.  109 

even  went  so  far  as  to  elect  Ex-President  John  Tyler,  the 
accessory  to  President  Harrison's  assassination,  President  of 
the  Convention. 

The  Committee  on  Propositions  brought  in,  and  were  ready 
to  give  their  consent  to  add  a  new  article  to  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution, to  be  composed  of  seven  sections,  to  be  called  Ar- 
ticle 13th. 

The  first  section  provided  for  a  division  of  all  the  existing 
territory  by  the  line  of  36  deg.  30  min. 

The  second  section  was  a  pledge  never  to  acquire  anymore, 
except  with  the  concurrence  of  a  majority  of  all  the  Senators 
of  the  slave  States  and  all  the  Senators  of  the  free  States. 

The  third  section  prohibited  Congress  from  interfering 
with  slavery  within  any  State,  or  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
without  the  consent  of  Maryland  ;  and  the  slaveholders  there- 
in also  prohibited  any-  interference  with  slavery  in  the  Terri- 
tories, and  the  slave  trade  between  the  slave  States. 

The  fourth  section  guaranteed  that  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act 
should  everywhere  be  respected. 

Fifth — The  interests  of  Virginia  required  that  the  foreign 
slave  trade  should  be  prohibited.  This  section  prohibited  it. 

The  'sixth  section  bound  the  United  States  to  pay  for  all 
fugitive  slaves  rescued  by  violence. 

Mr.  Chase  made  an  able  speech  before  the  Convention. 
He  said  :  "  Mr.  President,  let  us  not  rush  headlong  into  that 
unfathomable  gulf.  Let  us  not  attempt  this  unutterable  woe. 
We  offer  you  a  plain  and  honorable  mode  of  adjusting  all  dif- 
ferences. It  is  a  mode  which,  we  believe,  will  receive  the 
sanction  of  the  people.  We  pledge  ourselves  here  that  we 
will  do  all  in  our  power  to  obtain  their  sanction  for  it.  Is  it 
too  much  to  ask  you,  gentlemen  of  the  South,  to  meet  us  on 
this  honorable  and  practicable  ground  ?  Will  you  not,  at 
least,  concede  this  to  the  country  ?" 

On  the  conclusion  of  these  remarks,  the  question  was  taken 
upon  the  proposed  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  and  it  was 
rejected  by  the  following  vote,  every  slave  State  voting 
against  it : 


110  DYING  DAYS   OP   DEMOCRATIC   RULE. 

Ayes — Connecticut,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Maine,  Massa- 
chusetts, New  York,  New  Hampshire.  Vermont — 9. 

Noes — Delaware,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  Missouri,  New  Jer- 
sey, North  Carolina,  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island.  Ten- 
nessee, Virginia — 11.  The  Ohio  delegation  voted  as  in- 
structed by  its  Legislature. 

On  February  8th,  the  United  States  Arsenal  at  Little  Rock, 
with  9,000  stand  of  Arms  and  40  cannon,  including  Bragg's 
Battery,  was  seized  by  the  Arkansas  tribe. 

February  16th,  the  Southern  traitor,  General  Twiggs, 
having  command  of  our  main  army  on  the  frontiers  of  Texas, 
surrendered  his  entire  force,  his  men  being  made  prisoners  of 
war,  and  all  their  arms,  munitions  and  supplies  were  turned 
over  to  the  enemy. 

All  this  was  done  while  Buchanan  and  his  Cabinet  were  do- 
ing all  they  could  to  destroy  and  disable  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment. Tousey,  his  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  under  different 
pretentions,  had  dispersed  the  fleet,  sending  some  to  cruise 
around  the  coasts  of  China  and  Japan  ;  some  to  the  Medi- 
terranean, and  some  tot  the  West  Indies,  so  they  might  rot 
by  the  action  of  the  elements  in  the  tropical  seas.  Others 
were  sent  to  the  coast  of  Africa,  under  the  pretense  of  cap- 
turing slaves,  until  scarcely  a  United  States  war  vessel  could 
be  seen  in  the  Federal  waters. 

Floyd,  his  Secretary  of  War,  was  equally  industrious,  transferring 
from  the  free  States  all  the  available  war  material  to  the  arsenals  and 
forts  located  in  the  slave  States.  115,000  improved  muskets  and  rifles 
were  removed  from  the  Springfield  and  Waterville  arsenals  to  the 
South.  He  also  removed  that  portion  of  the  Federal  army  located  on 
and  near  the  seaboard  (where  it  was  easy  of  access)  far  away — some  to 
Texas,  New  Mexico,  Arizona.  Oregon,  California,  and  other  frontier 
stations,  from  which  it  would  require  a  year  to  bring  them  back. 
Even  on  the  15th  of  November  Fortress  Monroe  in  Virginia,  was  only 
garrisoned  by  eight  companies  of  artillery  ;  the  valuable  arsenal  at 
Fayetteville,  North  Carolina,  by  one  company :  Fort  Moultrie, 
in  Charleston  harbor,  by  two  companies,  (only  eighty  men) ;  Key 
West  fortifications  by  one  company;  Barrancas  Barracks,  Pensa- 


DYING  DAYS   OF  DEMOCRATIC   RULE.  Ill 

cola,  by  one  company  ;  the  richly  stored  arsenal  at  Baton 
Rouge,  Louisiana,  by  one  company  ;  while  the  New  Orleans 
Mint,  and  the  valuable  Custom-houses  in  New  Orleans, 
Charleston,  Mobile  and  Savannah,  were  totally  without  guard. 
Norfolk  Navy-yard,  and  Pensacola  Navy-yard,  both  having 
millions  of  property,  were  only  guarded  by  one  hundred  and 
twenty  marines. 

The  first  demand  made  of  the  President  by  the  rebels,  after 
the  plot  was  developed,  was,  that  no  reinforcements  should 
be  sent  to  Southern  fortresses.  General  Scott  plead  with 
Buchanan  to  throw  a  strong  force  into  Fort  Moultrie,  as  had 
been  done  in  1832  ;  but  Buchanan,  instead  of  doing  so,  as- 
sured the  rebels  that  none  would  be  sent. 

Thus  the  Government,  betrayed,  stood  with  both  arms  par- 
alyzed ;  and  while  in  this  condition  seven  States,  headed  by 
South  Carolina,  one  by  one  tore  themselves  away,  taking 
seven  forts,  four  arsenals,  one  Navy-yard,  and  the  Mint  be- 
longing to  the  United  States  at  New  Orleans,  with  five  hun- 
dred and  eleven  thousand  dollars.  The  value  of  the  property 
stolen,  up  to  this  time,  is  set  down  at  twenty-seven  millions  of 
dollars  ;  add  to  this  the  eight  millions  of  Indian  Trust  Bonds 
stolen  by  Floyd,  and  it  makes  thirty-five  millions  of  dollars. 

Thus,  before  President  Lincoln  was  within  a  thousand  miles 
of  the  Capital,  we  find  a  Democratic  President  and  Vice 
President,  and  leading  Cabinet  officers,  all  rotten  with  treason 
and  besmeared  with  crime,  a  Government  betrayed,  robbed, 
bound  hand  and  foot,  bleeding  and  festering  and  festering 
and  bleeding  at  every  wound ;  with  a  bastard  institution 
holding  its  councils  and  head-quarters  at  Montgomery,  Ala- 
bama, with  Davis  as  leader,  martialing  its  thousands  of  armed 
foes,  all  eager  and  bent  on  destroying  the  beneficent  Govern- 
ment they  had  so  foully  betrayed. 

From  there  we  again  look  back  to  Washington,  only  for  a 
change.  There  we  see  Buchanan,  the  Chief  Magistrate,  an 
imbecile  traitor,  tottering  away  in  disgrace,  with  scarcely 
courage  enough  to  look  back  on  the  awful  tragedy  which 
his  foul  treachery,  sympathy  or  imbecility,  had  shared  in 


112  DYING   DAYS   OP   DEMOCRATIC   RULE. 

producing.  Nearly  all  his  cabinet  officers  had  fled,  to  escape 
the  punishment  due  their  crimes.  But  Buchanan  remained 
longest,  and  on  the  last  days  of  his  power  pleasingly  con- 
templated, with  a  grim-like  smile  which  grew  to  a  laugh,  the 
agonizing  sufferings  of  a  wrecked  and  ruined  country  :  re- 
marking as  he  retired,  "  As  George  Washington  was  the  first, 
James  Buchanan  will  be  the  last  President  of  the  United 
States.7'' 

The  presidential  election  of  1860  found  the  political  ele- 
ments in  a  very  unsettled  condition.  Buchanan  had  given  a 
secret  pledge  to  the  South  before  he  received  his  nomination 
at  Cincinnati  (and  he  kept  it)  that  the  Kansas  war  should  not 
be  settled  during  his  administration.  The  Democratic  party 
had  become  demoralized.  From  the  exalted  position  of  de- 
fending human  freedom  and  popular  government,  it  became 
the  reviler  of  liberty  and  deadly  enemy  of  free  institutions. 
It  set  aside  the  rights  of  man  to  make  room  for  Calhoun's 
rights  of  the  States.  The  popular  will  was  to  be  controlled 
by  bribery  and  fraud,  and  was  only  to  be  tolerated  when  it 
served  slavery  and  placed  Democrats  in  office.  Pro-slavery, 
disunion,  anti-abolition,  and  a  death  grip  on  the  spoils,  were  the 
substitutes  offered  by  Pierce  and  Buchanan  for  the  Democrat- 
ic principles  established  by  Jefferson  and  Jackson. 

At  Chicago,  in  May,  1860,  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  received  the 
nomination  of  the  Republican  party  for  the  offices  of  Presi- 
dent and  Vice  President  of  the  United  States  for  the  ensuing 
four  years.  The  3d  article  in  the  platform  adopted,  contains 
the  following  :  "  We  hold  in  abhorrence  all  schemes  for  dis- 
union, come  from  whatever  source  they  may."  Another  ar- 
ticle stipulated  that  Kansas  should  of  right  be  immediately 
admitted  as  a  State  under  the  Constitution,  recently  formed 
and  adopted  by  her  people,  and  accepted  by  the  House  of 
Representatives. 

At  Baltimore,  June  22,  1860,  Stephen  A.  Douglas  and  Her- 
schell  V.  Johnston  were  nominated  for  the  offices  of  Presi- 
dent and  Vice  President  by  the  Democratic  party.  On  the 
next  clay ,  June  23,  the  disunion  wing  of  that  party  nomina- 
ted John  C.  Breckinridge  and  Joseph  Lane  for  the  same 
positions.  This  wing  of  the  party  proclaimed  slavery  na- 
tional, and  freedom  only  sectional. 

In  May,  1860,  John  Bell  and  Edward  Everett  were  nomi- 
nated for  President  and  Vice  President  by  the  tail  of  the  old 
Whig  party,  which  all  supposed  to  have  died  in  1852.  They 
went  in  for  the  Constitution  of  the  country,  the  Union  of  the 
States,  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws. 


PLOT  TO   ASSASSINATE  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN.  113 

Lincoln  and  Hamlin  carried  17  States — 180  electoral  votes. 
Breckinridge  and  Lane  carried  11  slave  States — 72  electoral 
votes.  Bell  and  Everett  carried  3  States — 39  electoral  votes. 
Douglas  and  Johnston  carried  Missouri  and  part  of  New  Jer- 
sey— 12  electoral  votes. 

Abraham  Lincoln  and  Hannibal  Hamlin  clipped  both  the 
Douglas  and  Breckinridge  wings  of  the  Democratic  party, 
and  cut  off  the  tail  of  Bell  and  Everett.  Lincoln  had  a  clear 
majority  of  57  electoral  votes  over  all  opposition.  This  was 
a  glorious  triumph  for  the  Union,  a  day  of  rejoicing  for  lib- 
erty, and  a.proud  day  for  freedom — a  day  of  rescue  and  de- 
liverance of  the  General  Government  from  treason  and  trai- 
tors— a  day  that  shall  add  new  lustre  to  the  American  name, 
and  create  joy  in  the  hearts  of  millions  yet  unborn. 

THE   PLOT  TO   ASSASSINATE   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN. 

Twenty  men  had  been  hired  in  Baltimore  to  assassinate  the 
President  elect  on  his  way  to  Washington.  The  leader  of 
this  band  was  an  Italian  refugee,  a  barber  well  known  in  Bal- 
timore. Their  plan  was  as  follows :  When  Mr.  Lincoln  ar- 
rived in  that  city,  the  assassins  were  to  mix  with  the  crowd, 
and  get  as  near  his  person  as  possible,  and  shoot  at  him  with 
their  pistols.  If  he  was  in  a  carriage,  hand  grenades  had 
been  prepared,  filled  *with  detonating  powder,  such  as  Orsini 
used  in  attempting  to  assassinate  Louis  Napoleon.  These 
were  to  be  thrown  into  the  carriage,  and  to  make  the  work  of 
death  doubly  sure,  pistols  were  to  be  discharged  into  the  ve- 
hicle at  the  same  moment.  The  assassins  had  a  vessel  lying 
ready  to  receive  them  in  the  harbour.  From  thence  they 
were  to  be  carried  to  Mobile,  in  the  seceded  State  of  Alabama. 

Gen.  Scott  heard  of  the  plot,  and  advised  with  Senator 
Seward  ;  and  they  sent  Frederick  W.  Seward,  the  son  of  the 
Senator,  to  meet  Mr.  Lincoln  in  Philadelphia,  and  urge  him 
to  come  to  Washington  in  a  private  manner.  It  was  late  on 
Thursday  night,  February  21st,  that  Mr.  Seward  arrived  in 
Philadelphia.  He  immediately  went  to  the  Continental  Ho- 
tel, and  communicated  the  facts  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  His  reply 
was  that  he  would  fulfill  his  engagements  in  Philadelphia  and 
Harrisburg  if  he  should  lose  his  life. 

On  the  next  day,  22d,  (Washington's  birthday,)  according 
to  promise,  Mr.  Lincoln  raised  the  American  flag  on  Inde- 
pendence Hall,  Philadelphia.  He  had  also  accepted  an  invi- 
tation of  the  Pennsylvania  Lsgislature  to  meet  them  that 
afternoon.  He  did  so  ;  and  remained  at  Harrisburg  until 


114  PEOGRESS  OP  THE 

20  minutes  before  6  o'clock,  that  evening,  when  he  embarked, 
in  company  with  Col.  Lamon,  for  Philadelphia,  at  which  place 
he  arrived  at  11  ^  o'clock,  and  took  the  through  night  train 
(which  was  a  little  behind  time)  to  Washington.  The  party 
entered  the  sleeping  car  at  Philadelphia,  and  passed  through 
Baltimore  without  any  one  there  knowing  he  was  aboard  the 
train.  They  arrived  in  Washington  at  6£  o'clock  on  Saturday 
morning,  the  23d  of  February.  The  President  wore  no  dis- 
guise whatever,  but  journeyed  in  his  ordinary  traveling  dress. 
His  enemies  had  sworn  that  he  should  never  be  inaugurated  ; 
therefore  it  was  necessary  to  keep  a  close  watch  on  the  move- 
ments of  the  conspirators.  This  was  done  by  the  aid  of  de- 
tectives until  after  his  inauguration.  The  names  of  the  con- 
spirators are  in  the  possession  of  responsible  parties,  including 
the  President,  but  for  wise  purposes  are  withheld  for  the 
present. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  inaugurated  President  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1861.  After  being  introduced  to  the  assembled  crowd  by 
Senator  Baker,  of  Oregon,  he  read  his  inaugural  address,  and 
was  then  sworn  in  by  Chief  Justice  Taney. 

While  President  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet  were  engaged  in  sifting  out 
and  sending  adrift  the  official  traitors  that  surrounded  Buchanan,  the 
South  was  mostly  occupied  in  getting  control  of  all  the  property  belong- 
ing to  the  General  Government  and  arranging  matters  so  as  to  be- 
come absolute  masters  of  all  the  slavcholding  States.  The  Golden  Cir- 
cle, and  other  secret  military  organizations,  gave  them  great  advan- 
tage in  getting  an  organized  army  early  into  the  field.  They  had  long 
been  drilling  for  the  conflict  which  they  had  brought  about,  and  which 
they  long  since  had  determined  to  settle  only  by  the  sword  ;  their  minds 
were  made  up ;  not  wavering,  but  settled  and  determined  and  impatient 
for  the  strife.  The  free  States  did  not  dream  that  the  plot  was  so  exten- 
sive, or  that  treason  was  so  deeply  rooted  and  universal  in  the  slave 
States.  From  the  President  down  the  people  of  the  North  were  sur- 
prised and  confounded,  and  for  a  time  were  unable  to  determine  what 
course  to  pursue.  While  we  were  wavering  and  inclining  to  compro- 
mise, the  South  was  firm  and  resolved  to  accept  none.  Unconditional 
independence  was  their  ultimatum.  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  understand  mat- 
ters when,  on  the  15th  of  April,  he  called  for  only  75,000  volunteers, 
and  commanded  the  rebels  to  return  to  peace  in  twenty  days.  To  this 
small  demand  Gov.  Magoffin,  of  Kentucky,  Gov.  Letcher,  of  Virginia, 
Gov.  Harris,  of  Tennessee,  and  Gov.  Jackson  of  Missouri,  (all  slave 
States)  refused  to  furnish  their  quotas.  This  was  an  eye-opener  ;  and 
i  Mr.  Lincoln  now  for  the  first  time  began  to  realize  his  condition  and  the 


SLAVEHOLDER'S  REBELLION.  115 

condition  of  the  country.  The  free  States  began  to  vote  money  and  or- 
ganize armies  to  support  the  Federal  cause. 

While  the  treasonable  Confederate  commissioners  were  in  Washington 
threatening  and  demanding,  Pennsylvania,  Massachusetts  and  New  York 
were  organizing  and  sending  forward  regiments.  On  the  18th  of  April 
the  Pennsylvania  volunteers  reached  Washington.  On  the  same  day  the 
Massachusetts  6th  regiment  passed  through  New  York  on  its  way, 
and  next  day,  while  passing  through  Baltimore,  was  attacked  by  a  pro- 
slavery  mob.  Two  of  its  men  wore  killed,  and  ten  wounded.  They  fired 
into  the  mob,  killing  eleven,  and  wounding  about  thirty.  The  same  day 
the  New  York  7th  regiment  left  for  Washington.  The  Governor  of  Ma- 
ryland and  Mayor  of  Baltimore  informed  the  President  that  Baltimore 
was  in  the  hands  of  a  mob,  and  troops  going  that  way  to  the  capital 
would  have  to  fight  their  way  through.  On  the  3d  of  May  Mr.  Lincoln 
called  for  42, 000  three  years'  men.  He  was  still  loth  to  believe  that  the 
entire  slave  States  were  rotten  with  treason.  The  South  had  called  for 
no  particular  number  of  troops,  but  on  the  9th  of  May  the  Rebel  Con- 
gress authorized  Davis  to  accept  all  that  offered. 

The  object  of  the  war  was  wholly  misunderstood  by  a  great  majority 
at  the  North,  and  is  hardly  yet  understood  by  all.  The  South  went  into 
the  contest  united  in  relation  to  the  cause,  object,  and  policy  of  the  war. 
The  free  States  embarked  in  it,  divided  both  as  to  its  cause,  policy  to 
be  pursued,  and  object  to  be  attained.  Some  Generals  supposed  that  in 
protecting  slave  property  the  Union  could  be  cemented,  by  convincing 
the  South  that  the  free  States  did  not.  wish  to  molest,  but  on  the  con- 
trary would  fight  for  the  sacred  institution.  Others  thought  that  it  was 
not  the  business  of  the  Union  army  to  concern  itself  about  slavery, 
either  to  protect  or  destroy  it.  Still  another  very  powerful  and  intelli- 
gent class,  seeing  a  little  further,  discovered  slavery  to  be  the  heart  of 
the  rebellion,  and  that  the  quickest  way  to  destroy  it  was  to  strike  it 
where  it  lived.  The  first  class  loved  slavery  for  its  own  sake  ;  the  sec- 
ond neither  admired  nor  hated  it,  but  thought  it  impolitic  to  meddle  with 
it ;  the  third  despised  and  detested  it,  and  saw  in  its  downfall  a  fruitful 
victory,  and  a  restored  and  happy  Union,  extending  from  the  Lakes  to 
the  Gulf,  and  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  with  a  justified  present 
and  a  glorious  future.  The  first  party  despised  the  abolitionists  more 
than  they  did  the  rebels ;  the  second  class  blamed  them  for  bringing 
about  the  war  ;  the  third,  having  a  foundation  like  the  rock  of  Gibraltar, 
remained  firm  amidst  the  changing  storms  and  waves  of  the  political  sea. 

Some  men's  judgments  lie  buried  so  deep  that  experience,  although  a 
great  teacher,  is  unable  to  reach  them.  This  class,  with  eyes  wide  open 
at  noonday,  will  swear  it  is  night.  They  invariably  despise  Mr.  Lin- 
cola,  and  admire  Davis  and  Lee.  Indeed,  some  of  those  who  voted  for 


116         DYING  STRUGGLE  OP  THE  REBELLION. 

Lincoln,  and  are  supposed  to  be  high  in  his  confidence,  have  even  at 
this  late  day  failed  to  discover  that  slavery  has  anything  to  do  with 
the  war. 

Despised  by  the  South,  hated  by  the  Democratic  place-men  and  their 
dupes,  counciled  and  suspicioned  by  the  conservatives,  and  deceived  by 
traitors  in  disguise,  Mr.  Lincoln  must  have  been  directed  by  divine  wis- 
dom and  strengthened  by  its  power  to  have  grown  so  fast  and  so  strong 
amidst  such  adverse  surroundings. 

On  the  21st  of  July  Gen.  McDowell,  with  an  organized  force  of  18,000 
inexperienced  troops,  attacked  Gen.  Beauregard,  with  27,000  rebels,  at 
Bull  Run.  For  ten  hours  the  ground  was  hotly  contested,  when,  without  any 
seeming  cause,  a  panic  seized  the  Union  army,  and  the  entire  force  fled 
in  disorder  back  towards  the  Capital.  Our  loss  was  about  500  killed  and 
1,000  wounded,  and  Beauregard  had  taken  1,500  prisoners.  This  was 
the  first  effort  the  disarmed  and  paralyzed  Federal  Government  made  to 
strike  back  at  the  traitors.  It  was  a  weak  and  unsuccessful  stroke,  and 
served  to  inspire  them  to  new  and  more  desperate  deeds. 

On  the  10th  of  August,  Gen.  Lyon,  with  5,200  men,  at  Wilson's  Creek, 
Missouri,  made  an  attack  on  McCulloch,  Rains,  Price  and  Jackson,  with 
a  combined  force  of  24,000  rebels.  The  rebel  loss  was  greater  at  this 
battle  than  Beauregard  had  sustained  at  Bull  Run,  being  421  killed  and 
1,300  wounded  ;  the  Union  loss  was  263  killed  and  721  wounded.  The 
odds  were  tremendous  and  the  contest  desperate.  The  brave  and  heroic 
Lyon  was  killed  while  heading  a  charge  on  the  enemy's  lines.  His 
troops  retreated  in  good  order  to  Rolla. 

John  C.  Breckenridge  had  remained  in  Kentucky  until  Sept.  21.  His 
object  in  so  doing  was  to  use  his  influence  to  unite  that  State  with  Jeff.  ' 
Davis.  On  the  20th  of  June  Gen.  McClellan  first  took  command  of  the 
troops  in  Western  Virginia,  and  on  the  22d  of  July  he  was  placed  in 
command  of  the  army  of  the  Potomac.  On  the  1st  of  November  he  was 
appointed  Commander-in-chief,  which  office,  on  account  of  age,  General 
Scott  had  resigned.  On  the  13th  of  May  he  commenced  his  advance 
into  Virginia,  and  on  the  17th  drove  the  rebels  across  the  Chickahominy. 
On  the  23d  his  own  army  crosses  the  same  stream,  and  on  the  26th  he 
takes  possession  of  Hanover  Court  House,  and  on  the  31st  fights  the 
battles  of  Seven  Pines  and  Fair  Oaks.  On  the  25th  of  June  he  com- 
menced his  Seven  Days'  battles  before  Richmond — battles  of  Games' 
Hill,  Golding's  Farm,  Chickahominy,  Savage  Station,  White  Oak  Swamps, 
and  ending  at  Malvern  Hills,  July  1st.  None  of  these  battles  were  con- 
sidered a  success  for  the  cause  of  the  Union  ;  yet  the  rebels  were  severely 
punished  in  many  of  these  terrible  but  undecisive  contests. 

President  Lincoln,  after  witnessing  the  disasters  that  had  befallen 
McClellan,  issued  a  call  for  300,000  volunteers.  On  the  llth  of  July  he 


DYING  STRUGGLE   OF  THE  REBELLION.  117 

appointed  Gen.  Halleck  Commander-in-chief.  He  visited  the  shattered 
army  of  the  Potomac,  and  had  a  talk  with  McClellan.  On  the  6th,  Gen. 
Hooker,  with  part  of  the  army  of  the  Potomac,  abandoned  Malvern  Hill. 
On  the  16th  McClellan  evacuated  Harrison's  Landing,  and  on  the  17th 
his  rear-guard  crossed  the  Chickahominy.  Gen.  Pope,  who  had  been 
assigned  to  the  command  of  the  army  of  Virginia,  on  the  26th  of  June, 
now,  on  the  17th  of  July,  commenced  retreating  towards  the  Poto- 
mac, and  on  the  30th  he  fought  the  second  battle  of  Bull  Run,  was  de- 
feated, and  his  entire  army  made  its  retreat  in  the  night.  After  41 
days  of  continued  disaster,  Pope  was  relieved  of  his  command. 

The  rebels,  taking  advantage  of  their  success  against  McClellan  and 
Pope,  were  now  threatening  Washington.  On  Sept  2d  Gen.  McClellan  was 
assigned  to  take  command  of  the  army  for  the  defence  of  the  Capital. 
Burnside  had  the  day  before  evacuated  Fredericksburg,  and  on  the  5th 
Gen.  Lee  commenced,  at  the  Point  of  Rocks,  the  invasion  of  Mary- 
land. On  the  17th  the  battle  of  Antietam  was  fought,  after  which  Lee 
retired  across  the  Potomac.  On  the  22d  Presid't  Lincoln  issued  his  proviso 
emancipation  proclamation,  and  on  the  1st  of  October  visited  McClellan, 
and  urged  him  to  cross  the  Potomac  in  pursuit  of  Lee.  On  the  26th 
McClellan's  army  again  began  to  advance,  and  on  the  6th  of  November 
it  occupied  Warrenton,  Va.  On  the  7th,  after  being  unsuccessful,  except 
in  defence,  for  470  days,  and  his  inactive  policy  having  cost  about 
$1,000,000,0000,  he  was  removed  from  command,  and  Gen.  Burnside 
appointed  to  supersede  him.  The  battle  of  Fredericksburg  was  fought 
by  Burnside  on  the  13th,  and  on  the  16th  he  retreated  across  the  Rap- 
pahannock  after  severe  loss.  Bragg,  who  had  been  intrenched  at  Shel- 
byville  and  Tullahoma,  in  Tennessee,  was  about  this  time  dislodged  and 
out-generaled  by  Rosecrans,  who,  by  a  master  stroke  of  policy,  be- 
came possessor  of  the  military  key  of  the  South,  Chattanooga. 

Except  the  few  bright  spots  in  the  south  and  southwest,  such  as  Mill 
Springs,  Ky.,  Fort  Henry,  on  the  Tennessee,  Fort  Donaldson,  on  the 
Cumberland,  Farragut  at  New  Orleans,  and  the  evacuations  of  Nashville, 
Corinth,  and  Memphis,  the  year  1862  was  full  of  disaster  to  the  Union 
cause.  The  mere  mention  of  Virginia  or  Richmond  was  enough  to 
to  make  a  Union  man  sick. 

The  year  1863  commenced  with  Mr.  Lincoln's  emancipation  proclama- 
tion, which  declared  free  the  slaves  in  all  States,  or  parts  of  States  or 
Territories  then  in  rebellion  against  the  General  Government.  This 
righteous,  just,  necessary  and  popular  measure,  and  the  getting  rid  of 
McClellan,  was  the  turning  point  in  the  war.  Heaven  then  looked  down 
and  smiled  upon  the  cause  of  theUnion,  and  the  very  next  day,  under  Gen. 
Rosecrans,  gave  us  a  great  victory  at  Stono  River,  with  trifling  loss.  Gen. 
Bragg,  who  commanded  the  rebels,  lost  14,560  men,  the  greater  portion 


118  DYING  STRUGGLE  OP  THE  REBELLION. 

of  which  were  killed.  On  the  8th  a  great  victory  was  obtained  at  Spring- 
field, Mo.,  and  on  the  9th  Col.  Ludlow  succeeded  in  exchanging  about 
20,000  rebel  prisoners  for  the  same  amount  of  our  men.  On  the  llth. 
we  captured  Fort  Arkansas  and  Fort  McClernard  ;  our  loss  was  only 
1,000,  while  that  of  the  rebels  was  over  5,000,with  all  their  arms  and 
supplies.  On  the  25th  the  first  colored  regiment  was  organized  at  Port 
Royal,  South  Carolina. 

On  the  26th  Gen.  Hooker  succeeded  Burnside  in  command  of  the  army 
of  the  Potomac  ;  and  on  the  29th  Gen.  Banks  promulgated  the  emanci- 
pation proclamation  in  New  Orleans.  On  the  26th  of  February  the  In- 
dian Cherokee  National  Council  repeals  the  secession  ordinance,  and 
forever  abolishes  slavery  in  their  tribe.  On  the  10th  of  March  the  1st 
South  Carolina  colored  regiment  captured  Jacksonville,  Florida,  and  on 
the  14th  the  mighty  Farragut  moved  his  Mississippi  fleet  past  Port  Hud- 
son, on  the  way  to  Vicksburg.  On  the  1st  of  April  he  passed  the  Grand 
Gulf  batteries  with  small  loss.  On  the  16th  Admiral  Porter's  fleet  passed 
the  Vicksburg  batteries,  losing  only  one  transport  and  no  men.  On  the 
28th  of  April,  Gen.  Hooker,  with  the  army  of  the  Potomac,  crossed  the 
Bappahannock,  and  on  the  30th  of  April  Gen.  Grant's  army  landed  near 
Port  Gibson,  Mississippi,  and  on  the  1st  of  May  fought  the  battle  of  Port 
Gibson,  and  commenced  marching  on  Vicksburg.  On  the  2d  Hooker 
fought  the  battle  of  Chancellorville,  a  hotly  contested  fight.  Stonewall 
Jackson,  one  of  the  most  successful  rebel  Generals,  was  wounded,  and 
died  on  the  10th  inst.  On  the  6th  Hooker  retreated  across  the  Rappa- 
hannock,  but  Lee  was  unable  to  pursue.  On  the  3d  the  colored  South 
Carolina  regiment  returned  from  the  Cambahee  river  raid,  bringing  with 
them  800  slaves  and  destroying  over  $2,000,000  worth  of  rebel  property. 
On  May  13th  Yazoo  City,  Mississippi,  was  captured  by  our  gun-boats, 
and  rebel  property  destroyed  amounting  to  over  §2.000,000. 

On  the  15th  Gen.  Grant  defeated  Pemberton  at  Edward's  Ferry,  and 
on  the  16th  drives  him  to  Big  Black  river.  On  the  11th  Pemberton  re- 
treated towards  Vicksburg  with  great  loss.  On  the  18th  Gen.  Grant 
invests  Vicksburg.  On  the  21st  the  rebels  ofi'er  to  surrender  Vicksburg 
if  they  are  permitted  to  march  out.  Gen.  Grant  gives  no  conditions. 
On  the  21th  Gen.  Banks  assaults  Port  Hudson  without  success  ;  great 
bravery  was  displayed  by  the  colored  troops  under  his  command.  On 
the  28th  Boston  sent  out  the  first  colored  regiment  that  went  from  the 
North.  June  6th  the  negro  troops  defeated  the  rebels  at  Miliken's  Bend. 
On  the  15th  Lee  marches  into  Maryland  with  100,000  troops.  On  the 
28th  Gen.  Hooker  was  superseded  by  Gen.  Meade.  On  the  30th  the 
rebel  outworks  were  breached  at  Vicksburg.  On  July  1st  the  battle  of 
Gettysburg  commenced,  and  continued  with  varied  success  until  the  3d, 
when  a  great  victory  was  won  by  Gen.  Meade.  Twenty- three  thousand 


DYING  STRUGGLE   OP  THE   REBELLION.  119 

of  the  rebels,  killed  and  wounded,  were  left  on  the  field,  and  6, 000  pris- 
oners fell  into  our  hands.  Lee  retreated  at  night  towards  the  Potomac. 
On  the  4th  Gen.  Grant  obtained  his  immortal  victory  at  Vicksburg, 
capturing  the  entire  rebel  army,  31, 720  men,  with  all  their  arms  and 
equipments,  and  234  guns.  About  the  same  time  Port  Hudson  surrendered 
to  Gen.  Banks  7,000  prisoners  and  40  pieces  of  artillery.  An  under- 
standing was  had,  that  if  Lee  was  successful  in  Maryland  his  friends 
were  to  rise  in  the  city  of  New  York.  Chagrined  at  his  defeat,  and  also 
mortified  at  Gen.  Grant's  great  triumph  at  Vicksburg,  a  pro-slavery  riot 
broke  out  on  the  13th,  killing  negroes,  burning"  the  colored  Orphan  Asy- 
lum, and  killing  peaceable  citizens.  They  were  finally  subdued  on 
the  16th,  after  many  of  them  had  been  killed.  On  the  26th  John  Mor- 
gan, with  his  entire  command,  was  captured  near  New  Lisbon,  Ohio, 
while  making  a  daring  rebel  raid,  (Morgan  has  since  been  killed  in  Ken- 
tucky.) John  B.  Floyd  died  at  Abingdon,  Va.,  Aug.  27th.  October 
17th  President  Lincoln  calls  for  300,000  more  volunteers.  Nov.  24th, 
capture  of  Lookout  Mountain,  in  Tennessee,  Gen.  Hooker  fighting  above 
the  clouds. 

God  waited  until  the  nation  resolved  to  be  just  before  he  gave  it  suc- 
cess. You  may  search  history  in  vain  to  find  such  a  series  of  victories 
as  those  that  followed  the  commencement  of  1863.  Battles  which  in 
their  magnitude  would  have  appalled  all  Europe  were  fought,  and  vic- 
tories made  fruitful  for  the.  Union  cause,  not  only  in  the  positions  gained, 
but  in  the  numbers  of  the  enemy  slain;  which  numbered,  in  less  than 
125  days,  over  50,000,  while  those  taken  prisoners  in  the  same  length  of 
time  amounted  to  over  100,000  more.  Since  ihe  commencement  of  Mr. 
Lincoln's  presidential  term,  Russia  has  emancipated  her  slaves,  and  at  a 
great  meeting  held  July  9,  1864,  at  Geneva,  Switzerland,  patriotic  reso- 
lutions were  passed,  applauding  his  emancipation  policy.  The  good 
and  wise  of  all  countries,  from  the  confines  of  Russia  to  -half-civilized 
Japan,  endorse  and  sustain  it. 

Since  Gen.  Grant,  as  Lieutenant  General,  has  taken  command  of  all  the 
armies,  and  especially  assumed  command  of  the  army  of  the  Potomac, 
there  has  been  a  series  of  successful  strategic  movements,  in  which 
Lee  has  been  out-generaled,  surprised,  and  forced  to  come  out  from 
behind  breastworks  and  fight  or  abandon  his  fortifications.  Grant  holds 
the  rebellion  by  the  throat;  and  Gen.  Sherman  in  his  great  campaign 
through  the  center  of  the  Confederacy,  has  slain  about  50,000  traitors, 
and  captured  over  150  guns,  and  has  at  last  taken  the  heart  out  of  the 
monster  in  the  capture  of  Atlanta.  Farragut  who,  in  1862,  illuminated 
the  Mexican  Gulf,  and  lit  up  the  Mississippi  with  the  flame  of  his  guns, 
has  gone  with  his  illuminators  into  the  dark  bay  of  Mobile.  The  forts 
for  the  defence  of  the  city  are  already  captured,  and  the  fall  of  the  city 
itself  is  only  a  question  of  a  few  days  time. 


120  DYING  STRUGGLE   OP   THE  REBELLION. 

Since  the  President  issued  his  emancipation  proclamation,  we  have, 
with  few  exceptions,  had  almost  uninterrupted  success.  Slavery 
is  abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  Maryland  has  become  civil, 
and  has  also  abolished  slavery.  Delaware  has  done  the  same.  Mis- 
souri, that  was  overrun  with  treason,  has  also  passed  an  act  of  eman- 
cipation. Louisiana  has  been  reclaimed  from  the  hand  of  the  usurper,  and 
has  done  likewise.  Western  Virginia  has  done  the  same.  Tennessee 
has  bid  good-bye  to  the  rebels,  and,  with  Arkansas,  is  determined 
to  come  into  the  Union  free.  Georgia  is  now  beginning  to  look 
up  ;  the  storm  is  passing  over  her,  and  in  a  few  more  weeks  she  will  be 
out  of  danger.  In  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Florida,  Texas,  Mis- 
sissippi, Alabama,  and  Virginia,  large  portions  of  each  and  all  of  these 
States  are  wrested  from  the  grasp  of  the  spoiler.  Since  Jan.  1st,  1863, 
sufficient  territory  has  been  retaken  from  the  rebels  to  form  a  country 
larger  than  the  British  Empire. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  unanimously  re-nominated  by  the  Union  Convention 
that  assembled  at  Baltimore  on  the  7th  of  June,  for  a  second  term  of 
office.  No  Convention  ever  yet  assembled  in  the  United  States,  that  so 
completely  represented  the  will  and  wants  of  the  American  people.  We 
predict  that  he  will  carry  almost  every  State,  entitled  to  an  electoral  vote 
for  President,  in  November,  1864.  To  change  the  policy  of  the  Gen- 
eral Government,  every  man  of  reflection  sees  disaster,  disgrace,  and 
ruin  to  the  cause  of  the  Union.  With  the  reelection  of  Abraham  Lin- 
coln of  Illinois,  and  Andrew  Johnson  of  Tennessee,  the  Union  will  vir- 
tually be  restored.  These  are  the  only  Union  candidates,  and  they  will 
receive  the  undivided  support  of  every  Union  man. 

The  embarrassing  circumstances  which  surrounded  Mr.  Lincoln  during 
the  commencement  of  his  present  term,  the  energy  by  which  he  overcame 
all  obstacles,  and  his  undying  devotion  to  the  cause  of  his  country,  en- 
titles him,  like  our  first  Presidents,  to  a  second  term.  With  this 
will  come  a  restoration  of  our  glorious  Union,  and  an  honorable  and  last- 
ing peace.  Having  finished  the  great  work  so  ably  commenced  by  the 
early  Fathers,  his  well  earned  fame  will  enter  immortality  in  company 
with  Washington, 

THE  LAST  DESPERATE  SCHEME  AND  DEATH  STRUGGLE  OF  THE 
SLAVE  POWER.— FACTS  FOR  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE,  AND 
V          FOOD  FOR  REFLECTION  FOR  EVERY  MAN  WHO  VOTES  FOR 
PRESIDENT   OF  THE  UNITED   STATES  OF  AMERICA  IN  NO- 
'S!         VEMBER,  1864. 

The  South,  finding  that  separation  and  independence  could  not  be  won 
by  the  sword,  have,  by  the  advice  of  the  slave  power,  resorted  to 
the  old  game.  For  this  purpose  agents  were  sent  to  Canada,  to  dictate 


DETESTING  THE  UNION.  121 

a  platform,  and  secure  a  candidate  for  Vice  President  at  the  Chicago 
Democratic  Convention,  of  August  the  30th.  This  was  all  they  expected  ; 
it  was  all  they  desired.  The  peace  platform  was  to  be  held  up  to  their 
weakened  and  disheartened  Southern  brethren  as  a  gleam  of  hope.  By 
this  means  they  expect  to  be  able  to  hold  out  until  after  the  presidential 
election,  although  their  already  desperate  efforts  have,  in  the  language 
of  Gen.  Grant,  "robbed  both  the  cradle  and  the  grave,"  and  in  their 
own  language,  started  the  blood  with  the  sweat.  In  this  des- 
perate condition  they  needed  a  new  and  powerful  stimulas  to  keep  up 
their  courage  for  a  short  time  longer.  This  they  got  in  the, platform 
adopted  at  Chicago — it  promised  that  hostilities  should  immediately 
cease.  The  slave  power  also  claimed  the  candidate  for  Vice  Presi- 
dent ;  and  in  this  they  demanded  a  reliable  man,  one  that  would  be  equiva- 
lent to  Jeff.  Davis  himself.  This  they  secured  in  the  nomination  of  Pen- 
dleton  of  Ohio.  With  the  platform  to  induce  the  South  to  hold  out  a  lit- 
tle longer,  and  Pendleton  to  occupy  a  similar  position  as  did  John  Tyler 
in  1840 — with  this  hellish  plot  secretly  arranged,  they  hold  out  to  the 
war  Democrats  the  treacherous,  blood-stained  hand  of  the  expiring  slave 
power.  The  leaders,  blinded  by  a  love  for  office,  fail  to  discover  the 
deep-laid  scheme,  grasp  with  joy  the  hand  of  the  monster,  which  in  his 
exhausted  condition  is  already  palsied  with  weakness  and  growing  cold 
with  death  ;  and,  in  order  that  this  demon  may  survive,  agree  to  make  a 
second  Harrison  of  Gen.  McClellan.  Who  can  fail  to  see  that  if  he  should 
be  so  unfortunate  as  to  be  elected,  the  slave  power  would,  by  his  as- 
sassination, secure  disunion  and  eternal  separation.  Is  any  man  so  fool- 
ish as  to  suppose  that  in  such  a  position  his  life  would  be  worth  a  straw  ? 


Claiming  the  right  of  secession  and  revolution  is  the  only 
means  to  secure  asseparation  from  the  free  States. 

But  why  wish  to  separate  ?  Let  the  Northern  people  cease 
to  sympathize,  and  open  their  eyes,  ears  and  understandings  to 
a  realization  of  •  what  the  South  demands,  and  why  it  de- 
mands it. 

They,  the  rebejs,  demand  an  entire  separation  of  the  slave 
States  from  the  free  States  on  the  line  of  slavery  ;  and  the 
numerous  bloody  battles  already  fought  show  boldness  and 
determination  on  their  part  to  secure  it.  But  lohat  peculiar 
interest  in  the  South  demands  the  separation  ?  What  portion  of 
the  Southern  people,  and  what  are  their  occupations  in  life, 
who  for  years  have  been  crying,  "  D — n  the  Union  ?" 

It  is  not  the  mercantile  interest.  The  merchants  of  the 
Sou*h,  as  a  class,  have  everything  to  lose,  and  nothing  to  gain, 


122  DETESTING  THE  UNION. 

by  a  destruction  of  the  Union.  Neither  is  it  the  mechanical 
interest  ;  the  mechanics  of  the  South  have  never  manifested 
any  dissatisfaction  towards  the  Union.  Neither  have  the 
boating  or  railroad  interests  anything  to  expect  by  its  de- 
struction, except  complications  in  the  carrying  trade  by  in- 
sults and  delays  from  custom-house  officers,  and  increased 
taxation  ;  they  are  not  opposed  to  the  Union.  Religion  of 
every  kind  and  creed,  without  a  single  favorite,  are  all  re- 
spected and  protected  alike,  each  and  all  enjoying  the  glori- 
ous privilege  of  worshipping  God  at  their  own  time  and 
place,  and  in  their  own  way.  It  is  not  the  four  millions  of 
poor,  disfranchised,  oppressed  and  degraded  slaves  that  are 
scattered  over  the  South  who  are  rising  up  against,  and  de- 
termined to  destroy  the  Union ;  no,  no,  it  is  not  these. 

Who,  then,  is  engaged  in  this  foul  plot?  It  was  commenced, 
and  is  continued,  by  those  wicked  traffickers  in  human  flesh, 
the  slaveholders,  WHO,  FAILING  TO  CONTROL,  HAVE  DETERMINED 

TO    DESTROY  THE    UNION. 

Now  for  the  slaveliolder's  testimony  as  to  why  they  are  in 
arms  : 

The  Richmond  Enquirer  vindicates  the  war  on  the  ground 
that  "  the  experiment  of  universal  liberty  has  failed.  The 
evils  of  free  society  are  insufferable  and  impracticable  in  the 
long  run.  It  is  everywhere  starving,  demoralized  and  insur- 
rectionary. Policy  and  humanity  alike  forbid  the  extension 
of  its  evils  to  new  peoples  and  coming  generations.  THUS 
FREE  SOCIETY  MUST  FALL  and  give  way  to  SLAVE  SOCIETY,  a 
social  system'old  as  the  world,  and  universal  as  man." 

Another  ivitness — Dr.  Palmer,  the  moral  mouth-piece  of  the 
slaveholders,  preaching  at  New  Orleans,  said  :  "  The  provi- 
dential trust  of  the  South  is  to  perpetuate  the  institution  of 
domestic  slavery  as  now  exis'ing,  wi  h  freest  scope  for  its 
natural  development."  We  must,  says  the  Doctor,  "  lift  our- 
selves to  the  highest  moral  ground,  and  proclaim  to  all  the 
world  that  we  hold  this  trust  from  God,  and  in  its  occupancy 
are  prepared  to  stand  or  fall." 

Another  witness — Alexander  Stephens,  tlie  Vice  President 
of  the  slaveholder's  government,  in  a  speech  at  Savannah, 
Georgia,  March  12th,  1861,  said:  "  That  African  slavery  was  the 
immediate  cause  of  the  late  rupture  and  present  revolution. 
Jefferson,  in  his  forecast,  had  anticipated  this  as  the  rock  on 
which  the  old  Union  would  split..  The  prevailing  opinion 
entertained  by  him,  and  most  of  the  leading  statesmen  at  the 
time  of  the  formation  of  the  old  Constitution,  was,  that  the 


DETESTING  THE  UNION.  123 

enslavement  of  the  African  was  in  violation  of  the  law  of  na- 
ture— that  it  was  wrong  in  principle,  social,  moral  and  political. 
Our  new  Government  is  founded  on  directly  the  opposite  idea, 
and  is  the  first  in  the  history  of  the  world  based  on  the  great 
truth  that  the  negro  is  not  equal  to  the  white  man  ;  that 
slavery  is  his  natural  and  normal  condition.  Thus  the  stone 
rejected  by  the  first  builders  is  become  the  chief  stone  in  the 
corner  of  .our  new  edifice.  Negro  slavery  is  but  in  its  in- 
fancy ;  we  must  increase  and  expand  it.  Central  America 
and  Mexico  are  all  open  to  us." 

At  a  public  meeting  held  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  on 
the  17th  of  December,  1861,  one  of  the  speakers  remarked  : 
"  The  knell  of  this  Union  has  been  sounded,  and  it  must  go 
down,  if  it  has  to  go  down,  in  a  stream  of  blood,  and  in  a  mul- 
titude of  human  sufferings.  Three  thousand  millions  of  prop- 
erty (meaning  slaves)  is  involved  in  this  question.  That 
Union  of  which  so  many  speak  in  terms  of  laudation,  its  vir- 
tues, its  spirit  has  forever  fled.  It  is  now  a  dead  carcass, 
stinking  in  the  nostrils  of  the  South." 

Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  says  :  "  There  is,  perhaps,  no  solu- 
tion of  the  great  problem  of  reconciling  the  interests  of  labor 
and  capital,  so  as  to  protect  each  from  the  encroachments  and 
oppressions  of  the  other,  so  simple  as  slavery.  By  making 
the  laborer  himself  capital,  the  conflict  ceases  and  the  interests  be- 
come identical" 

A  Curious  and  Explanatory  Relic.-—  On  Barn  well's  Island, 
South  Carolina,  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Prescott,  were  found  his 
private  papers.  Rebels  often  run  at  the  approach  of  the 
Union  army.  This  traitor  fled  in  such  haste  that  even  his 
private  correspondence  was  left  behind.  Years  after  he  wrote 
the  communication  calling  out  this  letter,  he  was  a  good  Dem- 
ocrat. In  fact  James  Buchanan  thought  him  so  worthy  as  to 
have  him  as  Assistant  Secretary  of  State.  The  letter  was 
written  by  one  Garnet,  then  a  member  of  the  Virginia  Con- 
vention, sitting  to  revise  its  Constitution,  and  dated  May  3d, 
1851. 

Garnet  says  :  "In  case  of  South  Carolina  seceding,  I  think 
the  Federal  Government  would  use  force,  commencing  with  a 
blockade  of  Charleston.  If  you  could  only  force  the  block- 
ade, and  bring  the  Government  to  direct  force,  the  feeling  in 
Virginia  would  be  very  great.  Eastern  Virginia  is  strongly 
in  the  right  to  secede,  and  is  with  Carolina,  but  the  West  has 
only  60,000  slaves  to  491,000  whites  ;  there  is  the  rub.  Members 
from  this  portion  of  the  State  talk  strange,  and  I  have  been 


124  DETESTING  THE   UNION. 

pained  to  hear  them.  In  this  body  I  have  apprehensions,  as 
well  as  hopes.  You  will  object  to  the  term  Democrat.  De- 
mocracy, in  its  original  philosophical  sense,  is  indeed  incompat- 
ible ivith  slavery  and  the  whole  system  of  Southern  society. 
If  the  General  Government  should  succeed,  Southern  civili- 
zation (slavery)  is  gone." 

One  more  witness,  and,  as  Lawyers  say,  we  rest. 

The  Soutliern  Literary  Messenger,  Richmond,  Ya.,  says  : 
"  Any  man  who  does  not  love  slavery  for  its  own  sake,  as  a 
divine  institution,  who  does  not  worship  it  as  the  corner-stone 
of  civil  liberty,  who  does  not  adore  it  as  the  only  possible 
condition  on  which  a  republican  form  of  Government  can  be 
erected,  and  who  does  not  in  his  inmost  soul  wish  to  see  it 
extended  over  the  whole  earth  as  a  means  of  reformation, 
second  in  dignity,  importance  and  sacredness  only  to  the 
Christian  religion — he  who  does  not  love  slavery  with  this 
love,  is  an  abolitionist." 

The  first  witness,  the  Richmond  Enquirer,  sets  forth  the 
objects  of  the  war  made  by  the  slaveholders  to  be  the  total 
destruction  of  liberty,  alleging  that  it  is  a  monstrous  evil  that 
should  not  go  down  to  future  generations. 

Then  we  are  told  by  the  second  witness,  Dr.  Palmer,  "  that 
slavery  is  a  Providential  trust,  and  he  calls  on  slaveholders 
everywhere  to  proclaim  to  all  the  world  tJiat  they  hold  this 
trust  from  God."  Did  e'ver  man  hear  such  blasphemy  ?  Claim- 
ing that  God  has  empowered  them  to  establish  markets  and 
make  merchandise  of  immortal  souls,  wallowing  in  the  sweat 
and  drinking  the  blood  of  those  for  whom  Christ  died. 

Then  Stephens,  high  in  authority,  the  third  witness,  says  : 
"  the  war  was  commenced  by  and  in  the  interest  of  slavery. 
He  also  admits  that  all  the  leading  statesmen  who  lived  at 
the  time,  arid  helped  to  frame  the  old  Constitution,  believed 
slavery  to  be  wrong  ;  they  rejected  it  as  being  unworthy  to 
be  inserted.  But,  says  Stephens,  "  the  stone  that  the  build- 
ers rejected  has  become  the  chief  one  in  the  corner  of  our 
new  edifice." 

The  fourth,  Cobb,  says  the  only  way  to  subdue  the  irrepress- 
ible conflict  going  on  between  capital  and  labor,  is  to  make 
slaves  of  att  laborers  everywhere ;  then,  he  says,  the  conflict 
will  cease.  Seward  only  proclaimed  that  there  was  a  conflict 
going  on  between  free  and  slave  labor,  but  Cobb  goes  deeper 
and  places  it  between  capital  and  labor.  How  would  some  of 
these  free  laborers  of  the  North  like  to  have  some  Democratic 
Southerner  buy  them  and  hold  them  as  slaves  ?  Is  that  De- 


DETESTIN&  THE   UNION.  125 

mocracy  ?  De  Bow's  Review,  published  at  New  Orleans,  Vol. 
XXV,  for  December,  1 858,  page  663,  advocates  the  enslaving  of 
the  white  race.  He  says :  "  To  say  the  white  race  is  not  the 
true  dnd  best  slave  race  is  to  contradict  all  history.  Too  much 
liberty  is  the  great  evil  of  our  age,  and  the  vindication  of 
slavery  the  best  corrective." 

Reader,  if  you  refuse  to  swallow  and  believe  all  these  un- 
natural, treasonable  sentiments,  you  are  then  branded  with 
the  horrible  name  of  abolitionist. 

We  are  often  surprised  that  slavery  should  so  hate  its  own 
offspring.  Abolitionists  did  not  create  slavery  ;  but  who  has 
the  hardihood  to  deny  that  slavery  has  made  -every  Abo- 
litionist now  in  America?  However  obnoxious  the  child 
may  be  to  the  parent,  it  is  a  legitimate  offspring,  and  not  the 
unwilling  production  of  a  rape.  And  as  it  required  slavery 
to  produce  abolitionists,  so  it  required  slavery  to  excite  hatred 
to  free  society  and  free  government,  which  has  terminated  in 
dreadful  civil  war.  In  the  language  of  Calhoun,  "  It  is  the 
only  question  of  sufficient  magnitude  to  bring  about  the  de- 
struction of  the  Union." 

SLAVERY. 

The  highest  card  in  the  deck  of  sin, 
Controlling  all  the  evil  pack  within ; 
It's  high  in  every  game  of  human  vice — 
In  murder,  too,  it  loads  the  dice. 
Kings,  Queens  come  first,  then  navy  Jack, 
But  this  card  played  secures  the  pack  ; 
By  color  cheats  and  holds  the  game, 
While  Hoyle  proclaims  the  suits  the  same. 
Condemn  not  color — oh,  man,  be  wise — 
God  made  all  shades  beneath  the  skies. 
The  voice  of  nature,  whispering  man  be  free, 
Cries  slavery's  death  in  every  living  tree. 

By  looking  into  the  ancient  histories  of  those  countries 
that  held  slaves,  we  find  that  their  mode  of  maintaining  slavery 
was  by  tortures  and  death.  But  as  America  is  the  land  of  in- 
vention, perhaps  some  inventive  genius  has  convinced  the 
Almighty  that  a  better  mode  is  by  doing  violence  to  the  hu- 
man mind.  Thus  by  Act  of  Assembly  of  Louisiana,  passed 
in  March,  1830,  "  all  persons  who  shall  teach  or  cause  to  be 
taught  any  slave  in  this  State,  to  read  or  write,  shall,  on  con- 
viction thereof,  be  imprisoned  not  less  than  one  or  more  than 
twelve  months." 

In  Georgia,  in  1829,  it  was  enacted,  "if  any  slave,  negro,  or 


126  DETESTING  TH^  UNION. 

free  person  of  color,  or  any  white,  shall  teach  any  other  slave 
or  negro,  or  free  person  of  color  to  read  or  write,  either  \vriten 
or  printed  characters,  the  said  free  person  of  color,  or  slave, 
shall  be  punished  by  fine  and  whipping,  or  fine  or  whipping, 
at  the  discretion  of  the  Court ;  and  if  a  white  person  so  of- 
fending, he,  she,  or  they,  shall  be  fined  not  more  than  $500, 
and  a  terra  in  the  County  Jail,  at  the  discretion  of  the  Court" 

Virginia,  according  to  the  Code  of  1846  :  "  Every  assem- 
bly of  negroes  for  the  purpose  of  instruction  in  reading  or 
writing,  shall  be  an  unlawful  assembly.  Any  Justice  may  is- 
sue his  warrant  to  any  officer  or  other  person,  requiring  him  to 
enter  any  place  where  such  assembly  may  be,  and  seize  any 
negro  therein  ;  and  he  or  any  other  Justice  may  order  such 
negro  to  be  punished  with  stripes.  If  a  white  person  assem- 
ble with  negroes  for  the  purpose  of  instructing  them  to  read 
or  write,  he  shall  be  imprisoned  in  jail,  not  exceeding  six 
months,  and  fined  not  exceeding  $100." 

In  1834,  South  Carolina  passed  an  act  as  follows  :  "  If  any 
person  shall  hereafter  teach  any  slave  to  read  or  write,  or  shall 
aid  in  assisting  any  slave  to  read  or  write,  or  cause  or  procure 
any  slave  to  be  taught  to  read  and  write,  such  person,  if  a 
free  white  person,  shall  be  fined  $100,  and  imprisoned  not  more 
than  six  months.  Slaves  and  free  persons  of  color,  shall  re- 
ceive not  exceeding  fifty  lashes,  and  fined  not  exceeding  $50." 

In  Alabama,  "  any  person  who  shall  attempt  to  teach  any  free 
person  of  color,  or  slave,  to  spell,  read  or  write,  shall,  upon 
conviction,  be  fined  not  less  than  $200,  and  not  to  exceed  $500." 

Other  slave  States  have  similar  enactments,  but  the  forego- 
ing are  deemed  sufficient  to  show  to  what  lengths  this  bar- 
barous rascality  has  been  carried.  The  ancients  never  got 
so  low  in  .crime  ;  they  never  dreamed  of  fettering  the  mind. 

''  The  slave  youths  of  promising  genius,"  says  Gibbon,  the 
Roman  historian,  "  were  instructed  in  the  arts  and  sciences, 
and  almost  every  liberal  profession  and  industrial  pursuit 
suited  to  the  necessities  of  Roman  society."  Thus  the  educa- 
tion of  slaves  was  not  prohibited  by  the  Roman  Government. 
The  same  is  true  of  society  in  the  middle  Ages.  Education 
elevated  the  slave  in  his  social  condition,  and  opened  a  way  to 
emancipation. 

Congreve's  Politics  of  Aristotle,  page  496,  says :  "  The 
only  true  analysis  to  the  slavery  of  Greece  and  Rome,  is  to  be 
found  in  that  which  is  still  prevalent  in  Asia,  where  the  evils 
of  West  India  or  American  slavery  are  wholly  unknown,  and 
the  relation  of  master  and  slave  are  accepted  by  both  in  Ar- 


DETESTING  THE  UNION.  127 

istotle's  words, '  at  once  light,  and  for  the  common  interests.' 
On  the  other  hand,  if  we  seek  for  an  analogy  in  ancient  times 
to  modern  slavery,  we  may  find  one  in  the  Catifiendia  of  the 
Roman  nobles,  or  what  may  be  termed  the  Corn  Plantations  of 
Sicily.  The  population  there  was  slave,  and  there  was  no 
check  to  the  misuse  of  their  power  by  the  agents  or  mas- 
ters who  superintended  them,  and  there  was  no  intercourse,  no 
sense  of  connection  to  soften  the  inherent  hardships  of  their 
condition.  They  rebelled  once  and  again  ;  and  there  was  dan- 
ger lest  their  revolt  should  spread — lest  throughout  the  Roman 
world  the  slave  population  should  feel  that  it  had  a  common 
cause." 

Aristotle's  opinion,  was, "  that  there  ought  be  held  out  to  the 
slave  the  hope  of  liberty  as  the  reward  of  his  service.  Thus 
by  a  gradual  infiltration,  the  slave  population  might  pass  into 
the  free."  It  did  so  at  Rome  through  the  intermediate  stage 
of  freedom,  and  the  position  of  freedmen  at  Rome  in  the  later 
Republic,  and  even  more  under  the  Empire,  was  such  that  the 
prospect  of  reaching  it  must  have  been  a  great  inducement  to 
the  slaves  to  acquiesce  in  their  present  lot. 

De  Tocqueville  says  :  "  The  slave  among  the  ancients  be- 
longed to  the  same  race  as  his  master  ;  and  he  was  often  the 
superior  of  the  two  in  education  and  instruction."  Thus 
hardly  any  similarity  existed  between  ancient  and  modern 
slavery.  The  former  were  educated,  at  least  many  of  them, 
and  had  no  peculiar  dress  to  distinguish  them  from  their 
masters  ;  and  many  of  them,  naturally  and  by  acquisition, 
were  his  superiors.  But  American  slavery  is  very  different. 
First,  the  slaves  are  of  a  different  race.  Second,  they  are 
a  different  color.  The  tradition  of  slavery  dishonors  the 
race,  and  the  peculiarities  of  the  race  perpetuate  the  tra- 
dition of  slavery.  Third,  American  slavery  not  only  con- 
trols the  body,  but  aims  to  obliterate  the  mind  of  the  slave. 
And  taking  advantage  of  all  these  peculiarities,  the  South 
has  stepped  beyond  everything  heretofore  known  on  earth 
or  in  hell,  to  secure  the  degradation  of  an  entire  race. 

Well  might  Jefferson  remark  :  "  Can  the  liberties  of  the  na- 
tion be  thought  secure  when  we  have  removed  the  only  basis — 
a  conviction  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  that  these  liberties 
are  the  gift  of  God  ?  That  they  are  not  to  be  violated  but 
with  his  wrath.  Indeed,  I  tremble  for  my  country  ivhen  I  re- 
flect that  God  is  just;  that  his  justness  can  not  sleep  forever; 
that  considering  numbers,  nature,  and  natural  means,  only  a 
revolution  of  the  wheel  of  fortune,  an  exchange  of  situation,, 


128  DETESTING  THE  UNION. 

is  among  possible  events,  that  it  may  become  probable  by  su- 
pernatural interference.  The  Almighty  has  no  attribute  which 
can  take  side  with  us  in  such  a  contest." 

What  attribute  of  Almighty  God  would  allow  him  to  take 
the  side  of  the  oppressor  ?  We  ask  only,  and  the  answer  set- 
tles the  argument  as  to  which  side  will  succeed.  Sunk  far  be- 
low the  civil  law,  the  words  of  the  Roman  poet  concerning  the 
poor  Plebian,  with  a  few  alterations,  belong  to  the  American 
slave — 

Only  leaving  the  poor  negro  his  single  tie  to  life, 

The  sweet,  sweet  love  of  daughter,  of  sister,  and  of  wife. 

The  gentle  speech,  the  balm  for  all  his  vexed  soul  endures, 

The  kiss  in  which  he  half  forgets  even  such  a  yoke  as  yours  ; 

Still  let  the  maiden's  beauty  swell  the  father's  heart  with  pride, 

Still  let  the  bridegroom's  arms  enfold  an  unpolluted  bride. 

Spare  him  the  inexpiable  wrong,  the  unnatural  shame, 

That  turns  his  human  heart  to  steel,  the  white  man's  blood  to  flame. 

Lest  when  his  latest  hope  is  fled,  you  taste  of  his  despair, 

And  learn  by  proof,  in  some  wild  hour,  how  much  the  wretched  dare. 

"We  have,  in  the  body  of  this  work,  established  the  fact 
that  the  Southern  slaveholders  and  their  Nothern  abettors 
were  the  sole  originators  of  the  terrible  war  now  raging.  We 
will  close  the  volume  with  James  Madison's  opinion,  as  set 
forth  in  the  2d  vol.,  page  787  of  Benton's  Thirty  Years  in  the 
Senate.  Benton  says  "Mr.  Madison  was  a  Southern  man, 
but  his  Southern  home  could  not  blind  his  mental  vision  as  to 
the  origin,  design,  and  consequences  of  the  slavery  agitation. 
He  gave  to  that  agitation  a  Southern  origin,  to  that  design  a 
disunion  end,  to  that  end  disastrous,  consequences,  both  to 
South  and  North." 


HISTOEICAL  SKETCH 


OF   THE 


GREAT  PRESIDENTIAL  CONTEST 
Of  1864. 


ALTHOUGH  Pierce  and  Buchanan  had  wrecked  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  its  leaders,  with  what  assistance  they  secured 
from  the  South,  made  an  attempt  to  bind  up  the  fragments 
floating  about  in  the  free  States,  in  conjnction  with  Jeff  Davis, 
to  make  a  last  dying  effort  to  check  the  rising  progress  of  civ- 
ilization. For  this  purpose  they  gathered  at  Chicago  on  the 
29th  of  August,  and  presented  the  names  of  George  B.  Mc'Clel- 
lan  for  President,  and  George  H.  Pendleton  for  Vice-President, 
agreed  on  and  adopted  the  following 

PLATFORM. 

Resolved,  That  in  the  future,  as  in  the  past,  we  will  adhere 
with  unswerving  fidelity  to  the  Union  under  the  Constitution, 
as  the  only  solid  foundation  of  our  strength,  security,  and  hap- 
piness as  a  people,  and  as  a  frame-work  of  government  equally 
conducive  to  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  all  the  States,  both 
Northern  and  Southern. 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention  does  explicitly  declare,  as 
the  sense  of  the  American  People,  that,  after  four  years  ot 
failure  to  restore  the  Union  by  the  experiment  of  war,  during 
which,  under  the  pretense  of  a  military  necessity  of  a  war 
power  higher  than  the  Constitution,  the  Constitution  itself 
has  been  disregarded  in  every  part,  and  public  liberty  and 
private  right  alike  trodden  down,  and  the  material  prosperity 
of  the  country  essentially  impaired,  justice,  humanity,  liberty, 
and  the  public  welfare,  demand  that  immediate  efforts  be 

9 


130  HISTORICAL  SKETCH   OF  THE 

made  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  with  a  view  to  an  ultimate 
Convention  of  all  the  States,  or  other  peaceable  means  to  the 
end  that  at  the  earliest  practical  moment  peace  maybe  restored 
on  the  basis  of  the  Federal  Union  of  the  States. 

Resolved,  That  the  direct  interference  of  the  military  au- 
thority of  the  United  States  in  the  recent  elections  held  in 
Kentucky,  Maryland,  Missouri  and  Delaware,  was  a  shameful 
violation  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  repetition  of  such  acts 
in  the  approaching  election  will  be  held  as  revolutionary,  and 
resisted  with  all  the  means  and  power  under  our  control. 

Resolved,  That  the  aim  and  object  of  the  Democratic  party 
is  to  preserve  the  Federal  Union,  and  the  rights  of  the  States 
unimpaired  ;  and  they  hereby  declare  that  they  consider  the 
Administrative  usurpation  of  extraordinary  and  dangerous 
powers  not  granted  by  the  Constitution,  the  subversion  of  the 
civil  by  military  law  in  States  not  in  insurrection,  the  arbi- 
trary military  arrest,  imprisonment,  trial  and  sentence  of 
American  citizens  in  States  where  civil  law  exists  in  full  force, 
the  suppression  of  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press,  the  de- 
nial of  the  right  of  asylum,  the  open  and  avowed  disregard  of 
State  rights,  the  employment  of  unusual  test-oaths,  and  the 
interference  with  and  denial  of  the  right  of  the  people  to  bear 
arms,  as  calculated  to  prevent  a  restoration  of  the  Union  and 
the  perpetuation  of  a  government  deriving  its  just  powers 
from  the  consent  of  the  governed. 

Resolved,  That  the  shameful  disregard  of  the  Administra- 
tion to  its  duty  in  respect  to  our  fellow  citizens  who  now  and 
long  have  been  prisoners  of  war  in  a  suffering  condition,  de- 
.serves  the  severest  reprobation,  on  the  score  alike  of  public 
interest  and  common  humanity. 

Resolved,  That  the  sympathy  of  the  Democratic  party  is 
"heartily  and  earnestly  extended  to  the  soldiery  of  our  army 
•who  are  and  have  been  in  the  field  under  the  flag  of  our 
•country ;  and,  in  the  event  of  our  attaining  power,  they  will 
receive  all  the  care  and  protection,  regard  and  kindness,  that 
the  brave  soldiers  of  the  Republic  have  so  nobly  earned. 

The  platform  was  a  compromise  between  the  two  frag- 
ments, one  was  represented  by  such  men  as  Vallandigham 
and  Pendleton.  The  former  was  made  a  Knight  of  the  Golden 
Circle  while  exiled  in  the  towji  of  Windsor,  C,  W.,  by  one 
Amos  Green,  Grand  Master  of  the  order  for  Illinois.  The 
latter,  Pendleton,  had  perhaps  been  a  member  of  long  stand- 


GREAT  PRESIDENTIAL  CONTEST  OP  1864.        131 

ing  ;  this  pair  of  political  adventurers  and  their  dupes  went 
into  the  Chicago  Convention,  stripped  to  the  waist,  to  battle 
for  the  South. 

They  held  that  any  State,  at  its  option,  can  pull  the  key- 
stone from  the  Federal  arch,  even  if  the  destruction  of  the 
entire  fabric  should  be  the  result ;  slavery  they  held  to  be  a 
beneficent  institution,  and,  like  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion,  be- 
lieved it  to  be  of  divine  origin ;  rather  than  admit  the  right  of 
the  National  Government  to  strike  back,  or  admit  slavery  to 
be  wrong,  they  justified  the  rebellion,  and,  with  one  accord, 
shouted,  "  Let  the  South  go  /" 

They  justified  secession  as  constitutional,  and  slavery  they 
held  to  be  the  law  of  God.  With  such  opinions,  cowardice 
was  all  that  prevented  them  from  shedding  patriotic  blood. 
These  are  the  identical  sentiments  of  Jeff.  Davis,  who  sent 
Sanders,  Thompson  and  Clay  from  Richmond,  as  commission- 
ers to  meet  Vallandigham  and  other  friends  in  Canada,  there 
to  engineer  the  assembling  Democratic  Convention.  They 
ran  up  the  white  flag  and  cried  "peace;"  with  them,  peace 
and  disunion  meant  the  same  }  disunion,  they  claimed,  had 
already  taken  place,  and  if  peace  could  be  obtained  while  the 
rebel  government  was  in  full  blast,  its  authority  thereby 
would  be  acknowledged,  and  separation  become  eternal.  Be- 
lieving the  nation  disheartened,  they  thought  to  take  advan- 
tage of  the  hour,  and  even  had  sufficient  influence  to  get  the 
insertion  of  that  traitorous  and  cowardly  clause,  in  the  second 
resolution  of  the  platform,  which  declares  that  "  after  four 
years  of  failure  to  restore  the  Union,  by  the  experiment  of 
war,  &c."  This  clause  in  the  resolution  was  inserted  to  dis- 
hearten the  nation,  to  induce  it  to  abandon  the  contest  as 
hopeless  ;  it  was  also  a  thrust  at  the  incapacity  and  inefficiency 
of  the  Federal  army  to  cope  with  the  rebels  ;  it  conveyed  the 
idea  that  no  progress  had  been  made,  and  insinuated  that  the 
rebellion  was  already  a  success.  This  assertion  was  not  only 
a  lie,  but  a  elander,  as  the  following  facts  plainly  show.  In 
1861,  when  the  rebellion  became  general,  the  territory  under 
the  control  of  the  rebels  amounted  to  a  1,653,852  square  miles, 


132  HISTORICAL  SKETCH   OP  THE 

and  the  population  numbered  12,121,294.  The  Federal  army 
had  already  won  back  by  the  sword  1,311,184  square  miles  of 
territory,  and  brought  back  a  population  of  7,638,062,  leaving, 
at  the  time  of  the  assembling  of  the  Chicago  Convention, 
only  342,668  square  miles  of  territory  under  rebel  rule,  with 
the  reduced  population  of  only  4,458.232  souls.  Yet,  in  the 
face  of  all  these  facts,  this  traitorous  cliquo  compelled  the 
Convention  to  gratify  the  rebels  by  declaring  the  war  for  the 
Union  a  failure.  This  was  a  great  triumph  for  Jeff  Davis. 

Their  hand  was  next  seen  in  the  nomination  of  one  of  their 
clan  for  Vice-President ;  the  reasons  for  this  are  given  more 
fully  on  pages  120  and  121.  Their  numerical  strength  was 
not  so  great  as  the  McClellan  party,  but  they  were  unscru- 
pulous, energetic  vand  desperate.  The  friends  of  McClellan 
did  not  dream  of  the  plot.  They  thought  very  little  of  plat- 
forms, and  thought  very  little  of  resolutions  ;  they  had  un- 
bounded confidence  in  him — but  the  Knights  had  every  thing 
ready.  He  would,  if  elected,  have  been  brushed  away  like  a 
cobweb,  and  the  treason  of  the  Vice-President,  through  official 
position,  would  have  sealed  the  doom  of  the  republic. 

McClellan's  theory  was  to  restore  the  Union  by  concessions 
and  compromises  with  the  South  ;  he  held  that  the  Constitu- 
tion itself  was  the  creature  of  compromise.  As  a  means  of 
conciliation  he  was  pledged  to  defend  slavery  by  placing 
around  it  new  guarantees.  The  proclamation  of  freedom  is- 
sued by  Lincoln  was  to  be  disavowed,  and  all  the  colored  regi- 
ments (numbering  about  100,000  men)  in  the  Federal  service 
were  to  be  disbanded.  All  this  was  to  be  done  as  a  measure  of 
conciliation,  to  induce  the  rebels  to  stop  the  war.  This  gives 
the  true  meaning  of  the  cant  phrase  "  the  Union  as  it  was,  and 
the  Constitution  as  it  is."  As  an  additional  inducement  for 
the  traitors  to  stop  whipping  us,  the  Federal  army  was  to  be 
converted  into  a  national  police  to  catch  and  return  slaves 
escaping  from  their  masters. 

All  this  being  done,  if  the  South  still  remained  unrecon- 
ciled, then  the  Federal  army  was,  if  possible,  to  be  converted 
into  an  engine  to  crush  out  the  an ti -slavery  sentiment  in  the 
free  States. 


GREAT  PRESIDENTIAL   CONTEST   OF   1864.  133 

Every  honest  man,  who  wanted  to  do  unto  the  rest  of  the 
human  race  as  he  would  have  them  do  unto  him,  was  to  be 
hunted  like  a  wild  beast — all  to  appease  the  unnatural  discon- 
tent of  slavery.  This  feeling  showed  itself  very  prominently 
at  Democratic  meetings.  "  Hang  Abe  Lincoln,"  "  hang  Sew- 
ard,"  "hang  Sumner,"  "hang  Wilson,"  "hang  Garrison," 
"  hang  Beecher,"  "  hang  Cheever,"  "  hang  every  d — d  Aboli- 
tionist son  of  a  b — h."  Such  was  the  then  proposed  Demo- 
cratic way  of  stopping  the  war. 

The  Republican  party  they  declared  to  be  the  cause  of  the 
war.  Lincoln  had  no  right  to  defend  the  national  life.  The 
war  on  his  part  was  unconstitutional,  wicked  and  malicious, 
and  carried  on  by  the  fiendish  spirit  of  abolitionism  ;  that  he 
was  not  conducting  the  war  to  restore  the  Union,  but  continu- 
ing it  for  the  benefit  of  adventurers  and  shoddy  contractors  ; 
that  the  South  would  make  peace  to-day  if  their  constitutional 
rights  were  guaranteed.  The  enormous  debt  of  England, 
about  4,000,000,000,  was  declared  to  be  as  nothing  in  compar- 
ison to  the  burden  Lincoln  was  heaping  on  us  ;  greenbacks 
and  national  bank  money  were  denounced  as  valueless  ;  the 
old  banking  institutions  of  the  States  were  appealed  to  to  act  in 
self-defense  by  discrediting  the  Government  currency  j  the 
shipping  interest  was  drawn  into  the  contest,  and  declared  to 
have  been  neglected  and  ruined  ;  the  tax-gatherer  was  pointed 
at  as  little  better  than  a  highwayman  ;  the  President  was 
charged  with  being  a  usurper  and  destroyer  of  civil  liberty. 
If  the  orators  and  press  of  the  Democratic  party  agreed  in 
any  one  thing,  it  was  in  hating  "  Lincoln" — they  hated  his  ad- 
ministration—  they  hated  all  he  did  and  said — they  hated  the 
national  government  because  he  had  control  of  it — they  hated 
the  war  because  he  was  conducting  it — they  hated  the  Union 
because  he  loved  and  was  trying  to  save  it — they  despised 
liberty  because  he  proclaimed  it  to  be  the  natural  inheritance 
of  all  men,  black  as  well  as  white. 

So  infuriated  were  some  of  these  madmen  that  they  would 
have  regarded  it  as  a  privilege  to  become  slaves  themselves 
rather  than  that  the  negro  should  be  made  free  ;  some  dreaded 


134  HISTORICAL  SKETCH,   ETC. 

•negro  competition — (shame) — they  feared  he  might  rival  them 
in  energy  and  ability.  This  class  wanted  the  slave  kept  in 
slavery  for  self-protection.  Every  low  and  selfish  interest 
was  roused  up  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  Resistance  to 
the  draft  was  counselled  and  advised.  Democrats  were  told 
that  they  could  get  no  office.  McClellan,  they  said,  had  been 
removed  from  command  of  the  army,  because  he  was  a  good 
Democrat.  The  rebels  in  front  of  Petersburg,  Va.,  Septem- 
ber 2d,  cheered  when  they  heard  of  McClellan's  nomination 
at  Chicago.  The  foreign  population  were  told  that  their 
friends  in  the  army  were  put  in  front,  with  Democratic  regi- 
ments, to  do  all  the  hard  fighting.  If  an  honest,  straight  for- 
ward man  refused  to  act  with  the  party,  he  \vas  pointed  at  as 
one  who  had  sold  his  birthright  for  greenbacks.  Hopelessly 
demoralized  themselves,  they  failed  to  destroy  confidence  in 
the  Federal  Government — they  deserved  more  than  defeat,  and 
they  got  part  of  their  deserts. 


THE    CAMPAIGN 


AS   CONDUCTED    BY 


THE    UNION    PAKTY, 

TERMINATING  IN  THE  RE-ELECTION  OF  MR.  LINCOLN 
FOR   A  SECOND   TERM. 


The  party  that  bore  in  its  bosom  the  patriotic  heart  of  the 
nation,  conscious  of  its  strength,  and  confiding  in  the  justice 
of  its  cause,  made  its  nomination  early.  The  demoralized  De- 
mocracy hung  back  to  see  if  anything  would  turn  up  ;  and  it 
was  not  until  the  29th  day  of  August  that  they  entered  the 
canvass.  Lincoln  had  done  many  things  during  the  term  he 
had  served,  to  enrage  the  traitors  in  the  South,  and  vex  their 
friends  in  the  North.  Suspension  of  the  writ  of  Habeas  Cor- 
pus, and  the  Proclamation  of  Freedom,  were  declared  by  them 
to  be  treason.  Before  either  of  these  measures  had  been 
adopted,  they  plotted  to  take  his  life.  He  had  to  wade  through 
treason  to  reach  the  chair  of  State. 

It  was  a  dark  day  in  our  country's  history  when  an  armed 
guard  had  to  surround  the  hotel  (Willard's)  where  the  Chief 
Magistrate  had  taken  temporary  lodgings,  to  prevent  his  as- 
sassination. And  on  the  day  (4th  March,  '61,)  of  his  Inaugura- 
tion, he  was  escorted  up  Pennsylvania  Avenue  in  a  hollow 
square  of  cavalry,  and  the  utmost  vigilance  was  exercised  by 
Gen.  Scott  to  pre'vent  his  being  publicly  assassinated  on  the 
way  to  the  Capitol,  to  deliver  his  Inaugural  Address  from  the 
east  portico.  These  were  terrible  times ;  and.  to  add  to  his 
embarrassment,  though  unintentionally,  Gen.  Scott  wrote  a 


136  THE  UNION   CAMPAIGN. 

letter  the  day  before  the  inauguration,  (March  3d,)  directed  to 
Wm.  H.  Seward,  in  which  he  pictures  out  a  dark  and  gloomy 
future.  "If  the  Government  resorted  to  force,  two  or  three 
years  of  war  would  leave  devastated  provinces  without  future 
hope  of  reconciling  the  Southern  people  to  their  conquerors." 
Viewing  the  future  from  this  stand-point,  Gen.  Scott  advised 
the  incoming  administration  to  say  to  the  Southern  States 
"  Wayward  sisters,  depart  in  peace." — Second  vol.,  page  628, 
Scott's  Life. 

Such  counsel,  from  so  experienced  a  soldier  and  brave  a  man 
as  Scott,  would  havj  staggered  most  men ;  but  Mr.  Lincoln  pit- 
ted himself  against  all  such  weakness,  and  accepted  war.  The 
ideas  of  '76,  and  the  accomplishments  of  '87,  were  too  sacred  to 
be  abandoned  without  a  struggle.  Through  his  patriotism  and 
invincible  courage,  he  rallied  the  nation  to  its  own  defence. 
After  twenty  months  of  wavering  and  doubtful  conflict,  the 
star  of  success  growing  dim,  in  one  of  those  moments  when 
hope  gives  way  to  despair,  and  death  is  sought  as  a  refuge,  he 
grasped  and  threw  into  the  struggle  the  ideas  of  '76.  Though 
morally  weakened  by  being  used  only  as  a  war  measure,  yet, 
thus  feebly  touched,  it  electrified  the  nation.  When  the  people 
heard  above  the  din  of  battle  the  loud  roar  of  the  artillery  of 
the  colonial  revolution,  their  patriotic  enthusiasm  commenced 
kindling  to  the  skies.  The  evil  political  spirits  of  the  present, 
and  the  apparitions  of  their  kindred  of  the  past,  had  to  this 
time  hung  like  an  incubus  around  the  President ;  but  when  he 
wrote  "Freedom"  across  the  front  of  his  administration,  they 
vanished  before  the  brightness  of  the  hour.  In  this  elevated 
position,  Moses-like,  he  learned  the  will  of  Heaven,  and  thus, 
through  the  following  proclamation,  gave  it  to  the  nation  : 

THE   EMANCIPATION    PROCLAMATION. 

BY   THE   PRESIDENT   OP  THE   UNITED   STATES   OF   AMERICA. 

WJiereas,  on  the  twenty-second  day  of  September,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-two,  a 


THE   UNION   CAMPAIGN.  137 

Proclamation   was  issued   by  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  containing,  among  other  things,  the  following,  to  wit  : 

"  That  on  the  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  . 
one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-three,  all  persons  held 
as  slaves  within  any  State,  or  designated  part  of  a  State,  the 
people  whereof  shall  then  be  in  rebellion  against  the  United 
States,  shall  be,  thenceforth,  and  FOREVER  FREE  :  and  the 
Executive  Government  of  the  United  States,  including  the 
military  and  naval  authorities  thereof,  will  recognize  and 
maintain  the  freedom  of  such  persons,  and  will  do  no  act  or 
acts  to  repress  such  persons,  or  any  of  them,  in  any  efforts 
they  may  make  for  their  actual  freedom. 

""That  the  Executive  will,  on  the  first  day.flf  January  afore- 
said, by  proclamation,  designate  the  States  and  parts  of  States, 
if  any.  in  which  the  people  thereof  respectively  shall  then  be 
in  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  and  the  fact  that  any 
State,  or  the  people  thereof,  shall  on  that  day  be  in  good  faith 
represented  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  by  members 
chosen  thereto  at  elections  wherein  a  majority  of  the  qualified 
voters  of  such  State  shall  have  participated,  shall,  in  the  ab- 
sence of  strong  countervailing  testimony,  be  deemed  conclu- 
sive evidence  that  such  State  and  the  people  thereof  are  not 
then  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States." 

Now,  therefore,  I,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  President  of  the 
United  States,  by  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  as  Corn- 
mander-in-Chief'of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United  States 
in  time  of  actual  armed  Rebellion  against  the  authority  and 
government  of  the  United  States,  and  as  a  fit  and  necessary 
war  measure  for  suppressing  said  Rebellion,  do,  on  this  first 
day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  sixty-three,  and  in  accordance  with  my  purpose 
so  to  do,  publicly  proclaim  for  the  full  period  of  one  hundred 
days  from  the  day  of  the  first  above-mentioned  order,  and  de- 
signate, as  the  States  and  parts  of  States  wherein  the  people 
thereof  respectively  are  this  day  in  rebellion  against  the 
United  States,  the  following,  to  wit :  ARKANbAS,  ILXAb, 
LOUISIANA  (except  the  Parishes  of  St.  Bernard,  Palque- 
mines,  Jefferson,  St.  John,  St.  Charles,  St.  James,  Ascension 
Assumption.  Terre  Bonne,  Lafourche,  St.  Mary,  St.  Martin,  and 
Orleans,  including  the  City  of  Orleans,  MISSISSIPPI,  ALA- 
BAMA, FLORIDA,  GEORGIA,  SOUTH  CAROLINA, 
NORTH  CAROLINA,  and  VIRGINIA  (except  the  forty- 
eight  counties  designated  as  West  Virginia,  and  also  the 
counties  of  Berkley,  Accomac,  Northampton,  Elizabeth^ City, 
York,  Princess  Ann,  and  Norfolk,  including  the  cities  of  Nor- 


138  THE  UNION   CAMPAIGN. 

> 

folk  and  Portsmouth),  and  which  excepted  parts  are,  for  the 
the  present,  left  precisely  as  if  this  Proclamation  were  not 
issued. 

And  by  virtue  of  the  power,  and  for  the  purpose  aforesaid, 
I  do  order  and  declare  that  ALL  PERSONS  HELD  AS  SLAVES  with- 
in said  designated  States  and  parts  of  States,  ARE,  AND  HENCE- 
FORWARD SHALL  BE  FREE  !  And  that  the  Executive  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  including  the  Military  and 
Naval  Authorities  thereof,  will  recognize  and  maintain  the 
freedom  of  said  persons. 

And  I  hereby  enjoin  upon  the  people  so  declared  to  be  free, 
to  abstain  from  all  violence,  unless  in  necessary  self-defence, 
and  I  recommend  to  them  that  in  all  cases,  when  allowed, 
they  labor  faithfully  for  reasonable  Wages. 

And  I  further  declare  and  make  known,  that  such  persons 
of  suitable  condition  will  be  received  into  the  armed  service 
of  the  United  States  to  garrison  forts,  positions,  stations,  and 
other  places,  and  to  man  vessels  of  all  sorts  in  said  service. 

And  upon  this  act,  sincerely  believed  to  be  an  act  of  justice, 
warranted  by  the  Constitution,  upon  military  necessity,  I  in- 
voke the  considerate  judgment  of  mankind,  and  the  gracious 
favor  of  Almighty  God. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  name,  and 
caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  first  day  of  Janu- 

rr    «;  1    ary,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hun- 
'    dred  and  sixty-three,  and  of  the  Independence   of 
the  United  States  the  eighty-seventh. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

By  the  President. — WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD. 

Secretary  of  State. 

Various  were  the  opinions  entertained  of  the  utility  of  the 
above  Proclamation.  Some  compared  it  to  the  Pope's  bull 
against  the  comet.  Many  of  the  republican  party  despised  it 
as  a  political  document,  but  gave  their  assent  to  it  as  a  war 
measure.  But  it  soon  became  evident  that  it  would  live  in 
history  as  the  grandest  achievement  of  his  administration.  So 
completely  had  it  grown  in  favor  with  the  people  that,  in  a 
little  over  six  months  after  it  was  issued,  a  Convention  was 
called,  in  order  that  some  marks  of  approval  might  be  made 
manifest.  With  patriotic  gratitude  the  people  endorsed  it, 


THE  UNION   CAMPAIGN.  139 

not  only  as  a  War  Measure,  but  as  an  act  of  justice,  and  renom- 
inated  its  great  and  beloved  author  for  a  second  term  without 
a  dissenting  voice. 

The  National  Convention  assembled  at  Baltimore  on  the  7th 
of  June,  1864,  and  there  nominated  Abraham  Lincoln  for  re- 
election as  President,  with  Andrew  Johnson  as  Vice  President, 
and  adopted  and  presented  to  the  American  people  the  follow- 
ing Platform : 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  highest  duty  of  every  American 
citizen  to  maintain  against  all  their  enemies  the  integrity  ot 
the  Union,  and  the  paramount  authority  of  the  Constitution 
and  laws  of  the  United  States  ;  and  that,  laying  aside  all  dit 
ferences  of  political  opinion,  we  pledge  ourselves  as  Union 
men,  animated  by  a  common  sentiment,  and  aiming  at  a  com- 
mon object,  to  do  everything  in  our  power  to  aid  the  Uovern- 
raent  in  quelling  by  force  of  arms  the  rebellion  now  raging 
against  its  authority,  and  in  bringing  to  the  punishment  due 
to  their  crimes  the  rebels  and  traitors  arrayed  against  it. 

Resolved,  That  we  approve  the  determination  of  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  not  to  compromise  with  rebels, 
nor  to  offer  any  terms  of  peace,  except  such  as  may  be  based 
upon  an  "unconditional  surrender"  of  their  hostility,  and 
a  return  to  their  just  allegiance  to  the  Constitution  and 
laws  of  the  United  States  ;  and  that  we  call  upon  the  Govern- 
ment to  maintain  this  position,  and  to  prosecute  the  war  with 
the  utmost  possible  vigor  to  the  complete  suppression  ol  the 
rebellion,  in  full  reliance  upon  the  self-sacrifice,  the  patriotism, 
the  heroic  valor,  and  the  undying  devotion  of  the  American 
people  to  their  country  and  its  free  instituions. 

Resolved  That,  as  Slavery  was  the  cause,  and  now  constitutes 
the  strength  of  this  rebellion,  and  as  it  must  be  always  and 
everywhere  hostile  to  the  principles  of  Republican  govern- 
ment, justice  and  the  national  safety  demand  its  utter  and 
complete  extirpation  from  the  soil  of  the  Republic ;  and  that 
we  uphold  and  maintain  the  acts  and  proclamations  by  which 
the  government  in  its  own  defense,  has  aimed  a  death-blow  at 
this  gigantic  evil.  We  are  in  favor  furthermore,  of  such  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution,  to  be  made  by  the  people  m 
conformity  with  its  provisions,  as  shall  terminate  and  forever 
prohibit,  the  existence  of  Slavery  within  the  limits  of  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  United  States. 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  the  American  People  are  due 


140  THE  UNION   CAMPAIGN. 

to  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  who  have 
periled  their  lives  in  defense  of  their  country,  and  in,  vindica- 
tion of  the  honor  of  the  flag  ;  that  the  nation  owes  to  them 
some  permanent  recognition  of  their  patriorism  and  valor,  and 
ample  and  permanent  provision  for  those  of  their  survivors 
who  have  received  disabling  and  honorable  wounds  in  the 
service  of  the  country  ;  and  that  the  memories  of  those  who 
have  Mien  in  its  defense  shall  be  held  in  grateful  and  ever- 
lasting remembrance. 

Resolved,  That  we  approve  and  applaud  the  practical  wis- 
dom, the  unselfish  patriotism  and  unswerving  fidelit}T  to  the 
Constitution  and  the  principles  of  American  liberty,  with 
which  Abraham  Lincoln  has  discharged,  under  circumstances 
of  unparalleled  difficulty,  the  great  duties  and  responsibilities 
of  the  presidential  office;  that  we  approve  and  endor.se,  as 
demanded  by  the  emergency,  and  essential  to  the  preservation 
of  the  nation  ;  and  as  within  the  Constitution,  the  measures 
and  acts  which  he  has  adopted  to  defend  the  nation  against 
its  open  and  secret  foes  ;  that  we  approve  especially  the  Proc- 
lamation of  Emancipation,  and  the  employment  as  Union 
soldiers  of  men  heretofore  held  in  Slavery  ;  and  that  we  have 
full  confidence  in  his  determination  to  carry  these  and  all 
other  constitutional  measures  essential  to  the  salvation  of  the 
country  into  full  and  complete  effect. 

Resolved,  That  we  deem  it  essential  to  the  general  welfare 
that  harmony  should  prevail  in  the  National  councils,  and  we 
regard  as  worthy  of  public  confidence  and  official  trust  those 
only  who  cordially  endorse  the  principles  proclaimed  in  these 
resolutions,  and  which  should  characterize  the  administration 
of  the  Government. 

Resolved,  That  the  Government  owes  to  all  men  employed 
in  its  armies,  without  regard  to  distinction  of  color,  the  full 
protection  of  the  laws  of  war  ;  and  that  any  violation  of  these 
laws,  or  of  the  usages  of  civilized  nations  in  the  time  of  war 
by  the  Rebels  now  in  arms,  should  be  made  the  subject  of  full 
and  prompt  redress. 

Resolved,  That  the  foreign  immigration,  which  in  the  past 
has  added  so  much  to  the  wealth  and  development  of  resources 
and  increase  of  power  to  this  nation,  the  Asylum  of  the 
oppressed  of  all  nations,  should  be  fostered  and  encouraged 
by  a  liberal  and  just  policy. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  the  speedy  construction 
of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific. 


THE  UNION   CAMPAIGN. 

Resolved,  That  the  National  faith,  pledged  for  the  redemp- 
tion of  the  Public  Debt,  must  be  kept  inviolate  ;  and  that  or 
this  purpose  we  recommend  economy  and  rigid  responsibility 
n  the  public  expenditures,  and  a  vigorous  and  just  system ^ 
taxation  ;  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  loyal  State  to  sustain 
the  credit  and  promote  the  use  of  the  National  « 

Resolved,  That  we  approve  the  position  taken  by  the  Gov- 
ernment that  the  people  of  the  United  States  never  regarded 
wHh  Indifference  the  attempt  of  any  European  power -to .over- 
throw  by  force,  or  to  supplant  by  fraud,  the  mstitutions  of  any 
Republican  government  on  the  western  continent   and  that 
they  view  with  extreme  jealousy,  as  menacing  to  the  pe 
and  independence  of  this  our  country,  the  efforts  of  any  such 
power  to  obtain  new  footholds  for  monarchal  governments 
sustained  by  a  foreign  military  force,  in  near  proximity  to 
United  States. 

The  platform  adopted  at  Philadelphia,  June  18,  1856,  with 
Fremont  as  candidate,  set  forth  in  the  first  resolution  the 
principles  of  '76,  and  at  Chicago,  in  May,  1860,  the  same  prin- 
ciples were  reiterated  in  the  second  resolution  of  the  Repub- 
lican Platform ;  and  at  Baltimore  in  1864,  in  the  third  resolution 
Slavery  is  declared  to  be  hostile  to  republican  government, 
whilst  the  platforms  of  1856  and  1860  declared  against  slavery 
extension,  they  did  not  propose  to  legally  disturb  it  in  tl 
slaveholding  States,  but  the  Baltimore  Convention  was  con- 
sistent.    The  statutes  had  become  fundamentally  changed  by 
the  action-of  the  slave  States  themselves  in  rebelling, 
third  resolution  declare,,  as  so  do  the  rebels,  that  Slavery  was 
the  cause  of  the  Rebellion.     The  Proclamation  is  endorsed  i 
the  resolution,  not  only  as  a  war  measure,  but  as  an  act  ol 
justice,  and  the  extirpation  of  slavery  from  the  soi. 
Republic  is  demanded.  • 

Public  sentiment  so  completely  endorsed  the  proclamation 
of  freedom,  that  the  Convention  advanced  with  energy  to  tl 
new  position  attained  by  the  President,  Many  of  his  own 
party  were  opposed  to  enlisting  liberated  slaves  in  the  Union 
array -but  this  policy  was  indorsed  by  the  fifth  resolution  o 
the  platform  and  that  closed  their  mouths. 

In  adopting  this  measure,  Mr  Lincoln  showed  great  ability 


142  THE  UNION  CAMPAIGN. 

as  the  record  of  the  100,000  blacks  now  soldiers  in  the  army 
of  the  Republic  abundantly  proves.  Even  the  rebel  General 
Lee,  the  ablest  man  engaged  in  the  rebellion,  in  a  letter,  dated, 
C.  S.  Armies,  Feb.  18th,  18G5,  to  E.  Barksdale,  advocates  the 
policy  of  arming  the  blacks,  not  only  as  necessary  but  expe- 
dient ;  but  the  slaveholders  of  the  Gulf  States  at  first  opposed 
him  and  refused  the  demands  of  the  rebel  chief.  Slavery, 
the  cause  of  the  rebellion,  had  already  become  chronic  in  the 
Southern  Confederacy.  The  Richmond  Enquirer  of  February 
23d,  1865,  claims  that  "  Virginia  did  not  commence  the  rebel- 
lion ;  neither  did  Tennessee,  Missouri  or  Kentucky  ;  but  the 
Gulf  States  swore  the  oath  of  success  or  universal  destruction. 
This  oath  has  been  broken  and  they  by  whom  the  first  blow 
was  struck  are  the  first  to  desert."  The  above  remarks  were 
made  on  the  defeat,  by  senators  from  the  Gulf  States,  of  the 
bill  to  arm  the  blacks,  previously  passed  by  the  rebel  house 
of  representatives.  The  Enquire-)  continues  :  "  Monday,  the 
compact  of  mutual  support  was  broken;  the  bill  to  appropriate 
the  slaves  so  as  to  secure  honorable  existence,  was  defeated 
in  the  senate  principally  by  senators  from  the  Gulf  States. 
Perhaps  it  would  be  well  for  the  Gulf  States  to  reconsider 
the  vote.  Virginia,  Tennessee,  Missouri  and  Kentucky  will  yet 
see  that  their  people  are  not  slaves  in  order  that  the  incon- 
veniences of  war  may  not  be  felt  on  the  Congaree  and  the 
Tombigbee." 

The  Richmond  Sentinel,  February  3d,  1865,  Davis'  organ, 
says: 

"The  soldiers  from  Texas,  Mississippi,  Kentucky,  Georgia 
and  Virginia  have  spoken  in  favor  of  arming  the  slaves.  Gen. 
iee  has  also  requested  that  it  should  be  done,  the  rebel  house 
of  representatives  has  taken  affirmative  action,  but  the  senate 
is  disappointing  and  delaying — are  we  to  add,  defeating." 

Gov.  Brown  of  Georgia  about  the  same  date  discourses  thus: 
"  In  a  measure,  whatever  may  be  our  opinion  of  their  normal 
condition  of  interests,  we  cannot  expect  them  to  perform  deeds 
of  heroism  when  fighting  to  continue  the  enslavement  of  their 
wives  and  children  ;  and  it  is  not  reasonable  for  us  to  demand 


THE  UNION   CAMPAIGN.  143 

it  of  them.  Whenever  we  establish  the  fact  that  they  are  a 
military  people  we  destroy  our  theory  that  they  are  unfit  to 
be  free.  When  we  arm  the  slaves  we  abolish  slavery." 

On  March  8,  1865,  the  rebel  senate  was  forced  to  pass  the 
following  bill : 

The  bill  was  then  passed  by  yeas  and  nays  as  follows  : 

YEAS — Messrs.  Brown,  Burnett,  Caperton,  Henry,  Hunter, 
Oldham,  Semmes  of  Louisiana,  Sims  of  Kentucky,  Watson— 9. 

NAYS— Messrs.  Barn  well,  Graham,  Johnson  of  Georgia, 
Johnson  of  Missouri,  Maxwell,  Orr,  West,  Wigfall— 8. 

Oti  motion  of  Mr.  GRAHAM,  the  Senate  resolved  itself  into 
executive  session. 

The  following  is  the  bill  to  place  negroes  in  the  army,  as  it 
passed  the  Senate  : 

A  bill  to  Increase  the  Military  Force  of  the  Confederate  States. 

The  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America  do  enact : 
That  in  order  to  provide  additional  forces  to  repel  invasion,  main- 
tain the  right  to  possession  of  the  Confederate  States,  secure  their 
independence  and  preserve  their  institutions,  the  President  be  and 
he  is  hereby  authorized  to  ask  for  and  accept  from  the  owners  of 
slaves  the  service  of  such  number  of  able-bodied  men  as  he  may 
deem  expedient,  for  and  during  the  war,  to  perform  military  ser- 
vice in  whatever  capacity  he  may  direct. 

SEC.  2.  That  the  General-in-Chief  be  authorized  to  organize  the 
said  slaves  into  companies,  battalions,  regiments  and  brigades, 
under  such  rules  and  regulations  as  the  Secretary  of  War  may 
prescribe,  and  to  be  commanded  by  such  officers  as  the  President 
may  appoint. 

SEC.  3.  That  while  employed  in  the  service,  the  said  troops  shall 
receive  the  same  rations,  clothing  and  compensation  as  are  allowed 
to  other  troops  in  the  same  branch  of  the  service. 

SEC.  4.  That  if,  under  the  previous  sections  of  this  act,  the  Pres- 
ident shall  not  be  able  to  raise  a  sufficient  number  of  troops  to 
prosecute  the  war  successfully,  and  maintain  the  sovereignty  of  the 
States  and  the  independence  of  tho  Confederate  States,  then  he  is 
hereby  authorized  to  call  on  each  State,  whenever  he  thinks  it  ex- 
pedient, for  her  quota  of  three  hundred  thousand  troops,  in  addi- 
tion to  those  subject  to  military  service  under  existing  laws,  or  as 
many  thereof  as  the  President  may  deem  necessary  to  be  raised 
from  such  classes  of  the  population,  irrespective  of  color,  in  each 
State,  as  the  proper  authorities  thereof  may  determine  ;  Provided, 


144  THE  UNION   CAMPAIGN. 

that  no  more  than  25  per  cent,  of  the  male  slaves  between  the 
ages  of  18  and  45  in  any  State  shall  be  called  for  under  the  pro- 
visions of  this  act. 

SEC.  5.  That  nothing  in  this  act  shall  be  construed  to  authorize 
a  change  in  the  relation  which  the  said  slaves  shall  bear  towards 
their  owners,  except  by  the  consent  of  the  owners  and  of  the 
States  in  which  they  may  reside,  and  in  pursuance  of  the  laws 
thereof. 

The  same  cause  that  produced  the  rupture  in  the  Union,  is 
now  a  source  of  strife  between  the  slave-breeding  and  the 
slave-buying  States.  The  border  States  having  already  lost 
all  for  the  sake  of  slavery,  now  discover  that  the  Gulf  States 
are  unwilling  to  make  the  same  sacrifice.  Independence,  if  it 
has  to  be  acquired  by  abolition,  is  not  wanted  by  the  Gulf 
States.  Mr.  Hunter  of  Virginia,  remarked  in  discussing  the 
passage  of  the  negro  soldier  bill  in  the  rebel  Congress  : 

"  When  we  left  the  old  government,  I  thought  we  had  got 
rid  forever  of  the  slavery  agitation,  that  we  were  entering  a 
new  confederacy  of  homogeneous  States  upon  the  agitation  of 
the  slavery  question,  which  had  become  intolerable  under  the 
old  Union,  was  to  have  no  place;  but  to  my  surprise  I  find  that 
this  government  assumes  the  power  to  arm  the  slaves,  which 
involves  also  the  power  of  emancipation,  to  the  agitation  of 
this  question,  the  assumption  of  this  power,  I  date  the  origin 
of  this  gloom  which  overspreads  our  people.  *  *  *  It  is 
a  clear  claim  of  the  central  government  to  emancipate  the 
slaves — if  we  are  right  in  passing  this  measure  we  were  wrong 
in  denying  to  the  old  government  the  right  to  interfere  with 
the  institution  of  slavery,  and  to  emancipate  slaves  ;  besides  if 
we  offer  slaves  their  freedom  as  a  boon,  we  confess  that  we 
were  insincere,  were  hypocritical  in  asserting  that  slavery 
was  the  best  state  for  the  negroes  themselves.  *  *  *  * 
I  consider  the  adoption  of  the  measure  as  almost  a  virtual  aban. 
donment  of  the  principles  of  the  contest." 

Thus  the  reader  can  see  the  importance  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
course — first  freeing,  then  arming  the  slaves.  Politically  these 
measures  have  ground  the  Confederacy  to  powder. 

The  Union  party  had  followed  Mr.  Lincoln  to  an  elevated 


THE  UNION   CAMPAIGN.  145 

position :  they  had  every  advantage,  in  a  moral  sense,  over  their 
opponents,  and  could  look  down  upon  them  revelling  in  their 
filthy  vacillating  political  attire. 

The  Union  party  fought  the  political  battle  fair  and  square. 
It  had  no  secrets  to  hide,  but  trusted  all  to  the  intelligence 
and  virtue  of  the  American  people  ;  its  press  and  orators 
exposed  the  rottenness  of  their  opponents ;  that  the  entire 
party  was  without  one  redeeming  trait,  and  clearly  demon- 
strated it  to  be  only  the  northern  and  cowardly  wing  of  the  Re- 
bellion. All  the  best  qualities  of  human  nature  were  appealed 
to.  As  to  authority,  they  held  to  our  Government  from  the 
Lakes  to  the  Gulf,  and  that  Government  to  guarantee  and  pro- 
tect within  its  jurisdiction,  without  distinction  of  race  or  color 
the  liberty  of  man.  One  emblem  to  represent  it,  and  that  the 
good  old  flag  of  our  fathers,  "  the  star-spangled  banner."  Men 
were  constantly  appealed  to,  to  respect  the  rights  of  man,  to 
act  politically  towards  others  as  you  would  have  others  act 
towards  you,  to  vindicate  the  national  authority  and  honor, 
respect  for  the  Constitution,  and  respect  for  even-handed  jus- 
tice, a  sacerdotal  reverence  for  the  illustrious  dead  who  fell 
in  defense  of  the  Government  and  flag— rwith  a  high  appre- 
ciation of  the  valiant  services  of  the  gallant  officers  and  brave 
men  who  had  been  and  were  yet  in  their  country's  service. 
Everything  that  was  elevating  to  an  American  citizen,  every- 
thing that  was  calculated  to  swell  the  manly  heart,  and  light 
up  the  human  soul,  with  a  perfect  disregard  of  self,  men  acted 
reckless  of  present  consequences — they  acted  for  posterity 
This  question  had  to  be  met  some  time,  and  they  resolved  to 
meet  it  then.  Among  the  soldiers  and  sailors,  all  appeared  to 
be  animated  with  the  spirit  of  patriotism  and  success  ;  they  all 
knew  that  on  them  depended  the  salvation  of  their  country — 
they  achieved  victory,  and  thank  God  the  nation  still  lives. 
It  has  passed  through  a  crisis  more  beset  with  peril  than  ever 
experienced  before.  Independence  is  the  child  of  Washington 
— but  Lincoln  is  the  father  of  Freedom. 


10 


ORIGIN  AND   HISTORY 

OP  THE 

AMERICAN  UNION. 


Declaration  of  Independence,  and  War  of  the  Revolution — Object  of  the 
League  of  1778 — The  Constitution  of  1789  ;  Its  adoption  and  defects — 
Presidential  Elections — Party  Names  and  Issues — Electoral  Votes  in 
full  (1789  to  1864)  from  Washington  to  Lincoln. 

Governments  at  best,  are  but  necessary  evils.  Established 
on  the  ruins  of  liberty,  they  are  curses  in  disguise.  For  ages 
man  has  struggled  with  tyranny.  Defeated  one  day,  he  re- 
news the  conflict  the  next,  until  the  struggle  continues  from 
father  to  son,  from  generation  to  generation.  The  tyranny  of 
man  is  the  bane  of  civilization  ;  its  demands,  no  matter  how 
unjust,  like  the  yawning  grave,  can  never  be  satisfied.  The 
tyrant  who  wades  through  blood  and  slaughter  to  a  throne,  in 
order  to  make  his  yoke  rest  easy,  flatters  the  weak  side  of 
human  nature  by  making  concessions  to  liberty,  while  his  ig- 
norant subjects,  forgetting  he  stole  the  cow,  receive  back  the 
calf  as  a  kingly  favor.  Men  exalted  to  places  of  honor  and 
trust  by  the  popular  will,  frequently  barter  away  the  interests 
of  their  constituency  to  pacify  the  avarice  of  a  restless  and 
designing  aristocracy. 

This  should  not  be.  Neither  the  pompous  aristocrat  or 
professional  beggar  has  any  special  claims  for  legislative  re- 
gard ;  but  Industry,  Religion,  Enterprise  and  Education,  which 
are  the  life  and  salvation  of  the  industrial  middle  classes, 
should  receive  the  fostering  care  of  the  State.  These  all 


ORIGIN  AND   HISTORY,   ETC.  147 

harmonize  with  nature  and  the  divine  will,  and  are  the  bul- 
warks of  civilization.  Without  them  popular  government 
would  be  only  anarchy.  They  are  the  sentinels  on  the  watch- 
towers  of  Freedom,  the  richest  jewels  of  Republican  civili- 
zation. A  government  sparkling  all  over  with  these  Chris- 
tian diadems  would  be  as  fixed  and  lasting  as  the  firmament, 
while  its  dazzling  splendor  would  sparkle  throughout  all  time. 
Providence  had  reserved  its  richest  earthly  inheritance  as  a 
place  of  refuge  from  the  tyranny  of  kings. 

Here  in  America,  was  to  be  developed  the  Christian  doc- 
trine of  the  brotherhood  of  man.  The  Anglo  Saxon  in  1620. 
with  his  ideas  of  liberty,  landed  at  Plymouth  Rock  ;  while 
the  Norman,  with  his  Feudalism,  in  1607,  had  settled  on  the 
James.  The  Dutch,  in  1609,  with  their  peculiar  ideas  of  lib- 
erty for  the  white  man,  settled  on  the  Hudson.  When  these 
different  colonies  began  to  increase  and  spread  over  an  ex- 
tended surface,  necessity  in  government,  as  in  everything 
else,  became  the  mother  of  invention.  In  order  more  effect- 
ually to  protect  the  Colonies  against  depredations  from  the 
Indian  tribes,  the  Anglo  Saxon  descendants  of  the  Pilgrims, 
inhabiting  Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  Connecticut  and  New  HcL- 
ven,  while  owing  allegiance  to  the  British  Crown,  in  1643, 
formed  themselves  into  a  League,  styled  the  United  Colonies  of 
New  England,  The  object  of  this  association  was  self-protec- 
tion. It  lasted  upwards  of  forty  years,  and  was  the  first  idea 
of  Union  that  our  history  gives  any  account  of.  This  League 
was  dissolved  by  King  James  in  1686, 

The  next  account  we  have  of  an  effort  to  renew  the  League, 
was  a  Convention  at  Albany  in  1722  ;  then,  again,  on  a  more 
extended  scale  at  the  same  place,  in  1754.  The  dread  by  the 
mother  country  of  a  war  with  France,  was  what  brought  this 
Convention  together.  It  was  to  devise  means  to  protect  Amer- 
ica, by  making  treaties  with  the  Indian  tribes  to  prevent 
them,  if  possible,  from  enlisting  under  the  banner  of  the 
French,  This  Union  was  to  embrace  all  the  Colonies,  from 
New  Hampshire  to  Georgia  ;  but  disputes  about  boundaries 
ran  so  high  that  the  League  was  too  weak  to  stand  up,  and  Dr. 


148  ORIGIN   AND  HISTORY   OF  THE 

Franklin,  in  1761,  remarked  that  only  some  grievous  tyranny 
could  force  a  Union. — Kent's  Historical  Lectures,  1795. 

The  Stamp  Act  of  the  British  Government  ordained  that  no 
sale,  bond,  note  of  hand,  or  other  instrument  of  writing,  shall 
be  valid  unless  executed  on  paper  bearing  the  stamp  pre- 
scribed by  the  home  government.  This  received  the  royal 
assent,  March  23,  1765,  and  on  the  7th  October,  same  year, 
twenty-seven  delegates  met  in  New  York  to  implore  relief. 
This  assemblage  is  known  in  history  as  the  Congress  of  1765, 
The  assembly  claimed  that  the  right  to  tax  the  Colonies  re- 
sided in  the  colonial  Legislatures.  The  eloquence  of  Wm. 
Pitt  and  Lord  Camden  brought  about  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act  in  the  British  Parliament.  But  a  new  Ministry  in  1767, 
succeeded  in  getting  through  the  House  of  Commons  a  bill  to 
tax  the  tea  imported  into  the  American  Colonies,  which  re- 
ceived the  royal  assent. 

At  this  last  imposition  the  feelings  of  the  Colonies  began 
to  grow  hot.  Lord  North  was  now  at  the  head  of  affairs, 
and  he  determined  to  show  them  no  leniency.  Enthusiastic 
meetings  were  held  in  Boston,  Mass.,  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
year  1769,  which  foreshadowed  the  coming  struggle. 

In  1620  slavery  had  been  introduced  into  Virginia  by  the 
Dutch,  and,  like  the  small-pox,  it  soon  spread  throughout  the 
Colonies.  One  hundred  and  thirty  years  after,  the  Boston 
Gazette,  of  Tuesday,  Nov.  20th,  1750,  contained  the  following 
advertisement.  The  paper  is  now  in  possession  of  William 
C.  Nell,  ]Esq. — Black  Man,  ly  Brown,  page  107. 

ADVERTISEMENT. 

"  Ran  away  from  his  master,  William  Browne,  Farmingbam, 
on  the  30th  of  September  last,  a  mulatto  fellow  about  27  years 
of  age,  named  Crispus,  well  set,  six  feet  two  inches  high, 
short  curled  hair,  knees  nearer  together  than  common,  had  on 
a  light-colored  bearskin  coat,  brown  fustian  jacket,  buckskin 
breeches,  blue  yarn  stockings,  and  checked  shirt.  Whoever 
will  take  up  said  runaway,  and  convey  to  his  above  said 
master,  at  Farmingham,  shall  have  ten  pounds,  old  tenor  re- 
ward, and  all  necessary  charges  paid." 

Twenty  years  after  the  foregoing  advertisement  appeared, 


AMERICAN  UNION.  149 

the  Ores  of  the  Revolution  began  to  burn.  British  troops 
were  being  concentrated  in  Boston,  to  extinguish  the  flame 
with  patriotic  blood.  On  the  5th  of  March,  1770,  Captain 
Preston,  with  a  body  of  red  coats,  tried  to  preserve  order. 
At  Dock  Square  and  the  Custom  House,  large  crowds  were  to 
be  seen  throughout  the  day,  eager  to  take  part  in  the  coming 
contest.  The  sun  had  sunk  below  the  horizon,  and  the  shad- 
ows of  the  night,  so  big  with  fate,  had  already  approached. 
The  lamps  in  Dock  Square  were  lit,  and  threw  their  light  in 
the  angry  faces  of  the  discontented  crowd,  who  only  waited 
to  be  led  against  the  British  troops.  A  part  of  Captain  Pres- 
ton's company,  while  making  their  way  from  the  Custom  House, 
were  met  by  the  crowd  from  Dock  Square,  headed  by  the 
black  man.  the  slave,  Crispus  Attucks,  who,  with  a  shout  of 
defiance,  cried  :  "Let  us  drive  these  rebels  away  ;  they  have 
no  business  here."  The  crowd  followed  their  enthusiastic 
leader,  when  the  soldiers  under  Preston  appeared  to  give 
way.  Attucks,  seeing  this,  became  more  daring,  urging  his 
followers  not  to  be  afraid,  but  to  come  on,  "  They  dare  not 
shoot;  we'll  drive  them  out  of  Boston."  These  were  the  last 
words  heard  from  his  lips.  Two  balls,  from  British  muskets, 
pierced  his  sable  breast.  The  sharp  crack  of  the  musket 
drowned  his  patriotic  voice,  and  Crispus  Attueks,  the  runaway 
slave,  became  the  first  martyr  to  American  libert}r.  Thus 
was  inaugurated  the  Revolution,  which  took  the  brightest 
jewel  from  the  British  Crown.  There  was  force  in  the  re- 
mark of  the  Earl  of  Shelburne,  when,  in  his  reply  to  the  Duke 
of  Richmond,  he  said :  "  The  sun  of  Great  Britain  will  set 
whenever  she  acknowledges  the  Independence  of  America. 

The  flames  of  discontent  began  to  increase  after  the  mas- 
sacre of  the  5th  of  March,  1770.  The  tea  was  thrown  over- 
board in  Boston  harbor,  December  16th,  1773  ;  on  the  31st  of 
March,  1774,  the  Boston  Port  Bill  was  passed  ;  on  September 
4th,  of  the  same  year,  the  Continental  Congress  assembled  at 
Philadelphia  ;  on  the  19th  of  April,  1775,  the  battle  of  Lex- 
ington was  fought — American  loss,  84 ;  British,  245  ;  May 
10th,  the  Provincials  took  Ticonderoga. 


150 


ORIGIN  AND   HISTORY  OF  THE 


The  colonies  had  not  yet  chosen  a  Commander-in-chief,  and 
it  was  while  in  session  in  Philadelphia,  on  June  15th,  1775, 
that  George  Washington  was  nominated,  by  Thomas  Johnson, 
of  Maryland,  and  was  unanimously  chosen.  Washington 
owed  his  appointment  to  the  New  England  delegation,  headed 
by  John  Adams. — Statesman's  Manual,  vol.  I,  page  55. 

Four  days  after  his  appointment  Washington  received  his 
Commission,  and  on  the  20th  of  June  he  left  Philadelphia  to 
join  the  Continental  army,  at  Cambridge,  near  Boston,  Mass. 
The  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill,  June  17th,  1775,  was  fought  be- 
fore Washington  arrived  in  Massachusetts.  Prescott  was  the 
American  commander  ;  his  loss  was  453.  British  commanded 
by  Howe,  loss  1054.  On  July  2d,  Washington  arrived  at  Cam- 
bridge, and  took  command  of  the  army.  All  the  foregoing 
engagements  were  fought  before  his  arrival.  General  Mont- 
gomery was  master  of  Montreal,  and  Col.  Arnold  was  organ- 
izing, at  Newburyport,  a  company  of  one  thousand  men  to 
march  on  Quebec.  Among  his  band  of  patriots  were  many 
bold  and  daring  men,  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  of  whom 
was  Aaron  Burr,  a  lad  of  great  promise,  not  yet  twenty  years 
of  age.  He  came  from  Litchfield,  Connecticut,  where  he  had 
for  a  short  time  been  reading  law,  with  Mr.  Tappin  Reeve. 
On  the  20th  of  September,  1775,  Col.  Arnold,  with  eleven 
hundred  men,  started  from  Newburyport  on  the  intended  ex- 
pedition. In  a  few  days  this  army  was  beyond  the  outposts 
of  Civilization,  and  struggling  through  the  great  wilderness 
on  its  way  to  Quebec.  For  thirty-two  days  they  saw  no 
trace  of  a  human  being.  Starvation  came,  and  they  were 
forced  to  live  upon  dogs,  reptiles,  and  even  devoured  the 
leather  of  their  shoes  and  cartridge-boxes.  After  marching 
600  miles  through  a  lonely  wilderness,  and  losing  one-half  of 
his  army,  just  fifty  days  after  leaving  Newburyport,  Col.  Ar- 
nold arrived  in  sight  of  the  heights  of  Quebec.  Young  Burr 
was  selected  by  his  commander  to  communicate  the  news  of 
his  arrival  to  General  Montgomery,  at  Montreal — distance  120 
miles.  Knowing  that  the  French  were  not  satisfied  with  Eng- 
lish rule,  Burr  exhibited  great  tact  in  assuming  the  garb  of  a 


AMERICAN  UNION.  151 

young  Catholic  Priest.  In  this  manner,  with  his  knowledge 
of  Latin,  he  was  enabled  to  deceive  priests  and  people.  He 
was  conducted  by  his  guide  from  one  religious  family  to  an- 
other. At  Three  Rivers  suspicion  became  aroused,  and  the 
guide,  fearing  the  consequences,  refused  to  proceed.  Burr 
was  concealed  for  three  days  in  a  convent  at  Three  Rivers,  at 
the  end  of  which  time  the  guide,  without  further  trouble, 
conducted  him  to  Montreal.  The  gallant  Irishman,  Mont- 
gomery, was  so  delighted  with  Burr  that  he  placed  him  on  his 
staff,  as  general's  aid-de-camp,  with  the  rank  of  captain.  It 
was  now  the  month  of  November,  and  the  ground  was  cov- 
ered with  snow;  yet  Montgomery  set  out  with  300  men,  him- 
self at  their  head,  and  reached  Arnold's  camp,  before  Quebec, 
in  the  early  part  of  December. 

On  the  20th  of  the  month  all  was  ready,  and  on  the  31st, 
amid  the  chilling  ice  and  northeasterly  snow  storm,  which 
served  to  drive  even  animals  created  for  these  climes 
to  their  accustomed  retreats,  leaving  the  patriotic  band 
unprotected  in  the  dead  of  night,  to  brave  the  dreadful 
weather.  Just  before  the  day  dawned  Montgomery,  with 
Burr  at  his  side,  moved  to  the  attack.  As  the  column  began 
to  move  Montgomery  cried,  "  Push  on,  brave  boys,  Quebec  is 
ours!"  The  column  advanced  up  to  within  forty  paces  of  the 
block  house.  At  first,  the  British  troops,  mostly  composed  of 
sailors  and  militia,  fled  in  terror  from  the  guns.  The  Ameri* 
can  army,  not  understanding  how  matters  stood,  was  slow  to 
move,  when  a  sailor,  to  discover  the  reason,  ventured  back. 
He  saw  through  the  port  holes  of  the  block  house  the  ad- 
vancing party,  and  turned  to  run.  Before  leaving,  his  dusky 
form  stood  trembling,  as  if  chained  by  demons  to  the  spot  to 
wait  till  fate  came  up.  He  fired  the  grape-charged  12-pound 
cannon,  and  the  great  Montgomery  fell,  who,  with  two  of  his 
aids  and  an  orderly  sergeant,  never  again  saw  the  light  of  the 
sun.  The  column,  aware  of  the  loss,  halted  and  wavered. 
Burr  made  an  effort  to  rally  the  men,  but  the  enemy  opened 
fire,  and  it  could  not  be  done.  A  panic  seized  them,  and  they 
sought  safety  in  flight.  Stretched  on  the  ground,  in  his 


ORIGIN  AND   HISTORY   OF  THE 

snowy  shroud,  lay  the  majestic  form  of  Montgomery.  Burr 
seized  and  shouldered  up  his  glorious  load,  and,  amid  snow 
knee  deep,  ran  with  it  down  the  gorge — the  enemy,  in  hot 
pursuit.  The  weight  was  too  great,  and  little  Burr  was  com- 
pelled to  drop  his  priceless  treasure  in  the  snow. 

The  American  force  remained  in  Canada,  annoying  the  gar- 
rison at  Quebec  till  the  spring  of  1776,  when  they  had  to 
retire  before  the  new  army  under  Burgoyne.  In  the  mean- 
time, on  the  17th  of  March,  the  British  evacuated  Boston. 
General  Washington  had  gathered  about  20,000  men,  and  on 
the  2d  of  March  commenced  a  heavy  cannonading  on  the 
British  lines.  General  Howe  had  made  arrangements  in  Feb- 
ruary to  evacuate.  His  army  was  about  10,000  strong,  with 
about  1,000  Tories.  In  seventy-eight  ships  and  transports 
they  sailed  for  Halifax.  General  Washington,  fearing  Howe 
had  sailed  for  New  York,  immediately  directed  the  army  to 
march.  The  Legislature  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  Continen- 
tal Congress,  both  congratulated  Washington  on  the  glorious 
termination  of  the  siege  of  Boston. 

The  military  operations  thus  far  had  been  in  favor  of  the 
colonies,  yet  no  definite  mould  had  been  prepared  in  which 
to  cast  the  new  government ;  and  it  was  not  until  the  4th  day 
of  July,  1776,  that  the  foundation  was  laid  for  the  great  Re- 
public. The  struggle  of  arms  was  still  progressing.  The  bat- 
tle of  Flatbush,  L.  I.,  was  fought  August  12th,  1776  ;  British, 
Howe,  loss  400 ;  American,  Putnam  and  Sullivan,  2,000. 
White  Plains,  October  28th,  1776 ;  American,  Washington, 
300  to  400  ;  British,  Howe,  300  to  400.  Trenton,  December 
25th,  1776 ;  American,  Washington,  9  ;  British,  Ra'hl,  1000. 
Princeton,  Jan.  3d,  1777  ;  American,  Washington,  100  ;  Brit- 
ish, Mawhood,  400.  Bennington,  Aug.  16th,  1777  ;  American, 
Stark,  100  ;  British,  Baum  and  Breman,  600.  Brandywine, 
Sept.  llth,  1777  ;  British,  Howe,  500  ;  American,  Washington, 
1,000.  Germantown,  Oct.  4th,  1777  ;  British,  Howe,  600  ; 
American,  Washington,  1,200.  Stillwater,  October  17th,  1777  ; 
American,  Gates,  350  ;  British,  Burgoyne,  600,  and  5,752  men 


AMERICAN  UNION.  153 

surrendered.  Monmouth,  June  25th,  1778  ;  American,  Wash- 
ington, 230  ;  British,  Clinton,  400  ;  Rhode  Island,  Aug.  29th, 
1778  ;  American,  Sullivan,  211  ;  British,  Pigott,  260.  Briar 
Creek,  March  30th,  1779  ;  British,  Prevost,  16  :  American, 
Ash,  300.  Stony  Point,  July  15th,  1779  ;  American,  Wayne, 
100  ;  British,  600.  Camden,  August  16,  1780  ;  British,  Corn- 
wallis,  375  ;  American,  Gates,  720.  Cowpens.  Jan.  17th,  1781 ; 
American,  Morgan,  72 ;  British,  Tarleton,  800.  Guilford  Court 
House,  March  15th,  1781  ;  American,  Greene.  400  ;  British, 
Cornwallis,  523.  Eutaw  Springs,  September  8th,  1781  ;  Amer- 
ican, Greene,  555  ;  British,  Stewart,  1,000. 

The  war  was  brought  to  a  close  by  the  surrender,  at  York- 
town,  of  Cornwallis,  and  7,073  British  soldiers,  to  Gen.  Wash- 
ington, October  19th,  1781. 

Benedict  Arnold,  who  organized  the  force  and  conducted 
the  campaign  against  Quebec,  planned  the  capture  of  Ticon- 
deroga,  and  entered  the  fort  side  by  side  with  Ethan  Allen. 
Brave  when  in  command  of  the  fleet  on  the  lake?,  and 
at  Beheini's  Heights,  Oct.  7th,  1777,  in  front  of  his  column, 
cheered  and  urged  on  his  men,  receiving  a  severe  wound  in 
his  leg.  He  married  a  Miss  Shippen,  of  Philadelphia,  allied 
by  kindred  with  royalty,  and  a  great  pet  of  the  British  offi- 
cers. No  doubt  his  connection  with  this  woman  proved  his 
ruin ;  but  she  stuck  to  him  through  every  adversity,  and 
shared  with  him  the  fate  of  his  treason  and  disgrace.  At  West 
Point,  with  Andre  and  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  he  consummated 
his  infamy,  and  published  a  letter  in  New  York,  advising  the 
people  to  return  to  their  loyalty  to  the  British  Crown.  He 
was  born  in  Norwich,  Connecticut,  Jan.  3d,  1740,  and  died,  an 
outcast, in  London,  June  14th,  1801,  in  the  61st  year  of  his  age. 

The  expense  of  the  Revolution,  estimated  in  specie,  was 
$135,193,702  90.  The  paper  money,  called  Continental,  was  first 
issued  in  1775  ;  and  in  1777  it  began  to  depreciate  in  value.  Its 
decline  was  rapid.  In  six  years,  from  1775  to  1781,  $362,547,037  05 
had  been  issued.  Its  discount  for  specie,  Jan.  1st,  1777,  was 
only  five  per  cent ;  one  year  from  that  date,  210  per  cent ; 
Jan.  1778  it  reached  534;  in  1779,  2,493  ;  Jan.  1st,  1780,  7,300. 


154  OBIGIN  AND   HISTORY   OF  THE 

In  February,  1781,  it  took  $7,500  in  Continental  money  to  pur- 
chase $100  in  specie  ;  and  in  March  it  was  worthless. 

Provisional  Articles  of  peace  were  signed  in  Paris,  Nov.  30, 
1782,  by  John  Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Jay,  and 
Henry  Lusecnes,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  and  Mr. 
Fitz  Herbert  and  Mr.  Oswald,  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain. 
The  definite  Treaty  was  signed  September  30th,  1783  ;  after 
which  it  was  officially  proclaimed  by  Congress,  and  announced 
by  Washington  to  the  army,  October  18,  1783,  wherein  was 
declared  the  Independence  of  the  United  States.  It  was  first 
acknowledged  by  France  ;  then  by  Holland,  on  the  19th  of 
April,  1782  ;  by  Sweden,  Feb.  5th,  1782  ;  by  Denmark,  Feb. 
25th,  1782  ;  by  Spain,  March  24th,  same  year  ;  by  Russia,  in 
July,  1783  ;  and  Prussia  in  1785. 

The  entire  population  of  the  thirteen  Colonies,  in  1790,  was 
3,043,000.  During  the  trying  times  of  the  Revolution,  and  in 
order  to  assist  in  achieving  American  Independence,  Articles 
of  Confederation  were  adopted  at  Philadelphia  in  1778.  This 
League  adopted  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA  as  the  style  of  the 
Confederacy.  It  was  simply  a  Union  for  defence  ;  as  the  2d 
Article  asserts  that  each  State  retains  its  sovereignty  :  not  a 
new  government,  but  an  agreement  between  old  ones  for  gen- 
eral protection  against  foreign  powers.  They  took  the  model 
from  the  Batavian  and  Helvetic  Confederacies.  It  lasted  only 
ten  years,  and  served  as  a  temporary  preservation  of  society  ; 
but  the  wise  saw  that  it  could  not  be  durable.  Witnout  suffi- 
cient power  for  self-protection,  foreign  powers  looKed  upon  it 
with  contempt.  The  disputes  of  the  States,  and  bitter  wrang- 
ling in  their  sovereign  capacity  about  what  was  to  be  done 
with  the  Crown  Lands,  caused  them  to  view  the  League  with 
a  jealous  eye.  Maryland  refused  to  sign  the  Articles  of  Con- 
federation until  March  1st,  1781,  four  years  and  four  months 
after  Congress  had  declared  their  adoption  was  essential  to 
union,  liberty,  and  safety.  Benjamin  Franklin  saw,  better  than 
any  other  man  at  the  time,  the  incohesiveness  of  rival  sov- 
ereignties. They  had  already  caused  combinations  preventing 
the  collection  of  taxes,  refusing  protection  to  commerce,  pro- 


AMERICAN  UNION.  155 

claiming  disunion,  and  threatening  insurrection.  From  1643 
to  1778  all  efforts  of  the  Colonies  to  continue  united,  after  the 
dangers  calling  them  together  had  passed,  were  ineffectual ; 
and  this  last  effort  at  harmonizing  rival  sovereignties,  under 
the  Articles  of  Confederation,  after  less  than  ten  years  of  pre- 
carious existence,  sickened  and  died  of  the  same  malady. 

Hamilton,  Madison,  and  Jay  saw  the  defects.  "Washington 
himself  was  pained  to  see  that  after  the  sacrifices  he  and  his 
gallant  army  had  made  on  the  many  bloody  battle-fields, 
through  a  seven  years'  war,  to  gain  independence,  his  country, 
which  had  emblazoned  on  its  victorious  banner  the  sacred 
rights  of  human  nature,  was  now  engaged  in  quarreling  over 
supposed  rights  of  petty  sovereignties,  and  refusing  to  do  justice 
to  the  surviving  patriots  of  the  Revolution.  The  Revolution- 
ary period,  which  should  date  from  the  5th  of  November, 
1770,  lasted  to  the  first  of  the  same  month,  1781.  The  League, 
which  terminated  March  4,  1789,  was  now  to  be  followed  by 
the  formation  of  a  National  Government.  The  Union  itself  was 
in  the  agonies  of  death. 

To  remedy  the  evils  that  were  every  day  accumulating,  a 
Convention  was  called  to  meet  at  Annapolis,  Md.,  in  Septem- 
ber, 1786.  Five  States  only  sent  delegates.  They  adjourned 
to  meet  delegates  from  all  the  States,  in  Philadelphia,  on  the 
second  Monday  of  May,  1787. 

State  sovereignty  had  already  denied  and  shoved  aside  the 
truths  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  broken  the 
bond  of  Union  established  in  1778.  The  corpse  was  there, 
but  its  spirit  had  fled.  The  address  adopted  by  the  Annapolis 
Convention,  and  addressed  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  different 
States,  represented  in  the  Convention,  spoke  of  the  dangers 
which  threatened  them,  as  follows  :  "  They  are,  however,  of  a 
nature  so  serious,  as,  in  the  view  of  your  Commissioners,  renders 
the  situation  of  the  United  States  delicate  and  critical,  calling 
for  an  exertion  of  the  united  virtue  and  wisdom  of  all  the 
members  of  the  Confederacy." 

The  Convention  assembling  at  Philadelphia  was  itself 
the  creation  of  State  sovereignty,  appointed  by  the  Legis- 


latures  of  the  different  States.  They  did  not  emanate  from 
the  people,  but  from  the  same  source  as  did  the  members  that 
formed  the  League  of  1778  ;  and  many  of  the  members  wanted 
to  substitute  for  the  Constitution  the  old  Articles  of  Confed- 
eration, with  additional  power  to  Congress. 

Some  of  the  delegates  were  determined  that  the  new  gov- 
ernment should,  like  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  emanate 
directly  from  the  people,  and  that  State  sovereignty,  that  had 
proved  the  death  of  all  previous  Unions,  should  not  form  the 
basis  of  this  now  about  to  be  established.  Washington  was 
chosen  president,  and  the  Convention  continued  in  session 
about  four  months. 

Thus  the  Federalists,  to  get  rid  of  State  sovereignty,  and 
establish  a  strong  government,  set  forth  in  the  preamble  to 
the  Constitution,  that  "  We,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in 
order  to  form  a  more  perfect  Union,  establish  justice,  insure  do- 
mestic tranquility,  provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the 
general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves 
and  posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the 
United  States  of  America. 

The  Anti-Federalists  and  States'  Rights  party  contended 
that  the  preamble  should  read  :  "  We,  the  States  of  New  Jer- 
sey, Virginia,  South  Carolina,  &c.,  in  order  to  form  a  more  per- 
fect Union,"  &c. 

JUDICIAL  CONSTRUCTIONS. — "  The  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  was  ordained  and  established,  not  by  the  United  States 
in  their  sovereign  capacity,  but,  as  the  preamble  declares,  by 
the  people  of  the  United  States." — History  and  Analysis  of  the 
Constitution,  by  Towle,  page  39. 

The  Federalists  gained  a  great  point  in  announcing  that  the 
instrument  had  been  made  by  the  'people  for  the  States.  Their 
opponents  wanted  it  understood  that  it  was  made  by  'the 
States  for  the  people. 

But,  notwithstanding  the  important  position  gained  by  the 
Federalists  in  the  start,  every  step  of  advance  was  hotly  con- 
tested by  their  opponents,  who  forced  a  compromise.  The 
result  was  that  many  of  the  existing  evils  served  as  materials, 


AMERICAN  UNION.  157 

which,  when  placed  together,  destroyed  the  beauty  and  dura- 
bility of  the  structure.  Being  the  creature  of  compromise, 
its  existence  could  not  survive  the  material  from  which  it  was 
made. 

Dates  of  its  Ratification  by  the  Thirteen  Old  States. 

Delaware,  Dec.  7,  1787  ;  Pennsylvania,  Dec.  12,  1787  ;  New 
Jersey,  Dec.  18,  1787  ;  Georgia,  Jan.  2,  1788  ;  Connecticut, 
Jan.  9.  1788  ;  Massachusetts,  Feb.  6,  1788  ;  Maryland,  April 
28,  1788  ;  South  Carolina,  May  23,  1788  ;  New  Hampshire, 
June  21,  1788  ;  Virginia,  June  26,  1788  ;  New  York,  July  26, 
1788  ;  North  Carolina,  Nov.  21,  1789  ;  Rhode  Island,  May  29, 
1790. 

Aaron  Burr  predicted,  at  the  time,  that  it  would  not  last 
fifty  years.  In  after  tim3S  he  said,  "I  was  mistaken;  it 
will  eventually  last  longer  than  that.  But  I  was  mistaken 
only  in  point  of  time  ;  the  crash  will  come,  but  not  quite  so 
soon  as  I  thought." — Parton's  Life  of  Burr,  page  172. 

Burr,  whatever  faults  he  had,  was  clear  headed.  It  lasted 
just  twenty-four  years  longer  than  he  first  predicted.  It 
ceased  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  country  in  1861,  and  was 
shut  out  from  performing  its  functions  over  more  than  half  of 
the  national  domain  for  the  term  of  four  years.  The  Nation 
has  preserved,  by  the  sword,  all  its  organic  virtues,  while  its 
anti-republican  features  must  forever  remain  blotted  out  by 
the  blood  shed  to  preserve  it. 

While  the  Federal  party,  headed  by  Washington,  Hamilton, 
and  Madison,  celebrated  its  adoption  with  joy,  the  other  party 
(Anti-Federals)  viewed  it  as  a  calamity.  A  Federal  procession 
in  Providence,  Rhode  Island,  was  stopped  and  compelled  to 
omit  all  reference  to  the  Constitution  in  its  celebrating  pro- 
gramme. In  Albany,  N.  Y.,  the  Constitution  was  publicly 
burned  in  the  streets.  In  Poughkeepsie,  Greenleaf 's  Political 
Register  was  destroyed  by  a  mob  because  it  opposed  the  Con- 
stitution and  vilified  its  supporters.  Charges  of  bribery  and 
fraud  were  everywhere  heard,  with  threats  of  an  immediate 
dissolution  of  the  Union.  Disputes  about  territorial  jurisdic- 


158  ORIGIN  AND   HISTORY  OP  THE 

tion,  and  boundaries  between  the  States,  and  between  them 
and  the  United  States,  formed  a  leading  element  of  discord, 
and  helped  to  bring  about  the  wretched  condition  of  the 
country. 

This  question,  that  had  done  so  much  to  make  disaffection 
under  the  League,  was  happily  settled  by  ceding  all  the  Ter- 
ritories belonging  to  the  several  States  to  the  General  Gov- 
ernment, and  is  known  as  the  Ordinance  of  1787.  It  was 
passed  two  months  and  four  days  before  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution. 

Thirteen  sovereignties,  with  an  organized  militia,  and  all 
the  paraphernalia  of  independent  authority,  like  jealous 
women,  are  always  on  the  alert. 

The  right  to  hold  slaves  was  left  to  the  States.  The.  right 
to  give  capital  thus  invested  in  human  flesh  and  blood  a  repre- 
sentation in  Congress,  while  that  invested  in  lands,  tenements, 
and  merchandize,  was  denied  the  same  advantage,  proved  to 
be  the  deadly  weapon  which  our  fathers  left  in  the  temple. 
It  has  long  been  in  dispute ;  and  at  last  was  seized  by  the 
conspirators,  and  used  with  such  desperation  to  destroy  the 
mighty  fabric,  the  American  Union. 

Thomas  Jefferson  was  ambassador  to  France  from  1785  to 
1789,  and  did  not  assist  in  forming  the  Constitution.  Wash- 
ington was  selected  by  the  State  Legislatures  as  a  candidate 
for  President,  and  John  Adams  as  a  candidate  for  Vice  Presi- 
dent, both  strong  Federalists.  Only  ten  States  participated 
in  the  Presidential  election.  New  York,  North  Carolina,  and 
Rhode  Island  did  not  ratify  the  Constitution  in  time  to  vote 
for  President  in  1789.  Seven  candidates  ran,  but  received  but 
little  support.  Washington  and  Adams  were  triumphantly 
elected.  The  seat  of  government  was  at  this  time  in  the  city 
of  New  York ;  old  Federal  Hall,  corner  of  Nassau  and  Wall 
streets,  where  the  Treasury  building  now  stands,  was  the  place 
of  meeting.  On  the  30th  of  April,  1789,  Washington  was 
sworn  in  by  Robert  R.  Livingston,  who,  at  the  close  of  the 
ceremony,  exclaimed  aloud,  "  Long  live  George  Washington, 
President  of  the  United  States.  This  harmless  declaration 


AMERICAN  UNION.  159 

was  caught  up  by  the  Anti-Federalists,  and  construed  to  inti- 
mate a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  Federalists  to  make  Washing- 
ton King. 

During  his  first  term  the  Constitution,  that  had  been  so 
lately  opposed,  was  growing  in  favor,  and  the  Anti-Federal 
party  becoming  unpopular.  They  had  become  odious  as  Anti- 
Federalists,  and,  at  the  election  of  1793,  called  themselves  Re- 
publicans. They  had  strong  affinities  towards  the  French 
Revolutionists,  as  the  change  in  their  name  indicated. 

Hamilton,  who  was  an  able  man  and  a  strong  Federalist, 
was  represented  to  have  a  high  opinion  of  the  British  system, 
or  what  Burke  called  the  British  Constitution.  This  supposed 
affinity  of  leading  Federalists  with  British  institutions  told 
hard  against  the  party,  and  Washington's  second  term  was  a 
stormy  one.  Old  opponents  of  the  Federal  party,  by  denounc- 
ing it  as  the  party  of  monarchy,  had  acquired  considerable 
strength  under  their  new  name.  Washington  issued  two 
proclamations  in  August  and  September,  1794,  to  warn  the 
whisky  insurrectionists  of  Western  Pennsylvania  (Washington 
and  Allegheny  counties.)  This  arrayed  against  him  the  whisky 
boys  generally,  and  it  was  with  difficulty  that  many  of  the 
most  important  measures  of  the  administration  were  carried. 
The  average  annual  expense  of  his  administration  was 
$1,986,588.  The  seat  of  government  was  now  in  Phila- 
delphia. 

Adams,  the  Federalist,  was  elected  as  Washington's  suc- 
cessor in  1797,  but  with  only  three  majority  over  Jefferson, 
the  Republican,  who  became  the  Vice  President.  Mr.  Adams, 
though  absent  when  the  Constitution  was  made,  and  first  see- 
ing it  in  a  foreign  country,  said  :  "  It  was  not  then,  nor  has  it 
been  since,  any  objection,  in  my  mind,  that  the  Executive  and  Sen- 
ate were  not  more  permanent." — Inaugural  Address,  March  4, 
1797.  During  his  administration  there  were  precautionary 
measures  taken  to  meet  a  French  war.  The  alien  and  sedition 
laws  were  passed  by  Congress  in  the  summer  of  1798.  The 
alien  law  empowered  the  President  to  order  aliens  who  were 
supposed  to  be  in  conspiracy  against  the  United  States  to  de- 


160  ORIGIN  AND   HISTORY   OF  THE 

part  from  its  territories.  The  sedition  law,  it  was  claimed, 
restricted  the  liberty  of  speech  and  the  press.  With  these 
unpopular  measures,  and  disaffection  among  his  Cabinet  offi- 
cers, Hamilton  came  out  against  him,  and  threw  his  influence 
in  favor  of  Pinckney.  This,  with  other  unfortunate  combina- 
tions, secured  his  defeat  for  a  second  term. 

Bradford's  History  remarks  :  "  By  the  prudent  and  pacific, 
yet  firm  and  decided  measures  of  the  Federal  Government 
for  twelve  years,  the  character  of  the  United  States  had  be- 
come highly  respectable  among  the  greatest  statesmen  of  Eu- 
rope. Its  policy  exhibited  a  happy  union  of  energy  and  mag- 
nanimity, and  it  was  respected  alike  for  its  wisdom  and  power. 
The  nation  was  placed  in  a  commanding  attitude  of  defence, 
while  liberty,  peace,  and  improvement  were  everywhere  wit- 
nessed within  its  jurisdiction.  Public  credit  had  been  fully 
established,  and  able  and  faithful  men  had  been  selected  for 
public  agents — men  whose  patriotism  had  been  proved  by 
eight  years  service  devoted  to  their  country's  welfare." 

The  Republican  party,  which  had  so  dreaded  centralization 
and  monarchy,  became  tired  of  the  old  system  of  State  Legis- 
latures indicating  Presidential  candidates.  They  snatched  this 
small  perquisite,  and  introduced,  in  Philadelphia,  in  1800,  the 
aristocratic  system  of  nominating  Presidential  candidates  by 
Congressional  caucus.  37  Representatives  and  9  Senators  thus 
met  and  nominated  Jefferson  for  President  and  Aaron  Burr 
for  Vice  President.  Thus  the  party  that  so  much  dreaded 
Federal  power  and  centralization  was  the  first  to  use  it  to  dic- 
tate to  the  States  Presidential  candidates.  The  election  re- 
sulted in  favor  of  the  caucus  nomination.  Jefferson  and  Burr 
had  each  73  electoral  votes.  Adams,  the  Federalist  candidate, 
had  only  65,  and  was  beaten.  The  House  of  Representatives 
continued  to  ballot  from  February  llth  to  the  17th  (six  days) 
to  determine  whether  Jefferson  or  Burr  should  be  President. 
This  bold  attempt  by  a  party  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
to  counteract  and  resist  the  clearly  expressed  will  of  the  peo- 
ple led  to  the  adoption  of  this  amendment :  "  The  time  for  the 
meeting  of  the  electors  is  the  first  Wednesday  in  December, 


AMERICAN  UNION. 

and  the  time  for  counting  the  votes  is  the  second  Wednesday 
in  February."—!  Stat.  239. 

Many  of  the  Federalists  went  over  to  the  support  of  Burr, 
believing  that  more  might  be  expected  in  that  direction  than 
from  Jefferson.  Burr  would  have  secured  the  election  with- 
out any  effort  on  bis  part,  if  it  had  not  been  for  Hamilton  op- 
posing him.  He  might  have  secured  it,  even  against  Hamil- 
ton's influence,  if  he  had  went  into  the  contest  himself,  but  he 
remained  at  Albany  all  the  time  during  the  balloting,  and 
there  does  not  remain  any  evidence  that  he  ever  solicited  a 
single  vote.  He  was  charged  with  intriguing  to  secure  the 
votes  of  New  Jersey,  Vermont,  and  Rhode  Island.  Matthe>v. 
Lyon  declared  that  John  Brown,  of  Rhode  Island,  urged  him 
to  vote  for  Colonel  Burr,  using  these  words  :  "  What  is  it  you 
want,  Colonel  Lyon  ?  Is  it  office  ?  Is  it  money?  Say  what 
you  want,  and  you  shall  have  it."  But  Judge  Cooper,  in  a  let- 
ter to  Mr.  Morris,  February  12,  declares  :  "  Had  Burr  done 
anything  for  himself,  he  would  long  ere  this  have  been  Presi- 
dent."—Parfon's  Life  of  Burr,  p.  289. 

Colonel  Burr,  on  the  16th  of  December,  1800,  addressed  a 
letter  to  Gen.  S.  Smith,  of  Baltimore,  then  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  in  which  he  disclaimed  all  compe- 
tition with  Jefferson  :  "As  to  my  friends,"  he  says,  "they 
would  dishonor  my  views  and  insult  my  feelings  by  a  suspicion 
that  I  would  submit  to  be  instrumental  in  counteracting  the 
rules  and  expectations  of  the  United  States." — Statesman's 
Manual,  page  313. 

It  was  Jefferson's  enemies,  and  not  Aaron  Burr  that  tried 
to  defeat  the  will  of  the  nation. 

The  National  Government  had  now  been  moved  from  Phil- 
adelphia to  Washington.  In  1796  there  had  sprung  up  in  the 
West  and  South-west  a  party  which  favored  separation  of  that 
Territory  from  the  Union.  Among  the  most  prominent  mem- 
bers was  Gen.  Wilkinson,  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
United  States  army,  and  Daniel  Clark,  a  very  wealthy  mer- 
chant of  New  Orleans,  and  father  of  Mrs.  Gaines.  He  ha4 
amassed  a  large  fortune,  for  which  his  daughter  has  so  long 

11 


162  ORIGIN   AND   HISTORY  OF  THE 

contended  in  the  courts.  When  Jefferson  came  into  office  he 
was  in  the  58th  year  of  his  age.  His  election  had  been  se- 
cured by  bitter  party  strife.  There  were,  at  this  period,  pub- 
lished in  the  United  States,  about  180  newspapers,  controlled 
mostly  by  aliens.  The  reaction  in  the  tone  of  the  press  against 
Mr.  Adams,  on  account  of  the  alien  and  sedition  laws,  was 
like  an  avalanche. 

Most  of  the  officers  of  the  General  Government  had  received 
their  appointment  from  Washington.  Mr.  Adams  removed 
scarcely  any  during  his  term  of  office.  Mr.  Jefferson  began 
his  administration  under  these  peculiar  circumstances,  and 
commenced  to  turn  out  Federalists  and  put  Republicans  in 
their  places.  This  soon  had  the  effect  of  making  speedy  con- 
versions of  Federal  office-holders,  who  suddenly  became  Re- 
publicans for  the  sake  of  office. 

In  1795,  Spain  had  granted  the  right  to  the  United  States 
of  making  New  Orleans  a  place  of  deposit  for  three  years, 
with  an  agreement  to  renew  in  1802.  The  Spanish  Intendant 
declared,  by  proclamation,  that  the  right  no  longer  existed. 
This  caused  a  furore  of  excitement  in  the  Western  States, 
and  along  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  and  its  tributaries. 
Congress  was  beset  with  petitions  of  grievances.  The  ex- 
citement was  brought  to  its  full  height  in  December,  1802, 
when  Jefferson,  in  his  annual  message,  first  communicated  to 
Congress  that  Spain  had  ceded  Louisiana  to  France.  A  pecu- 
liar combination  of  circumstances  surrounded  this  Louisiana 
question.  Few  of  the  statesmen  at  that  time  thought  it  politic 
to  enlarge  the  area  of  the  national  domain.  It  was  the  need 
of  a  free  outlet  to  our  commerce  that  influenced  the  adminis- 
tration. Livingston,  our  Minister  at  Paris,  advised  the  seizure 
of  New  Orleans  by  force,  as  he  thought  it  could  never  be  ac- 
quired by  treaty. 

Napoleon  Bonaparte  was  then  Consul  of  France,  and  his 
country  was  about  embarking  in  a  war  with  England.  It  was 
made  known  to  him  that  if  this  arrangement  of  ceding  New 
Orleans  was  not  carried  out,  the  United  States  would  be 
forced  to  make  an  alliance  with  Great  Britain.  When  this 


AMERICAN  UNION.  163 

was  understood,  Napoleon  ordered  the  Marquis  de  Marbois 
to  negotiate  with  the  American  Minister.     They,  who  were 
only  negotiating  for  New  Orleans  and  its  surroundings,  and 
the  right  to  navigate  the  river,  were  surprised  when  the  Mar- 
quis de  Marbois  told  them  he  was  ready  to  treat  for  Louisiana. 
The  Treaty  was  concluded  April  30,  1803,  and  signed  by  the  - 
Ministers,  Mr.  Livingston  and  Mr.  Monroe,  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  Marquis  de  Marbois  on  the  part  of 
France,  four  days  afterwards.    The  price  paid  by  the  Ameri- 
can Government  was  $15,000,000. 

Napoleon  remarked  :  "This  accession  of  territory  strengthens 
forever  the  power  of  the  United  States,  and  I  have  just  given  to 
England  a  maritime  rival  that  toitt  sooner  or  later  humble  her 
pride."  The  area  of  the  country  ceded  was  estimated  to  ex- 
ceed a  million  square  miles.  The  inhabitants  were  mostly  In- 
dians, except  about  90,000  French  and  their  descendants, 
Spanish,  English,  Germans,  and  Americans,  owning  about  40,- 
000  slaves.  Hostilities  between  England  and  France,  com- 
menced on  the  22d  of  May,  1803.  On  that  very  day  Bonaparte, 
without  waiting  for  the  United  States,  ratified  the  Louisiana 
Treaty. 

Captains  Lewis  and  Clarke  were  sent  on  an  expedition  to 
the  new  Territories.  On  the  14th  of  May,  1804,  they  left  the 
banks  of  the  Mississippi.  The  party  consisted  of  about  thirty 
persons,  and  were  absent  two  years  and  three  months. 

The  excitement  attending  Jefferson's  first  election  was 
sought  as  a  pretext  to  amend  the  Constitution,  so  as  to  desig- 
nate which  person  was  voted  for  as  President,  and  which  as 
Vice  President.  .  The  Federal  party  opposed  it,  alleging  that 
the  Constitution  contemplated  that  two  persons  equally  qual- 
ified for  the  office  of  Chief  Magistrate  should  be  voted  for.  , 
But  the  amendment  was  agreed  to  by  the  votes  of  two-thirds 
of  the  members  of  Congress,  and  was  ratified  by  the  Legis- 
latures of  three-fourths  of  the  States.  Massachusetts,  Dela- 
ware and  Connecticut  disapproved  of  the  change.  It  forms 
the  12th  Article  of  the  amendments  to  the  Constitution. 

Aaron  Burr,  Vice  President,  who  had  produced  so  much  ex. 


164  ORIGIN  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE 

citement  at  the  outset  of  Jefferson's  administration,  had  been 
goaded  into  a  quarrel  by  Alexander  Hamilton.  Burr  was  not 
.  a  vicious  man,  but  his  antagonist  was  unscrupulous  in  the 
means  he  used  to  defeat  an  adversary.  Burr  sent  a  challenge 
to  Hamilton.  It  was  accepted  ;  and  the  duel  was  fought  July 
•  11,  1804,  on  the  heights  of  Weehawken,  New  Jersey.  Ham- 
ilton fell  at  the  first  fire.  From  this  day  forward,  vituperation 
and  calumny  followed  the  name  of  Aaron  Burr. 

Jefferson's  first  term  being  very  popular  with  the  people, 
he  was  re-nominated  for  a  second  term.  Vice  President  Burr, 
having  lost  the  confidence  of  the  Republican  leaders,  was 
shoved  aside,  and  George  Clinton,  of  New  York,  was  placed 
on  the  ticket.  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina,  for  President, 
and  Rufus  King,  of  New  York,  for  Vice  President,  were  the 
Federal  candidates.  The  people  sustained  Jefferson's  admin- 
istration, and  he  was  triumphantly  re-elected.  The  caucus 
system,  that  had  been  introduced  by  the  Republican  leaders 
for  nominating  candidates  for  President  and  Vice  President, 
was  now  used  by  them  to  control  Congress.  The  most 
important  measures  had  previously  been  agreed  upon  by  the 
Republican  members  in  private  caucus,  before  they  came  be- 
fore that  body.  An  effort  was  made  by  Jefferson,  in  the 
latter  part  of  his  first  term,  and  the  commencement  of  his 
second,  in  1805,  to  purchase  Florida  from  Spain,  but  it  did 
not  succeed.  Efforts  were  renewed  in  1817,  and  finally  car- 
ried to  a  successful  termination  on  February  19,  1821. 

It  was  in  the  latter  half  of  the  year  1805,  that  Aaron  Burr, 
chagrined  at  the  bad  treatment  he  had  received  at  the  hands 
of  Federal  and  Republican  politicians,  which  had  now  been 
renewed  with  great  effect  on  account  of  his  duel  with  Hamil- 
ton, charged  the  monopolizing  of  all  the  Federal  offices  by 
the  politicians  of  Virginia  and  New  England.  His  enemies 
charged  him  with  creating  sectional  feeling,  and  said  this  was 
seized  on  by  Burr  and  his  associates  as  a  pretext  for  forming 
a  great  Southwestern  confederacy  or  kingdom. 

Burr  arrived  in  New  Orleans  on  the  25th  of  June,  1805, 
sixty-seven  days  from  the  time  he  left  Philadelphia.  General 


AMEBICAN  UNION.  165 

Wilkinson  had  given  him  a  letter  to  Mr.  Clark,  who  had  al- 
ready made  a  voyage  to  Vera  Cruz,  Mexico,  to  spy  out  the 
land.  Burr  remained  in  New  Orleans  about  three  weeks,  ar- 
ranging with  Mr.  Clark.  He  left  there  in  July,  and  on  the 
6th  of  August  reached  Nashville,  Tennessee,  and  domiciled 
one  week  with  Andrew  Jackson. 

The  feeling  against  the  Spanish  was  very  great,  and  adven- 
turers from  Kentucky,  Ohio,  Tennessee,  Georgia,  and  the  Car- 
olinas,  were  all  to  be  enriched  by  the  plunder  of  Spanish 
countries  west  of  the  Mississippi  river  This  glittering  bribe, 
his  enemies  said,  was  held  out  as  an  inducement  for  the  West- 
ern States  to  separate  from  the  Union.  New  Orleans,  they 
said,  was  to  be  the  seat  of  government  or  empire. 

Burr  purchased  400,000  acres  of  land  on  the  banks  of  the 
Washita  river,  a  branch  of  the  Red  river,  for  $40,000,  although 
he  never  paid  but  $5,000.  This  was  to  furnish  a  place  of  re- 
dezvous  for  all  the  chosen  spirits  engaged  in  the  enterprise 
to  assemble  and  fortify.  Another  rendezvous  was  at  Blenner- 
hasset's  Island,  on  the  Ohio,  a  few  miles  below  Marietta.  This 
island  was  named  after  its  occupant,  an  Irish  gentleman,  who, 
with  a  good-natured  wife,  had  made  a  home  in  this  romantic 
spot.  About  500,  in  all,  knew  of  Burr's  plans,  and  this  island 
became  a  rendezvous  for  many  of  the  adventurers,  until  they 
eat  Blennerhasset  out  of  house  and  home.  Burr's  plans  were 
for  Blennerhasset  to  get  what  men  he  could  together,  and 
float  down  the  Ohio  in  boats  building  for  the  purpose  at  Ma- 
rietta, while  he  and  his  Tennessee  friends  would  descend  the 
Cumberland.  But  as  the  time  approached  Burr  was  not  sus- 
tained (perhaps  betrayed  is  the  better  word)  by  his  leading 
associates.  Wilkinson  forsook  him,  and  sent  Lieutenant  Smith 
with  a  message  to  President  Jefferson.  He  left  camp,  at  New 
Orleans,  October  21,  1806,  and  delivered  the  despatches  to 
the  President,  in  Washington,  on  the  25th  of  November,  and 
on  the  27th  Jefferson  issued  his  proclamation,  which  created 
intense  excitement.  Burr's  name  was  not  mentioned  in  the 
proclamation.  It  merely  announced  that  an  unlawful  enter- 
prise was  on  foot  in  the  Western  States,  and  warned  all  per- 
sons to  withdraw  from  it  immediately. 


166  ORIGIN   AND   HISTORY  OF   THE 

Burr's  cypher  letter  to  Gen.  Wilkinson,  and  General  Eaton's 
testimony,  is  what  convinced  the  people  of  the  United  Stntes 
that  Aaron  Burr  was  a  traitor.  After  his  arrest,  in  Mississippi 
Territory,  the  Grand  Jury  acquitted  him,  remarking  that 
Aaron  Burr  had  not  been  guilty  of  any  crime.  He  was  re- 
arrested  in  Alabama,  and  brought  to  Richmond,  Virginia,  in 
May,  1807,  when  he  was  again  put  on  trial,  which  lasted  sev- 
eral days.  Jefferson,  always  believing  that  Burr  attempted  to 
cheat  him  out  of  the  election  of  1800,  was  anxious  to  have 
him  convicted,  but  Burr,  with  his  able  counsel,  so  managed 
his  case  that  Judge  Marshall  charged  the  Jury  in  such  a  way 
that  they  rendered  their  verdict :  "  We,  of  the  Jury,  say  Aaron 
Burr  is  not  proved  to  be  guilty,  under  the  indictment,  by  any  evi- 
dence submitted  to  us.  We  therefore  find  him  not  guilty" 

Although  Burr  was  not  convicted,  he  suffered  the  odium  of 
a  traitor  even  until  the  day  of  his  death.  He  had  fought  with 
great  bravery  to  achieve  American  Independence,  and,  in  his 
early  days,  was  the  most  promising  statesman  of  his  time. 
His  great  abilities  were  dreaded  by  the  leaders  of  both  par- 
ties, and  the  unfortunate  circumstances  oceurring  in  the  bal- 
loting for  President  organized  the  entire  Republican  party, 
headed  by  the  administration,  against  him.  The  fatal  duel 
with  Hamilton  (although  the  practice  was  not  then  unpopular) 
united  the  Federalists  to  complete  his  political  ruin.  Disap- 
pointed and  defeated,  he  became  disgusted  with  what  he  con- 
sidered ingratitude  on  the  part  of  his  country.  He  conceived 
the  idea  of  revolutionizing  Spanish  America,  and  establishing 
a  new  government  over  Mexico.  His  enemies  (and  they  were 
legion)  said  monarchy  was  to  be  the  form  ;  while  his  intimate 
friends  (they  were  few  but  ardent)  declared  he  contemplated 
conquest  and  ultimate  union  of  Mexico  with  the  United  States. 

Burr  saw  that  annexation  was  only  a  question  of  time,  and 
his  calculations,  then  so  novel  and  startling,  have,  through  the 
annexation  of  Louisiana,  Florida,  Texas,  New  Mexico  and  Cal- 
ifornia, now  passed  into  history.  Who  of  us,  in  1865,  are  so 
blind  as  not  to  discern  the  destiny  of  Mexico  ?  Maximillian 
may  be  very  clever,  and  the  Mexican  people  may  have  much 


AMERICAN  UNION.  167 

to  learn  ;  but  neither  his  ability  nor  their  ignorance  can  stand 
against  the  expansion  of  our  free  institutions.  His  visionary 
throne  (although  backed  up  by  some  of  the  monarchies  of 
the  old  world)  will  disappear  like  a  shadow  at  noonday.  For 
the  fates  have  decreed  that  ivherever  American  blood  is  shed 
that  soil  becomes  sacred  to  liberty.  Palo  Alto,  Buena  Vista, 
Vera  Cruz,  Besaca  de  la  Palma,  Monterey,  Contreras,  Churu- 
busco,  Molino  del  Bey,  Chepultepec,  Puebla,  and  Cerro  Gordo 
are  places  sacred  to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  There 
sleeps  beneath  their  sod  thousands  df  our  countrymen,  who, 
while  living,  fought  to  uphold  our  flag,  a'nd  their  bones 
now  lie  neglected  in  a  foreign  soil.  Fidelity  to  American 
ideas,  respect  to  the  brave,  our  duty  to  ourselves  and  poster- 
ity, and  sympathy  for  the  down-trodden  Mexicans,  all  demand 
that  no  monarchical  institutions  shall  be  allowed  to  exist  and 
expand  on  American  soil,  nor  any  tyrannical  emblem  float 
over  the  sanctified  graves  of  our  kindred. 

Aaron  Burr  was  a  statesman.  He  wanted  sea-room.  He 
did  not  believe  in  the  idea  of  the  United  States  embracing 
only  a  small  strip  of  land  in  the  centre  of  the  American  con- 
tinent. He  did  not,  like  some  others,  dread  the  growth  of  the 
country^  but  was  ever  ready  to  enlarge  its  boundaries.  His 
effort,  in  1775,  in  company  with  the  gallant  Irishman  Mont- 
gomery, to  advance  towards  the  north  pole,  though  defeated 
at  Quebec,  gives  an  idea  of  his  intentions  when  he  turned  to- 
wards the  tropics. 

"There  is  no  evidence  that  Burr  meant  to  sever  the  West- 
ern States  from  the  Union,  or  desired  to  do  so,  nor  that  be  in- 
tended to  seize  New  Orleans  or  any  property  in  it.  His  pre- 
liminary object  was  Texas  ;  his  ultimate  object  was  the  throne 
of  Mexico." — Parton's  Life  of  Burr,  page  354. 

The  best  and  strongest  evidence  of  Burr's  innocence  is  the 
fact  that  Andrew  Jackson  was  his  intimate  friend.  He  went 
all  the  way  to  Richmond  during  Burr's  trial,  and,  in  the  pub-> 
lie  streets,  made  speeches  before  thousands,  vindicating  him 
and  denouncing  President  Jefferson  for  interfering  with  the 
expedition.  Jackson  was  not  a  traitor  ;  neither  did  he  ever 


168  ORIGIN   AND   HISTORY  OF  THE 

countenance  disunion  in  any  shape.  *;  Burr  and  Jackson  were 
always  good  friends.  In  a  letter,  dated  Nov.  20,  1815,  to  Gov. 
Alston.  Burr  urges  him  to  use  his  influence  to  break  up  the  cau- 
cus system  by  making  a  respectable  nomination  in  the  person 
of  Andrew  Jackson,  instead  of  Monroe." — Statesman's  Manual, 
Vol.  I,  page  476. 

These  remarks  have  been  continued  at  some  length  to  give 
the  reader  the  true  outlines  of  the  history  of  the  Burr  expe- 
dition. He  was  a  man  that  had  ideas  in  advance  of  his  time, 
(he  also  had  faults.)  But  if  he  lived  at  the  present  day  he 
would  see  most  of  the  country  he  sought  to  acquire  now  be- 
longing to  the  Federal  Union.  He  would  also  have  the  pleas- 
ure of  witnessing  Canada,  which  he  and  the  gallant  Mont- 
gomery endeavored  to  rescue  from  Great  Britain,  forming  a 
Confederacy  on  its  hook  and  taking  the  management  of  its 
affairs  into  its  own  hands,  which  is  a  preliminary  step  in  the 
right  direction.  He  would  have  seen  the  great  civil  strife, 
which  grew  out  of  the  imperfections  of  the  Constitution, 
which  he  predicted  would  not  last  much  be}rond  fifty  years. 
But  he  would  also  have  seen,  what  he  did  not  foresee  nor  pre- 
dict— the  triumphant  vindication  of  the  Union. 

The  embargo  act  was  a  favorite  measure  of  Jefferson's  ad- 
ministration. It  caused  great  distress  in  the  country,  and 
greatly  weakened  the  Republican  party.  It  was  in  the  period 
of  greatest  distress  that  the  Presidential  election  came  on. 
Virginia  was  -in  the  field  with  two  candidates,  Madison  and 
Monroe.  The  Congressional  caucus  decided  in  Madison's  favor 
by  80  majority.  Clinton,  who  had  been  Vice  President  in 
Jefferson's  last  term,  was  chosen  by  the  caucus  for  the  same 
position  under  Madison.  It  is  needless  to  say  this  ticket  was 
elected.  The  theory  of  States'  Rights,  which  had  been  so 
much  talked  of  before  the  Republicans  got  control  of  the  Fed- 
eral Government,  was  almost  forgotten.  They  occupied  the 
Federal  forts,  and  there  was  no  party  left  to  man  the  States' 
Rights  artillery,  whose  batteries  the  Constitution  had  left  to 
be  used  against  itself  by  the  disaffected  minority.  In  after 
years  they  became  the  den  and  hiding  place  for  every  vile  ism 


AMERICAN  UNION.  169 

that  contemplated  war  against  the  authority  of  the  Federal 
Government. 

State  Rights  was  the  prelude  to  raise  the  hue  and  cry 
against  every  measure  adopted  by  the  Government  for  de- 
fence. First  against  the  whisky  tax,  by  Pennsylvania  ;  then 
against  the  Embargo  Act  and  the  war  of  1812,  by  the  Hartford 
Conventionists  ;  then  against  the  tariff,  by  South  Carolina  ; 
then  against  the  fugitive  slave  law,  by  many  of  the  Northern 
States  ;  and  then  against  freedom  by  the  slave  States  com- 
bined ;  and  finally  it  was  given  in  great  triumph  by  the  assas- 
sin, as  justifying  the  murder  of  Mr.  Lincoln — sic  semper  ty- 
rannis,  the  motto  of  the  State  of  Virginia.  He  was  a  stickler 
for  State  Rights.  By  it  he  claimed  the  right,  and,  for  slavery's 
sake,  assassinated  the  President. 

Madison  was  not  in  favor  of  State  Rights,  as  the  extracts 
given  from  his  letters,  in  another  part  of  this  book,  abund- 
antly prove.  He  was  put  forward  as  the  strongest  man  Vir- 
ginia had,  as  the  politicians  of  that  State  had  an  understanding. 
There  was  no  excitement  about  State  Rights  during  his  first 
election.  Our  foreign  relations  was  the  all-absorbing  ques- 
tion. The  result  of  Jefferson's  foreign  policy  was  ruining  the 
county.  On  the  1st  of  March,  1809,  Congress  passed  the 
Non-Intercourse  Act,  and  on  the  15th  of  the  same  month  re- 
pealed the  Embargo  Act  as  to  all  nations  except  England  and 
France,  between  whom  and  the  United  States  no  trade  was 
permitted. 

The  Massachusetts  Legislature,  in  January,  1809,  in  a  report 
on  the  state  of  the  country  at  the  end  of  Jefferson's  adminis- 
tration, says  :  "Our  agriculture  is  discouraged ;  the  fisheries 
abandoned  ;  navigation  forbidden  ;  our  commerce  at  home  re- 
strained, if  not  annihilated ;  our  commerce  abroad  cut  off ;  our 
navy  sold,  dismantled, or  degraded  to  the  service  of  cutters  or 
gun-boats  ;  the  revenue  extinguished ;  the  course  of  justice 
interrupted  ;  and  the  nation  weakened  by  internal  animosities 
and  divisions,  at  the  moment  when  it  is  unnecessarily  and  im- 
providently  exposed  to  a  war  with  Great  Britain,  France,  and 
Spain." 


170  ORIGIN  AND  HISTORY  OP  THE 

The  foregoing  is  a  true  picture  of  the  condition  of  the  coun- 
try and  the  administration  of  the  first  State  Rights  President. 
Russell,  in  his  researches  of  the  Life  of  Jefferson,  remarks  : 
"  Let  us  suppose  that  Mr.  Jefferson  had  been  chosen  to  carry 
into  practice  the  first  experiment  of  the  Federal  Government 
instead  of  Washington,  and  that  he  had  applied  his  system  of 
State  Eights  and  popular  interference  to  the  new  machine 
which  the  Federal  Convention  had  just  placed  in  the  hands 
of  the  Executive.  Is  it  not  self-evident  that,  for  want  of  vigor 
and  energ}7,  the  Constitution  would  have  crumbled  to  pieces 
in  his  hands,  and  left  him  in  possession  only  of  the  fragments 
of  the  old  Confederacy." 

Madison  was  a  Federalist,  and  advocated  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution  ;  and  his  great  ability  carried  it  through  the 
Virginia  Convention  by  11  majority — for  its  adoption,  89  ; 
against  it,  78. 

It  soon  became  evident  that  our  foreign  relations  were  in  a 
condition  to  demand  immediate  attention.  Jefferson  had  re- 
duced the  army  and  navy,  and  almost  left  the  nation  power- 
less for  defence.  The  administration  of  Madison  increased 
the  army  from  3,000  to  20,000  men,  and  Congress  also  passed 
an  act  authorizing  the' President  to  receive  the  service  of 
50,000  volunteers.  Madison  was  not  desirous  of  having  a  war 
during  his  administration,  but  was  actually  forced  into  it. 
He  thought  a  declaration  of  war  at  a  time  when  the  Govern- 
ment had  been  stripped  of  all  its  armor,  was  impolitic.  Mr.. 
Monroe  was  the  only  one  of  his  Cabinet  officers  with  a  mili- 
tary turn  of  mind. 

One  John  Henry,  a  native  of  Ireland,  had  been  employed 
by  Sir  Jonas  H.  Craig,  Governor  of  Canada,  to  visit  Boston 
and  arrange  for  a  dissolution  of  the  Union  with  some  of  the 
Federalists  of  New  IJngland.  He  could  find  no  one  that  sym- 
pathized with  his  mission,  and  returned  to  Canada  in  1811. 
In  February,  1812,  he  disclosed  the  secret  to  Madison,  and  re- 
ceived a  reward  of  $50,000. 

The  declaration  of  war  against  Great  Britain  was  approved 
by  Mr.  Madison,  June  18th,  1812.  Members  of  Congress  from 


AMERICAN  UNION.  171 

the  South  and  West  carried  the  war  measure  against  the  will 
and  consent  of  the  Northern  States.  Of  79  members  of  the 
House  who  voted  for  war,  46  resided  south,  and  33  north  of 
the  Delaware.  Of  the  19  Senators  who  voted  for  war,  14 
resided  south,  and  5  north  of  the  Delaware. 

On  the  18th  of  May,  1812,  Madison  was  renominated  by  the 
vote  of  82  members  of  Congress.  Money  matters  were  now 
stringent,  and  all  the  banks  had  suspended  except  a  few  in 
New  England.  "War  was  unpopular,  and  taxation  was  dreaded. 
The  invasion  of  Canada  commenced  in  1812,  and  the  last  im- 
portant action  of  the  war  was  fought  Jan.  8, 1815 — Gen.  Jack- 
son's victory  over  the  British  Gen.  Packenham,  at  New  Or- 
leans. This  battle  was  fought  after  peace  was  signed  at 
Ghent,  December  24,  1814.  Very  little  was  accomplished  by 
the  war,  except  a  marked  respect  since  shown  by  the  British 
Government  to  the  rights  of  our  seamen. 

The  Hartford  Convention  assembled  in  Hartford,  Connecti- 
cut, Dec.  15,  1814,  and  sat  twenty  days.  This  Convention  met 
to  express  the  sentiments  of  the  anti-war  party  of  New  Eng- 
land. The  following  is  part  of  the  report  made  by  them  at 
the  time  :  "  In  cases  of  deliberate,  dangerous,  and  palpable 
impositions  of  the  Constitution,  affecting  the  sovereignty  of  a 
State  and  the  liberties  of  the  people,  it  is  not  only  the  right  but 
the  duty  of  each  State  to  interpose  its  authority  for  their  protec- 
tion in  the  manner  best  calculated  to  secure  that  end.  When  emer- 
gencies occur  which  are  either  beyond  the  reach  of  judicial 
tribunals  or  too  pressing  to  admit  of  delay  incident  to  their 
forms,  States  which  have  no  common  umpire  must  be  their  own 
judges  and  execute  their  own  decisions." 

The  true  cause  of  grievance  against  the^  administration  was, 
that  it  had  withheld  all  supplies  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
militia  for  the  year  1814,  both  in  Massachusetts  and  Connecti- 
cut, and  thus  forced  upon  these  States  the  burden  of  support- 
ing the  troops  employed  for  defending  their  coasts  from  inva- 
sion and  their  towns  from  being  sacked.  The  number  of  del- 
egates at  this  Convention  was  26.  The  Legislatures  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  sent  delegates.  In 


172  ORIGIN   AND   HISTORY   OF   THE 

Vermont  and  New  Hampshire  the  delegates  received  their 
appointments  from  local  conventions.  No  one  of  the  members 
of  this  Convention  would  ever  admit  that  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union  was  contemplated,  but  contended  that  it  was  simply  to 
bring  about  a  remedy  for  burdens  too  grievous  to  be  borne. 
That  the  entire  section  had  much  to  endure-during  the  war 
of  1812,  no  one  acquainted  with  the  history  of  those  times 
will  deny  ;  but  they  counseled  resistance  to  Federal  authority 
under  the  plea  of  State  Rights.  Although  it  was  not  in  the 
form  of  an  article  of  dissolution  or  ordinance  of  secession,  yet 
all  must  admit  that  it  had  the  srneli  of  treason.  • 

Under  the  names  of  Republican  and  Democrat  this  party 
stigmatized  the  Hartford  Conventionists  as  traitors,  and  now 
come  round  and  say  they  were  right. 

Pollard,  in  his  1st  volume,  page  59,  Southern  History  of  the 
War,  speaking  of  this  Convention,  says  :  "  This  is  the  doc- 
trine which  the  South  had  always  held  from  the  beginning, 
and  for  which  she  is  now  pouring  out  her  blood  and  treasure." 

By  hitching  the  slave  interest  on  to  the  State  Rights  heresy, 
they  inaugurated  war  against  the  General  Government.  The 
Federal,  afterwards  the  Whig,  then  the  Republican,  and  lastly 
the  Union  party,  have  ever  kept  in  view  the  idea  that  "  we, 
the  people  of  the  United  States,"  made  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, and  are  bound  to  sustain  it  against  State  Rights,  slavery 
and  rebellion. 

The  loss  of  life  resulting  from  the  war  of  1812  may  be  set 
down  at  about  30,000  men  ;  and  the  total  expenditure  of  the 
United  States  during  the  contest  was  about  $100,000,000.  It 
lasted  about  three  years.  The  Americans,  on  the  ocean  and 
lakes,  had  captured  about  56  British  ships  of  war,  mounting 
886  cannon,  and  2,360  merchant  vessels,  mounting  8,000  guns, 
of  which  345  were  ships,  610  brigs.  520  schooners,  135  sloops, 
and  750  vessels  of  various  classes  taken  by  the  Americans 
and  retaken  by  the  British  ;  making  altogether  2,416  vessels, 
with  their  specie  and  cargoes,  and  about  30,000  prisoners  of 
war.  The  British  captures  were  less — 1,407  merchant  ves- 
eels,  and  20,961  American  seamen  prisoners  of  war. 


AMERICAN   UNION.  173 

Near  the  latter  end  of  the  war,  on  the  24th  of  August,  1814, 
Washington  City  was  captured  by  the  British  and  the  Capitol 
burned.  This  war  was  brewing  during  Jefferson's  last  term. 
It  commenced  during  Madison's  first,  and  was  brought  to  an 
end  towards  the  close  of  his  second  term. 

Mr.  Monroe  was  nominated  by  the  Virginia  influence.  The 
Congressional  caucus  was  held  March  16,  1816.  Monroe  got 
65  votes  in  the  caucus,  and  Wrn.  H.  Crawford,  of  Georgia,  54. 
Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  of  New  York,  got  85  votes  for  Vice 
President  on  the  same  ticket. 

Madison  was  Federal  in  his  views  as  regards  the  power  con- 
ferred on  the  National  Government.  When  the  discussion 
arose  about  the  power  of  the  General  Government  to  annul 
State  laws  wherein  Congress  deemed  them  improper,  Madison 
remarked,  "that  he  could  not  but  regard  an  indefinite  power 
to  negative  legislative  acts  of  the  States  as  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  a  perfect  system." — Analysis  of  Constitution,  page  134. 

Monroe  was  an  Anti-Federalist,  and  opposed  the  adoption 
of  the  Federal  Constitution,  in  1787,  in  the  Virginia  Legisla- 
ture, while  Madison,  Marshall,  Randolph,  and  Pendleton,  de- 
fended and  voted  for  it.  Madison's  administration  terminated 
on  the  3d  of  March,  1817,  and  Monroe  was  inaugurated  the 
following  day.  About  the  first  thing  he  did,  after  selecting 
his  Cabinet  officers,  was  to  take  a  tour  round  the  Atlantic 
coast  to  inspect  the  forts,  and  arrange  for  perfecting  proper 
means  of  defence  from  invasion.  The  result  of  the  war  of 
1812  had  fully  established  the  importance  of  this  movement. 
He  left  Washington  the  31st  of  May,  1817,  and  was  gone  about 
three  months. 

Although  Mr.  Monroe  was  understood  to  be  a  Republican, 
yet,  strange  to  say,  he  called  as  his  Cabinet  officers  men  of 
the  Federal  stamp.  John  Q.  Adams,  Crawford,  Crownin- 
shield,  and  Wirt,  were  all  of  the  same  views  as  Alexander 
Hamilton  in  regard  to  the  powers  of  the  National  Government. 
In  his  first  term  an  act  was  passed,  at  the  recommendation  of 
the  President,  granting  a  pension  to  revolutionary  soldiers,  of 
whom  about  13,000  were  yet  living ;  also  an  act  respecting 


174  ORIGIN   AND   HISTORY   OF  THE 

the  flag  of  the  United  States,  fixing  the  number  of  stripes, 
alternate  red  and  white,  at  thirteen,  and  directed  that  the 
Union  be  represented  by  stars  equal  to  the  number  of 
States,  white  in  a  blue  field.  The  Florida  war  commenced  in 
his  first  term,  and  was  only  brought  to  a  close  August  14, 
1843.  It  originated  on  account  of  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the 
slaveholders  to  drive  out  the  Seminole  Indians,  who,  they  de- 
clared, were  harboring  runaway  slaves,  and  means  were  re- 
sorted to  and  excuses  framed  to  bring  about  a  collision. 

Everything  appeared  to  work  well  with  his  administration 
until  Feb.  28.  1820,  when  Missouri  asked  admission  into  the 
Union  with  its  peculiar  slave  Constitution.  This  question  was 
continued  until  the  28th  of  February,  1821,  and  the  act  ad- 
mitting it  was  passed  and  signed  by  Monroe  on  the  2d  of 
March,  same  year.  The  workings  of  the  Federal  Government 
up  to  this  time  had  embraced  almost  all  political  questions. 
But  when  the  slavery  question  began  to  agitate  Congress,  the 
dfoctrine  of  State  Bights  was  now  claimed  to  be  of  prominent 
importance.  It  was  evident  to  every  statesman  that  when 
these  two  questions  became  linked  together,  presenting  an 
undivided  front,  they  would  destroy  the  peace  of  the  country. 

Having  been  renominated  by  the  caucus,  Monroe  was  re- 
elected,  in  1820,  almost  unanimously.  He  was  a  half-and-half 
party  man  ;  he  opposed  in  a  great  measure  the  policy  marked 
out  by  Jefferson,  and  could  not,  after  his  election,  be  claimed 
as  the  embodiment  of  Republican  ideas.  The  power  is  granted 
to  Congress  by  the  Constitution  "  to  make  all  laws  which  shall 
be  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into  execution  the  fore- 
going powers."  This  clause  has  been  a  source  of  contention 
ever  since  the  formation  of  the  Government.  Monroe,  in  his 
Internal  Improvement  message,  May  4,  1822,  treats  the  sub- 
ject at  great  length,  and  aims  at  the  conclusion  that  the  object 
of  granting  these  powers  was  to  leave  nothing  to  implication. 
He  also  held  that  these  powers  were  inherent  in  the  very  na- 
ture of  the  compact,  and  would  have  existed  substantially  if 
the  grant  had  not  been  made.  Most  of  his  Cabinet  officers 
were  Federal,  and  when  he  became  President,  although  previ- 


AMERICAN  UNION.  175 

ously  a  strong  Republican,  he  inclined  so  much  towards  the 
Federalists'  views  of  the  Constitution  that  his  old  political 
associates  called  him  a  no-party  man. 

In  his  seventh  annual  message,  Dec.  2,  1823,  he  remarks  : 
"  But,  in  regard  to  these  continents,  circumstances  are  eminent- 
ly and  conspicuously  different.  It  is  impossible  that  the  AUied 
Powers  should  extend  their  political  system  to  any  portion  of 
either  continent  without  endangering  our  peace  and  happiness" 
This  idea  was  first  promulgated  by  him,  and  has  since  been 
known  as  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 

The  efforts  of  Aaron  Burr's  friends  to  secure  for  him  the 
office  of  President,  when  they  well  knew  that  the  people  had 
chosen  Jefferson  for  that  exalted  position,  put  a  quietus  on 
electing  the  Vice  President  as  the  successor.  Before  that, 
Adams,  the  Vice  President  under  Washington,  was  chosen  to 
succeed  him,  and  Jefferson,  Vice  President  under  Adams,  fol- 
lowed. The  Vice  Presidency,  up  to  this  time,  was  looked  upon 
as  a  kind  of  school  to  fit  a  man  for  the  higher  station  of  Chief 
Magistrate.  But  the  excitement  attending  the  election  of 
1800  prevented  the  election  of  any  Vic3  President  to  the 
Presidency  for  the  period  of  36  years,  when  Martin  Van  Bu- 
ren,  who  had  been  Vice  President  under  Jackson,  was  chosen 
to  succeed  him.  John  Tyler  and  Millard  Fillmore  became 
Presidents  after  the  assassinations  of  Harrison  and  Taylor ; 
and  our  present  Chief  Magistrate.  Andrew  Johnson,  holds  his 
position  in  consequence  of  the  assassination  of  President 
Lincoln. 

The  election  of  1825  going  to  the  House  produced  a  reaction 
in  favor  of  Jackson,  who  entirely  broke  up  the  Congressional 
caucus  system  of  nominating  Presidential  candidates.  He  was 
placed  in  the  field  early  by  his  own  State  in  1829.  This  com- 
pletely destroyed  the  caucus  system.  He  was  again  nominated 
by  the  Legislatures  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  and  was 
re-elected. 

The  Convention  system  was  first  introduced  at  Baltimore,  in 
September,  1831.  « It  originated  out  of  the  Anti-Mason  ex- 
citement in  Western  New  York.  One  William  Morgan,  a  na- 


176  ORIGIN   AND   HISTORY  OP   THE 

live  of  Virginia,  then  residing  in  Batavia,  New  York,  had  pub- 
lished what  was  supposed  to  reveal  the  three  first  degrees  of 
Masonry.  He  suddenly  disappeared,  and  his  supposed  death 
was  charged  against  the  Masonic  Order,  but  no  evidence  has 
ever  been  adduced  to  establish  the  truth  of  the  charge.  Even 
if  the  Lodge  of  which  he  was  a  member  had  made  way  with 
him  (of  which  there  is  no  evidence)  it  could  not  be  charged 
on  the  Order. 

Mr.  Clay  was  then  the  opponent  -of  Jackson.  The  Conven- 
tion would  have  liked  to  have  had  him  as  their  candidate,  but 
Clay  being  a  Mason,  his  nomination  was  out  of  the  question. 
After  adopting  a  platform,  the  Convention  nominated  Wm. 
Wirt,  of  Maryland,  as  a  candidate  for  President,  and  Amos 
Ellmaker,  of  Pennsylvania,  as  Vice  President.  At  this  Presi- 
dential election,  the  party  names  underwent  a  change.  Re- 
publicans changed  to  Democrat  and  Federalists  to  Whig. 

The  party  that  had  nominated  Wirt  called  themselves  the 
National  Republican  party,  and  carried  the  State  of  Vermont. 
The  Whigs  met  in  December,  of  the  same  year,  (1831,)  at  the 
same  place,  and  nominated  Clay  for  President,  and  John  Ser- 
geant, of  Pennsylvania,  for  VicePresident.  These  two  parties, 
with  their  candidates,  led  the  opposition,  and  the  most  they 
expected  was  again  to  throw  the  election  into  the  House. 
The  State  of  New  Hampshire  sent  out  a  call  for  a  National 
Convention  to  nominate  a  candidate  for  Vice  President.  Cal- 
houn  had  a  quarrel  with  Jackson,  and  the  Democracy  assem- 
bled in  force  May  21,  1832,  in  Baltimore.  Martin  Van  Buren 
was  chosen  by  203  out  of  283  members  present. 

The  Convention  system  has  been  kept  up  by  both  parties 
ever  since,  the  Democratic  party  adopting  the  two-thirds  rule 
in  nominating,  which  has  been  the  means  of  slaughtering 
nearly  all  its  best  statesmen  for  twenty  years.  The  Native 
American  and  Abolition  parties  also  both  resorted  to  the  Con- 
vention system  to  bring  their  candidates  into  the  field.  The 
slavery  controversy  having  now  become  the  all-absorbing  ques- 
tion before  the  country,  we  refer  the  reader,  for  further  par- 
ticulars concerning  candidates,  to  another  part  of  this  work. 


AMERICAN  UNION.  177 

We  close  this  part  of  our  subject  by  giving  the  following 
electoral  vote  of,  all  the  Presidential  contests,  from  Washing- 
ton to  Lincoln,  together  with  the  annual  expenditures  of  each 
administration. 

(  George  Washington,  Virginia 69 

1789     •<  John  Adams,  Massachusetts 34 

(  Scattering 35 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  $1,986,588. 

(  George  Washington,  Virginia 132 

1793  •<  John  Adams,  Massachusetts 77 

(  George  Clinton,  New  York 50 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  $1,986,588. 


1797 


John  Adams,  Massachusetts 71 

Thomas  Jefferson,  Virginia 68 


Thomas  Pinckney,  South  Carolina 59 

Aaron  Burr,  New  York 30 

Scattering 48 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  $5,287,088. 


1801 


Thomas  Jefferson,  Virginia 73 

John  Adams,  Massachusetts 65 

Aaron  Burr,  New  York .  73 

Charles  C.  Pinckney,  South  Carolina 64 

The  vote  for  Thomas  Jefferson  and  Aaron  Burr  being  equal,  the  House  of 
Representatives  proceeded  on  Wednesday,  February  11,  1801,  to  the  choice 
of  a  President  of  the  United  States.  On  the  first  ballot  eight  States  voted 
for  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia,  six  States  voted  for  Aaron  Burr,  of  New 
York,  and  the  votes  of  two  States  were  divided.  The  balloting  continued 
until  Tuesday,  17th  Feb.  1801,  when  on  the  thirty-sixth  ballot  the  votes  of 
ten  States  were  given  for  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia,  the  votes  of  four 
States  for  Aaron  Burr,  of  New  York,  and  the  votes  of  two  States  hi  blank, 
and  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia  was  elected. 

Aaron  Burr,  as  Vice  President,  took  the  oath  of  office,  and  entered  upon 
his  duties  on  the  4th  of  March,  1801. 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exglusive  of  public  debt,  $5,142,598. 


1805 
Pres. 

V.  Pres. 


Thomas  Jefferson,  Virginia 162 

Charles  C.  Pinckney,  South  Carolina 14 


George  Clinton,  New  York 162 

Rufus  King;  New  York . . . , 14 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  $5,142,598. 

1809      j  James  Madison,  Virginia 122 

Pres.      {  Charles  C.  Pinckney,  South  Carolina 47 

V  T>rr*     J  George  Clinton,  New  York 113 

(  Rulus  King,  New  York 47 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  $18,085,617. 


178  ORIGIN  AND   HISTORY  OF  THE 

1813     j  James  Madison,  Virginia 128 

Pres.      (  De  Witt  Clinton,  New  York 89 

y  p         j  Elbridge  Gerry,  Massachusetts 131 

'    \  Jared  Ingersoll,  Pennsylvania 86 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  $18,085,617. 

1817     j  James  Monroe,  Virginia 183 

Pres.      \  Rufus  King,  New  York 34 

V.  Pres.      Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  New  York • 183 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  $13,045,431. 

1821     Pres.   James  Monroe,  Virginia 231 

V.  Pres.     Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  New  York 218 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  $13,045,431. 


1825 
Pres. 


V.  Pres.    • 


Andrew  Jackson,  Tennessee 99 

John  Q.  Adams,  Massachusetts 84 

Win.  H.  Crawford,  Georgia 41 

Henry  Clay,  Kentucky 37 

John  C.  Calhoun,  South  Carolina 182 


Nathan  Sanford,  New  York  ......................  30 

•  Votes  in  the        (  Adams  .............  ......................  13 

House  of         •<  Jackson  ..................................  7 

Representatives.    (  Crawford  ................................  4 

For  Vice  President,  Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  received  two. 

Neither  of  the  persons  voted  for  as  President  having  received  a  majority 
of  the  votes,  it  devolved  upon  the  House  of  Representatives  to  choose  a 
President  from  the  three  highest  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  by  the  elec- 
tors for  President,  which  three  were,  Andrew  Jackson,  John  Quincy  Adams, 
and  William  H.  Crawford.  The  votes  of  thirteen  States  were  given  for  John 
Quincy  Adams  ;  the  votes  of  seven  States  for  Andrew  Jackson,  and  the 
votes  of  four  States  for  William  H.  Crawford.  John  Quincy  Adams,  having 
received  a  majority  of  the  votes  of  all  the  States  of  this  Union,  was  duly 
elected  President  of  the  United  States  for  four  years,  to  commence  on  the 
4th  of  March,  1825. 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  $12,625,478. 

1829     j  Andrew  Jackson,  Tennessee  ......................  178 

Pres.      (  John  Q.  Adams,  Massachusetts  ....................  83 

(  John  C.  Calhoun,  South  Carolina  ..................  171 

V.  Pres.    -(  Richard  Rush,  Pennsylvania  ......................  83 

(  William  Smith,  South  Carolina  ....................     7 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  $18,068,301. 


1833 
Pres. 

p^ 
.  rre.  . 


Andrew  Jackson,  Tennessee  ......................  219 

Hemy  Clay,  Kentucky  ...........................  49 

Martin  Van  Buren,  New  York  ....................  189 

joim  Sevgeant,  Pennsylvania  .....................  49 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  $18,068,301. 


AMERICAN   UNION.  179 

1S37  j  Martin  Van  Buren,  New  York 170 

Pres.  1  Wm.  H.  Harrison,  Ohio 73 

v  -p.  JR.  M.  Johnson,  Kentucky 147 

'  I  Francis  Granger,  New  York 77 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  $28,047,173, 


1841 
Pres. 


V.  Pres. 


Wm.  H.  Harrison,  Ohio 234 

Martin  Van  Buren,  New  York 60 


John  Tyler,  Virginia 234 

R.  M.  Johnson,  Kentucky 48 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  $23,541,238. 


1845     j  James  K.  Polk,  Tennessee 170 

Pres.      1  Henry  Clay,  Kentucky. 105 

V  Pr        i  GeorSe  M.  Dallas,  Pennsylvania : 170 

'    \  T.  Frelinghuysen,  New  Jersey 105 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  $36,681,101. 


1849        Zachary  Taylor,  Louisiana 163 

Pres.         Lewis  Cass,  Michigan 127 

Millard  Fillmore,  New  York 163 

Wm.  O.  Butler,  Kentucky 127 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  while  Taylor  lived, 
$31,074,347.     Fillmore,  his  successor,  increased  it  to  $44,805,721. 


V.  Pres. 


1853  j  Franklin  Pierce,  New  Hampshire  .................  254 

Pres.  1  Winfield  Scott,  New  York  .......................  42 

v  p  }  William  R.  King,  Alabama  .......................  254 

'  (  Wm.  A.  Graham,  North  Carolina  ..................  42 

Average  annual  expenditure,  exclusive  of  public  debt,  $55,872,028. 
(  James  Buchanan,  Pennsylvania  ...................  174 


p  •  John  C.  Fremont,  California  ......................  113 

(  Millard  Fillmore,  New  York  ......................     8 

(  J.  C.  Breckinridge,  Kentucky  .....................  174 

V.  Pres.    •<  Wm.  L.  Dayton,  New  Jersey  .....................  113 

(  Andrew  J.  Donelson,  Tennessee  ...................     8 

Expenditure  for  year  ending  June  31,  1858  ........  $82,062,186  74 

"  "  "  "     "    1859  ........  83,678,643  92 

"  "  "  "      "    1860  ........  77,055,125  65 

"  "  "  "     "    1861  ........  85,387,31308 


Total $328,183,269  39 

The  public  debt  on  the  7th  of  March,  1861,  was  $76,159,667,  consisting 
of  $59,696,956  funded  debt,  and  $16,462,711  treasury  notes  outstanding. 


1860 
Pres. 


Abraham  Lincoln,  Illinois 180 

Stephen  A.  Douglas,  Illinois 12 

John  C.  Breckinridge,  Kentucky 72 

John  Bell,  Tennessee 39 


180  OEIGIN  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  UNION. 


Popular  Vote  in  1860. 

Lincoln 1,864,104 

Douglas 992,359 

Breckinridge 669,273 

Fusion  (Dem.) 563,741 

Bell 588,814 

Expenditure  for  year  ending  June  30,  1862 570,841,700  25 

"  "  "  "  "  1863 895,796,63065 

"  "  "  "  "  1864 1,298,144,65600 

Do  Estimated     "           "          "     "    1865 1,409,082,45584 


Total $4,173,865,442  74 

1864     j  Abraham  Lincoln,  Illinois .- 230 

Pres.      {  George  B.  McClellan,  New  Jersey .' .  21 

Popular  Vote  in  1864. 

Lincoln 2,223,035 

McClellan 1,811,754 

The  public  debt  on  the  1st  of  July,  1865,  is  estimated  to  amount  to 
$2,223,364,677  81,  if  the  amounts  to  be  raised  correspond  with  the  estimates. 


HISTOEY 
GREA.T   CIVIL  WARS. 

HOW   THEY    ENDED. 


The  Peloponnesian  war  which  began  four  hundred  and 
thirty-two  years  B.  C.,  lasted  twenty-seven  years.  This 
war  was  brought  on  by  the  rivalry  of  the  Grecian  states — 
state  sovereignty  or  autonomy.  Pericles  wanted  union,  but 
his  efforts  to  form  a  great  nation  from  rival  sovereignties 
proved  a  failure. 

Sparta  and  Athens  held  slaves.  The  latter  over  400,000,  to 
60,000  persons.  The  former  Sparta  was  the  South  Carolina 
of  Greece  during  the  progress  of  the  war;  she,  fearing  insur- 
rection among  the  slaves,  offered  liberty  to  all  that  would  join 
the  army.  2,000  came  up  to  accept  the  boon,  and  the  oli- 
garchs had  them  secretly  led  away  and  massacred.  By 
this  fiendish  treachery  they  were  enabled  to  get  rid  of  an  ele- 
ment that  might  produce  discord  at  home. 

It  is  curious  to  contrast  the  numbers  engaged  in  our  war 
with  those  engaged  in  the  great  wars  of  the  past : 

"  We  select  two  decisive  battles.  One  of  these  was  fought 
in  the  harbor  of  Syracuse.  In  an  expedition  against  Sicily, 
Athens  had  strained  every  nerve  and  equipped  a  magnificent 
fleet  and  army.  They  sailed  out  of  the  Piraeus  with  sound  of 
trumpets,  paeans,  and  libations  of  wine  from  gold  and  silver 
cups.  This  great  army  consisted  of  five  thousand  heavy 
armed  infantry.  It  was  reinforced  by  another  of  about  the 
same  number.  When  gathered  at  Syracuse  they  numbered 
in  all — heavy  armed  infantry,  natives  of  the  island,  and  slaves 
who  were  light-armed  and  only  employed  as  skirmishers — 


162  HISTORY  OF  GREAT  CIVIL  WARS. 

twenty  thousand  men.  This,  in  the  language  of  Thucydides, 
made  her  power  appear  '  stupendous,'  and  her  resources  '  be- 
yond calculation.' 

"  The  final  and  decisive  battle  was  that  of  Aigospotami, 
when  Athens  lost  her  fleet,  and  nearly  her  whole  army  was 
surprised  and  taken  prisoners.  The  numbers  engaged  in  bat- 
tle are  not  told  ;  but  the  number  of  prisoners,  who  were  native 
Athenians,  is  recorded  as  three  thousand,  which  seems  to  have 
made  up  the  bulk  of  her  army  in  the  last  decisive  engage- 
ment." 

NOW   AND  THEN. 

As  to  the  numbers  engaged,  the  little  state  of  Massachusetts 
has  furnished  more  men  in  our  present  struggle  than  fought 
on  both  sides  in  the  great  English  rebellion.  It  has  sent  more 
men  into  the  field  than  Julius  Csesar  commanded  to  gain  the 
empire  of  the  world  ;  more  than  all  the  troops  of  Hellas  put 
together  in  the  long  struggle  that  rent  her  in  pieces,  when 
her  sun  went  down  in  blood.  The  state  of  New  York  has 
equipped  more  soldiers  than  all  the  troops  of  Caesar  and  Pom- 
pey  put  together,  though  drawn  from  every  province,  from  the 
Euphrates  to  the  pillars  of  Hercules.  The  whole  army  of 
Cromwell  would  only  serve  as  skirmishers,  or  as  a  detail  for  a 
"  raid"  from  the  army  of  Grant  or  Sherman.  His  great  military 
fame  was  gained  by  managing  twenty-five  thousand  men  ;  and 
its  marches  and  evolutions  were  within  an  area  less  extensive 
than  the  state  of  Virginia." 

THE  ENGLISH  REBELLION. 

"The  great  civil  war  of  England,  known  as  '  the  Great  Re- 
bellion,' was  also  a  conflict  between  the  oligarchs  and  the  com- 
mons ;  called  the  Cavaliers  and  the  Roundheads  ;  more  appro- 
priately, the  King  and  his  Parliament.  It  divided  England 
horizontally— the  king  and  the  lords  and  the  bishops  on  one 
side,  the  commons  on  the  other  ;  and  it  decided  the  question 
forever,  whether  constitutional  government  was  a  possible 
boon  to  the  English  race. 

"The  war  opened  in  1642,  and  continued  seven  years.    It 


HISTORY  OF  GREAT  CIVIL  WARS.  183 

would  probably  have  been  finished  in  half  that  time,  but  for 
the  hesitancy  and  half  measures  of  Essex,  the  first  parlia- 
mentary general.  The  first  conflict  of  Edgehill  has  its  exact 
parallel  in  Antietam.  It  was  a  drawn  battle  :  both  parties 
laying  all  night  on  their  arms  ;  but,  in  the  morning,  Hampden 
came  up  with  four  thousand  fresh  men.  Julius  Cassar  would 
have  followed  up  quickly  the  former  day's  work,  and,  with 
blow  upon  blow,  finished  the  royalists  and  the  war.  Instead 
of  this,  the  armies  '  looked  at  each  other/  dreaded  to  renew 
the  fight,  and  drew  off,  each  by  itself,  much  to  the  chagrin 
and  disgust  of  Hampden.  Five  thousand  were  left  slain  upon 
the  field — slain  to  no  purpose,  as  nothing  was  decided.  So 
things  went  on,  till  Oliver  Cromwell  came  with  his  '  ironside 
regiment/  and,  at  the  decisive  battle  of  Naseby,  dashed  upon 
the  king's  forces,  and  shivered  them  in  pieces. 

"We  may  smile,  on  reading  over  these  great  battles,  at  the 
numbers  engaged.  They  varied  from  twenty  to  twenty-five 
thousand  men  on  each  side,  never  exceeding  the  latter  num- 
ber. The  battle  of  Marston  Moor  was  the  most  obstinately 
contested,  between  '  the  most  numerous  armies  that  were 
engaged  during  the  course  of  these  wars  ;'  and  in  that  battle, 
as  Hume  laments,  fifty  thousand  British  troops  were  led  to 
mutual  slaughter.  Such  was  the  price  paid  ;  the  end  achieved 
was  free  government  for  the  English  race  everywhere." 

Wars  unskillfully  waged  are  the  bloodiest  of  all.  Cassar, 
in  a  three  years'  war  between  the  Cassareans  and  Pompeians, 
lost  fewer  men  than  McClellan  did  in  a  single  campaign  on 
the  Peninsula.  Indeed,  it  is  said,  more  lives  have  been  lost  in 
our  present  war  than  the  great  civil  wars  of  Greece,  Rome 
and  England  put  together  ;  and  this  might  have  been  avoided 
had  the  North  been  a  military  people. 

THE   EFFECT  OF   INTERVENTION. 

"  It  is  well  to  look  into  the  gulf  of  ruin  from  which  our 
present  civil  war  has  saved  us.  Resolving  the  Union  into 
thirty -six  state  sovereignties  \vouldplace  us  exactly  where  the 
Greek  Autonomies  were  placed  in  their  struggle  of  twenty- 


184  HISTORY  OF  GREAT  CIVIL  WARS. 

seven  years.  It  means  mutual  slaughter  and  final  collapse, 
until  some  stronger  third  power  comes  in  and  adjusts  the 
bleeding  fragments.  Persia  finally  'intervened'  in  favor  of 
Sparta  :  and  her  hateful  despotism  was  pressed  down  upon  all 
the  States  of  Hellas  and  her  lovely  islands.  Thebes  finally 
rebelled  against  it,  led  on  by  the  great  Epaminondas  ;  and  a 
second  series  of  civil  wars  brought  on  a  more  complete  ex- 
haustion, and  a  more  deadly  collapse.  Philip  of  Macedon  next 
'intervened/  and  crushed  them  still  lower  into  the  dust,  amid  the 
dying  thunders  of  Demosthenes,  and  the  fading  glories  of  the 
Grecian  name.  Next  Rome  '  intervened'  and  conquered  Mace- 
donia ;  and  both  Macedonia  and  Hellas  went  down  together 
under  her  iron  heel.  Next  the  Turk  '  intervened  ;'  and  Rome, 
in  all  her  Eastern  empire,  involving  Greece  with  her  ancient 
states  and  beautiful  isles,  was  eclipsed  in  a  more  baleful  despo- 
tism and  in  heathen  night.  Such  are  the  last  results  of  auto- 
nomy—=-dismemberment,  mutual  hate  and  slaughter,  national 
extinction  and  death.  So  the  lovliest  form  of  ancient  civiliza- 
tion, in  a  democracy  just  rising  to  the  glories  of  empire,  was 
sacrificed  to  the  insane  notion  of  petty  '  state  sovereignty  ;' 
and  when  we  now  ask,  Where  is  Hellas?  we  are  only  answered 
by  poets,  who  sing  her  elegy  : 

"Ask  the  Paynim  slave, 

Who  treads  all  tearless  on  her  hallowed  graves ; 
Invoke  the  spirits  of  the  past,  and  shed 
The  voice  of  your  strong  bidding  on  the  dead ! 
Lo,  from  a  thousand  crumbling  tombs  they  rise— 
The  treat  of  old,  the  powerful  and  the  wise  ! 
And  a  sad  tale,  which  none  but  they  can  tell, 
Falls  on  the  mournful  silence  like  a  knell. 
Then  mark  yon  lonely  pilgrim  bend  and  weep 
Above  the  mound  where  genius  lies  in  sleep. 
And  is  this  all  ?     Alas !  we  turn  in  vain, 
And,  turning,  meet  the  self-same;  waste  again—- 
The same  drear  wilderness  of  stern  decay ; 
Its  former  pride,  the  phantom  of  a  day ; 
A  song  of  summer  birds  within  a  bower  , 
A  dream  of  beauty  traced  upon  a  flower ; 
A  lute  whose  master  chord  has  caased  to  sound  ; 
A  morning  star  struck  darkling  to  the  ground." 


PEACE  BY   DIPLOMACY.  ,        185 

DIPLOMATIC  EFFORTS  TO  BRING  ABOUT  PEACE  BEFORE  AND  DURING 
THE  FIGHT. — MR.  LINCOLN  AT  RICHMOND. 

Ever  since  war  was  determined  on  by  the  South  efforts 
have  been  made  by  individuals  on  both  sides  to  bring  about 
peace  by  diplomacy.  Before  Buchanan's  administration  ex- 
pired South  Carolina  sent  delegates  to  Washington  to  arrange 
for  a  peaceable  dissolution  of  the  Union.  On  the  5th  of 
March,  1861,  John  Forsythe,  Martin  J.  Crawford,  and  A.  B. 
Roman,  were  sent  by  the  Confederate  authorities.  They 
proposed  a  peaceable  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  a  division 
of  its  effects.  Then  came,  in  after  times,  Sanders,  Thompson, 
Tucker  and  Clay,  of  Canada  plotting  assassination  fame. 

From  the  North,  by  permission,  went  Col.  Jaques,  and  his 
colleague,  and  had  a  talk  with  the  rebel  chiefs  in  Richmond. 
Then  Horace  Greeley  met  Clay,  Thompson,  and  Sanders,  at 
Niagara  Falls.  The  above  seekers  were  unable  to  find  peace, 
but  Mr.  Greeley  thought  it  not  so  difficult  to  attain  as  was 
generally  thought.  In  January,  1865,  Francis  P.  Blair,  of 
Washington,  and  Gen.  Singleton,  of  Illinois,  by  permission, 
made  a  visit  to  Richmond,  and  induced  Jeff  Davis  to  renew 
his  efforts  for  peace  through  diplomacy.  Vice  President  A. 
H.  Stephens,  Judge  Campbell,  and  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  were 
chosen  by  him,  and  sent  to  confer  with  President  Lincoln. 
The  meeting  was  arranged,  and  took  place  on  board  the  Uni- 
ted States  transport  River  Queen,  in  Hampton  Roads,  Va., 
February  3,  1865.  The  rebel  Commissioners  demanded  an 
armistice,  as  a  preliminary  measure.  This  President  Lincoln 
refused  to  grant. 

Secretary  Seward,  who  was  at  the  conference  with  Presi- 
dent Lincoln,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Adams,  our  British  Minister, 
dated  Feb.  9,  1865,  remarks  :  "  The  Richmond  party  were 
then  informed  that  Congress  had,  on  the  21st  ult.,  adopted  by 
a  constitutional  majority  a  joint  resolution  submitting  to  the 
several  States  the  proposition  to  abolish  slavery  throughout 
the  Union,  and  that  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  it 
will  be  accepted  by  three-fourths  of  the  States,  so  as  to  be- 


186  PEACE  BY   DIPLOMACY. 

come  a  part  of  the  national  organic  law.  The  conference  came 
to  an  end  by  mutual  acquiescence,  without  producing  an  agree- 
ment of  views  upon  the  several  matters  discussed,  or  any  of 
them.  Nevertheless,  it  is  perhaps  of  some  importance  that 
we  have  been  able  to  submit  our  opinions  and  views  directly 
to  prominent  insurgents,  and  to  hear  them  in  answer  in  a  cour- 
teous and  not  unfriendly  manner. 

The  following  is  the  rebel  version,  as  given  by  A.  H.  Ste- 
phens : 

Davis  sent  for  his  Vice  President,  and  informed  him  of  the 
purport  of  Blair's  mission.  Stephens  advised  that  Davis  him- 
self should  go  to  meet  President  Lincoln,  and  Generals  Grant 
and  Lee  should  be  the  only  persons  even  to  know  of  the  meet- 
ing or  be  present  at  the  interview.  Davis  refused  to  adopt 
this  plan,  and  appointed  three  Commissioners  to  go  in  his 
place.  He  instructed  them  not  to  enter  into  any  agreement 
whatever  without  his  rank  as  President  was  first  recognized. 
During  the  conference,  while  this  point  was  being  discussed, 
Hunter  received  a  settler  from  Mr.  Lincoln. 

Mr.  Hunter  made  a  long  reply,  insisting  that  the  recogni- 
tion of  Davis's  power  to  make  a  treaty  was  the  first  and  in- 
dispensable step  to  peace,  and  referring  to  the  correspondence 
between  King  Charles  the  First  and  his  Parliament,  as  a  relia- 
ble precedent  of  a  constitutional  ruler  treating  with  rebels. 
Mr.  Lincoln's  face  then  wore  that  indescribable  expression 
which  generally  preceded  his  hardest  hits,  and  he  remarked  . 
'Upon  questions  of  history  I  must  refer  you  to  Mr.  Seward, 
for  he  is  posted  in  such  things,  and  I  don't  propose  to  be 
bright.  My  only  distinct  recollection  of  the  matter  is,  that 
Charles  lost  his  head."  That  settled  Mr.  Hunter  for  a  while. 

After  this  Mr.  Lincoln's  manner  became  earnest,  and  he 
gave  the  Commissioners  to  understand  that  nothing  short  of 
unconditional  restoration  of  the  Union  could  for  a  moment  be 
entertained,  and  said  the  time  might  come  when  they  (the 
rebels)  would  not  be  considered  as  an  erring  people  invited 
back  to  citizenship,  but  would  be  looked  upon  as  enemies  to 
,  be  exterminated  or  ruined, 


PEACE  BY  DIPLOMACY.  187 

A.  H.  Stephens  (so  says  the  Augusta  Chronicle,  June  7, 
1865)  states  that  President  Lincoln,  at  the  conference,  offered 
to  pay  to  the  South,  for  the  loss  of  her  slaves,  $400,000,000  in 
gold.  Ho  says  this  offer  was  suppressed  in  making  the  report, 
but  was  reported  to  Davis  confidentially,  as  the  Commission- 
ers believed  it  would  damage  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  perhaps  prevent 
him  in  future  from  renewing  the  same  liberal  offer. 

Judge  Campbell,  in  his  report,  says  he  was  satisfied  with 
Mr,  Lincoln's  ultimatum,  and  was  ready  to  acquiesce.  Several 
days  after  their  return  to  Richmond,  he  says  Hunter  became 
convinced  of  the  hopelessness  of  looking  or  fighting  for  any- 
thing better,  and  sided  with  him.  Stephens  at  first  thought  a 
longer  delay  might  result  more  favorable  to  the  South,  but 
on  the  eve  of  his  departure  for  Georgia  (which  took  place  the 
day  before  the  meeting  at  the  African  Church)  he  also  acqui- 
esced with  the  other  Commissioners. 

After  the  capture  of  Richmond  Judge  Campbell  remained 
in  the  place,  and  expressed  a  desire  to  Generals  Weitzel  and 
Shepley  to  see  President  Lincoln,  whom  he  had  learned  was 
coming  to  the  city.  When  Mr.  Lincoln  arrived  the  Generals 
communicated  this  to  him,  and  he  immediately  sent  for  Camp- 
bell, who  met  him  at  Weitzel's  headquarters  in  the  old  Jeff. 
Davis  mansion.  Campbell  expressed  a  great  desire  for  peace, 
and  insisted  that  Virginia  should  be  taken  back  into  the  Un- 
ion, which  would  serve  as  a  stepping  stone  for  the  other 
Southern  States.  He  argued  that  if  the  Virginia  Legislature 
was  called  together  they  would  vote  the  State  back  at  once. 
He  submitted  many  plans  to  Mr.  Lincoln — among  others,  that 
of  assembling  the  leading  men  of  Virginia  at  Richmond.  Mr. 
Lincoln  then  stated  to  Campbell  that  it  had  been  his  inten- 
tion to  return  back  to  City  Point  immediately,  but  at  his  re- 
quest he  would  stay  until  the  next  day.  In  the  meantime 
Campbell  went  in  search  of  some  leading  men,  but  could  only 
succeed  in  finding  a  Mr.  Gustavus  A.  Meyers,  a  former  mer- 
chant of  the  city.  The  next  day  the  interview  was  held  in 
the  cabin  of  the  Malvern,  on  board  of  which  the  President 
had  retained  his  quarters. 


188  PEACE  BY  DIPLOMACY. 

The  New  York  Herald,  of  July  9,  1865,  gives  the  following 
account  of  the  proceedings,  upon  the  arrival  of  Campbell  and 
Meyers,  in  the  presence  of  Gen.  Weitzel : 

"  After  the  ordinary  greeting.-*,  Mr.  Lincoln  drew  from  the 
breast-pocket  of  his  coat  a  folded  document  in  his  own  hand- 
writing, covering  parts  of  two  pages  of  foolscap  paper,  with- 
out date  or  signature.  He  said  that  that  paper  contained  his 
finality  to  the  South.  If  the  South  desired  peace,  they  could 
have  it  on  the  terms  therein  set  forth,  but  on  no  other.  He 
then  proceeded  to  read  the  document,  of  which  the  following 
is  an  abstract : 

Three  things  are  essential  to  peace  : 

First.  The  restoration  of  the  national  authority  throughout 
all  the  States. 

Second.  No  receding  by  the  Executive  of  the  United  States 
on  the  slavery  question  from  the  position  assumed  thereon  in 
the  late  annual  message  to  Congress  and  in  preceding  docu- 
ments. 

Third.  No  cessation  of  hostilities  short  of  an  end  of  the 
war  and  the  disbanding  of  all  forces  hostile  to  the  Govern- 
ment 

All  propositions  coming  from  those  in  hostility  to  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  not  inconsistent  with  the  foregoing,  will  be  re- 
spectfully considered  and  passed  upon  in  a  spirit  of  sincere 
liberality.  Beyond  the  indispensable  terms  any  reasonable 
conditions  will  be  entertained. 

The  remission  of  confiscations  was  left  within  the  power  of 
the  Executive.  Confiscations  will  be  enforced  if  the  war  is 
continued,  but  will  be  remitted  to  the  people  of  any  State 
which  shall  now  promptly  and  in  good  faith  withdraw  its 
troops  and  other  support  from  further  resistance  to  the  Gov- 
ernment. This  has  no  reference  to  rights  of  property  in  slaves. 

Mr.  Lincoln  then  re-read  the  paper,  commenting  at  length 
on  each  paragraph  and  sentence,  in  order  to  make  his  meaning 
clear  and  distinct.  The  paper  was  then  handed  to  the  South- 
ern representatives. 


THE  VIRGINIA  LEGISLATURE.  189 

THE    QUESTION  OP    PARDONS. 

Mr.  Lincoln  remarked  that  the  question  of  pardons  was  not 
mentioned  in  the  paper.  The  pardoning  power,  he  said,  was 
vested  wholly  and  unreservedly  with  himself.  He  could  not 
force  pardons  upon  anybody.  Jeff.  Davis  had  said  that  he 
would  not  accept  a  pardon  from  him  (Mr.  Lincoln).  What  was 
not  worth  asking  for  was  not  worth  receiving.  "  But  most  any- 
body can  have  most  anything  they  choose  to  ask  for." 

MR.  LINCOLN'S  PLAN  FOR  REASSEMBLING  THE  VIRGINIA 
LEGISLATURE. 

After  some  general  conversation,  Mr.  Lincoln,  doubtless  re- 
ferring to  the  proposition  of  the  previous  evening,  said  : 

"  I  have  been  considering  a  plan  for  reassembling  the  Vir- 
ginia Legislature.  I  deem  it  of  the  greatest  importance  that  the 
same  organization  which  has  been  casting  the  influence  and 
support  of  the  State  to  the  rebels  should  bring  the  State  back 
into  the  Union.  If  I  can  work  it  out  in  my  mind  I  will  let  you 
know." 

GENERAL  WEITZEL's  PERMIT  TO  THE  VIRGINIA   LEGISLATURE. 

In  justice  to  General  Weitzel,  whonrthe  public  has  charged 
with  transcending  his  authority  in  permittiug  the  call  for  the 
assembling  of  the  Virginia  Legislature  to  be  made,  this  point 
is  important.  The  proposition  that  had  been  made  to  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  to  convene  the  public  and  leading  statesmen  of 
Virginia  without  reference  to  their  official  station,  and  to  settle 
with  them  the  terms  and  mode  of  reorganization,  and  to  obtain 
their  aid  in  composing  and  tranquilizing  the  people.  On  the 
following  day  the  President  addressed  a  note  to  General  Weit- 
zel from  City  Point  authorizing  him  to  permit  the  convening 
of  the  Legislature,  and  directing  that  the  note  be  shown  to 
Judge  Campbell.  On  that  authority  the  call  for  the  recon- 
vening of  the  Legislature  was  prepared  and  submitted  to  Gen- 
eral Shepley  for  approval.  General  Shepley  made  some  alter- 
ations in  its  wording  and  then  permitted  it  to  be  printed. 


190  THE  VIRGINIA  LEGISLATURE. 

THE  REVOCATION  OF  THE  ORDER. 

In  the  meantime  the  late  President  returned  to  Washington, 
where,  it  would  seem,  the  action  had  was  made  the  topic  of 
discussion  in  the  Cabinet,  by  the  advice  of  which  body,  and 
because  of  revelations  hereinafter  detailed,  the  President  was 
led  to  revoke  the  action.  He  thereupon  addressed  a  note  to 
General  Weitzel  directing  that  the  permission  for  the  reasem- 
bling  of  the  Virginia  Legislature  be  revoked  and  all  the  papers 
that  had  passed  in  the  premises  be  withdrawn.  This  note  en- 
tered somewhat  at  length  into  the  reasons  that  induced  the 
Executive  to  adopt  this  course.  Simultaneously  with  the  re- 
ception of  this  note  by  General  Weitzel,  Major  General  E.  0. 
C.  Ord,  Commander  of  the  Department  of  Virginia,  arrived  at 
Richmond,  having  previously  been  absent  with  one  of  his  corps, 
co-operating  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  pursuit  of  Lee. 
His  arrival  here  operated  to  relieve  General  Weitzel  of  the 
supreme  command  he  had  then  been  exercising,  and  the  latter 
was  sent  to  Petersburg  with  his  corps.  Because  of  the  coin- 
cidence of  these  events  it  was  generally  stated  in  the  Northern 
papers  that  General  Weitzel  was  relieved  because  of  having 
transcended  his  authority,  in  permitting  the  call  to  issue  for 
the  assembling  of  tne  Legislature.  From  the  above  it  will  be 
seen  how  unjust  was  this  imputation.  It  is  unfortunate  that 
considerations  of  national  policy  forbid  the  publication  in  full 
of  the  late  President's  final  note  to  General  Weitzel  on  this 
subject,  which  fully  exonerates  that  officer  from  all  blame  or 
censure  in  the  matter. 

It  is  however  most  probable,  as  stated  on  eminent  authority, 
that  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  the  honesty  of  his  intentions  and  the  frank- 
ness of  his  heart,  permitted  himself  to  be  entrapped  where  he 
considered  everything  to  be  fair  and  honorable.  It  will  be  rem- 
embered that  the  proposition  had  been  made  to  him  to  assemble 
"  the  public  and  leading  statesmen  of  Virginia,  without  refer- 
ence to  their  official  station."  This  proposition  was  intended 
and  understood  to  mean  the  assembling  of  the  people  compos- 
ing the  State  Legislature,  though  not  as  an  official  body.  Mr. 


THE  VIRGINIA  LEGISLATURE.  191 

Lincoln,  in  referring  to  it,  spoke  of  the  "  Virginia  Legislature,*' 
doubtless  meaning  thereby  the  unofficial  body  that  had  been 
spoken  of  to  him  ;  and  when  he  sanctioned  the  reassembling  of 
that  body,  he  did  not  intend  that  the  old  rebel  Legislature 
should  be  called  together  as  a  recognized  political  orginaization, 
which  wasattempted  under  the  sanction  gathered  from  his  note. 
When  he  saw  the  literal  interpretation  that  had  been  put  upon 
his  language  by  Campbell  and  others,  he  made  haste  to  revoke 
the  whole  proceedings  and  recall  all  papers  that  had  passed. 

Tt  will  be  readily  apprehended  how  deep  was  the  plot  thus 
working  against  the  late  President.  Had  "  Extra"  Bill}'  Smith 
and  his  Legislature  been  permitted  to  come  back  and  exer- 
cise their  functions  as  executive  and  legislative  authorities  of 
the  State,  it  would  have  amounted  to  a  recognition  of  those 
authorities,  by  which  recognition  would  also  have  been  impli- 
ed not  only  the  disavowal  and  repudiation  of  Governor  Pier- 
point  and  his  government,  hut  also  the  government  of  West 
Virginia,  and,  indeed,  the  whole  State  organization  of  West  Vir- 
ginia ;  for  the  old  Richmond  Virginia  State  government  has 
never  recognized  the  division  of  the  State,  and  was  composed 
of  delegates  from  the  counties  now  included  in  the  State  of 
West  Virginia,  as  well  as  the  other;  counties  of  Virginia  proper. 

If  Mr.  Lincoln's  ideas  may  be  deduced  from  the  arguments 
that  had  been  presented  to  him,  and  upon  which  his  action 
was  based,  his  design  was  to  permit  Extra  Billy  Smith's  Legis. 
lature  to  assemble  in  Richmond  as  a  body  of  citizens,  which, 
being  looked  upon  in  the  South  as  the  ligitimate  government  of 
the  State,  would  have  influence  with  the  citizens  of  the  State 
who  were  absent,  and  probably  exert  some  influence  over  the 
other  States.  It  was  distinctly  understood  that  if  permitted 
to  assemble  this  body  would  pass  a  bill  declaring  null  and  void 
all  acts  previously  passed  in  hostility  to  the  United  States, 
and  also  recalling  all  troops  of  the  State  absent  with  the  South- 
ern armies.  Under  the  popular  Southern  theory  of  State  rights 
such  action  would  have  compelled  respect  and  obedience,  and 
would  at  least  have  withdrawn  the  State  from  the  insurrection. 
It  was  also  understood  that  immediately  on  taking  this  action 


192  THE  VIRGINIA  LEGISLATURE. 

the  Legislature  would  dissolve,  its  members  resign,  and  the 
whole  government  give  way  to  such  other  legal  organization 
as  might  be  substituted.  It  will  be  remembered  that  all  this 
occured  previous  to  Lee's  surrender,  and  when  it  was  of  great 
importance  that  the  Virginia  troops  should  be  withdrawn  from 
the  rebel  armies.  Undoubtedly  the  desire  to  thus  seriously 
weaken  the  rebel  cause  had  great  weight  in  determining  the 
course  pursued  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  while  the  seeming  sincerity  arid 
honesty  of  the  advocates  of  the  course  wholly  shut  from  his 
view  the  tricky  scheme  involved. 

But  the  first  step  of  the  intriguers  in  misconstruing  the  mean- 
ing of  the  President  and  presuming  upon  a  sanction  to  call  to- 
gether the  Legislature  of  the  State  defeated  all  their  projects. 
While  an  honest  man  is  inclined  to  believe  everybody  else 
honest,  a  single  deviation  from  integrity  will  arouse  his  fullest 
indignation  and  operate  to  forever  destroy  all  confidence.  So 
in  this  instance,  Mr.  Lincoln,  when  he  saw  the  trick,  quickly 
applied  the  remedy,  by  revoking  the  sanction  given  and  with- 
drawing every  scrap  of  writing  that  had  passed.  He  could 
have  no  further  conferences  with  such  men. 

Such  was  the  final  effort  of  the  lamented  President  to  restore 
peace  to  the  country.  Fortunately  the  valor  of  our  noble 
troops  rendered  other  efforts  unnecessary,  and  the  war  was 
terminated,  not  by  negotiation  or  compromise,  but  by  the  stern 
4ecision  of  that  arbitrament — the  sword — to  which  the  South 
had  first  appealed. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  WILLIAM  TKCUMSEH  SHERMAN.  IT.  S.  A. 
(Engraved  for  the  History  of  tlip  Plots  and  Crimes.) 


GENERAL   SHERMAN 


AND   HIS 


INCLUDING  HIS  HOLIDAY  MARCHES  THROUGH  GEORGIA 
AND   THE   CAROLINAS. 


WM.  TECUMSEH  SHERMAN  is  of  English  descent ;  his  ancestors,  Puritans, 
left  Dedham,  England,  in  1634.  Arriving  in  America,  the  family  settled 
in  Connecticut.  Roger  Sherman,  one  of  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  who  died  in  1783,  was  of  that  family.  Taylor  Sherman, 
for  many  years  judge  in  Connecticut,  died  in  1815,  leaving  a  widow  and 
three  children,  Charles  R.,  Daniel,  and  Betsy.  Charles  R.  married  Mary 
Hoyt  in  1810,  and  settled  at  Lancaster,  now  the  county  seat  of  Fairfield 
county,  Ohio.  Here  he  commenced  the  practice  of  law,  and  was  finally 
elected  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court  in  1823.  After  serving  in  that  capa- 
city for  near  six  years,  he  was  suddenly  attacked  with  cholera  while  on 
the  bench  in  the  discharge  of  his  official  duties.  He  died  in  June,  1829, 
leaving  a  widow  with  eleven  children. 

Wm.  Tecumseh  was  born  February  8th,  1820,  and  was  named  by  his 
father,  Tecumseh,  in  honor  of  the  Indian  chief  of  that  name,  who  was 
killed,  October  5th,  1813,  at  the  battle  of  the  Thames.  At  the  age  of 
nine  years  his  mother  gave  him  in  charge  of  Thomas  Ewing,  a  lawyer  re- 
siding in  Lancaster.  Mr.  Ewing  was  for  many  years  a  Whig  politician 
of  the  Henry  Clay  school.  After  the  Presidential  election  of  1840,  he  was 
chosen  by  Harrison,  March  5th,  1841,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  When 
young  Sherman  was  about  16  years  of  age,  Mr.  Ewing  having  at  his  dis- 
posal the  appointment  of  a  military  cadet  for  West  Point,  seeing  the  boy 
was  developing  talent  for  that  kind  of  life,  conferred  it  upon  him.  He 
graduated  fifth  in  his  class  at  that  institution  in  June  1840,  and  was  cre- 
ated 2d  Lieutenant  in  the  3d  tf.  S.  Artillery,  and  sent  to  take  part  in  the 
Florida  War.  Although  peace  was  not  made  with  the  Indians  of 

13 


194  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

that  region  until  August  14th,  1843,  yet  he  was  made  1st  Lieu- 
tenant in  November,  1841,  and  sent  to  Fort  Moultrie  on  Sullivan's 
Island  in  Charleston  Harbor.  After  remaining  there  some  time  he  was 
sent  to  California  in  1846  as  a  Frontier  Guard,  and  continued  there  until  the 
close  of  the  Mexican  war  ;  here  he  was  promoted  to  a  Captaincy.  He  now 
became  Captain  Sherman,  and  in  1850,  after  his  return  from  California, 
married  Miss  Ellen  B.  Ewing,  daughter  of  his  benefactor.  He  was  after 
this  connected  with  the  Commissary  Department  of  the  Army,  but  in  1853 
he  resigned  his  commission,  and  retired  to  private  life. 

Mr.  Lucas,  of  St.  Louis,  Mo.  was  now  about  to  establish  a  banking- 
house  in  San  Francisco  under  the  name  of  Lucas,  Turner  &  Co.  He  gave 
the  management  of  this  house  to  Captain  Sherman,  in  the  capacity  of  bank- 
er, miner,  and  lawyer.  He  made  and  lost  a  large  fortune  in  California. 
He  returned  from  the  Pacific  coast  and  purchased  a  160  acre  farm  near 
Topeka,  Kansas,  in  1857.  While  there  he  went  into  partnership  with 
Hugh  Ewing,  Thomas  Ewing,  jr.,  and  Daniel  McCook,  his  two  brother- 
in-laws,  and  McCook.  Their  law  office  was  at  Leavenworth,  and  the 
style  of  the  firm  was  Ewing,  Sherman  &  McCook.  Having  little  taste  for 
the  legal  profession,  he  was  in  1860  offered,  and  accepted,  at  a  yearly  sal- 
ary of  $5000  the  Presidency  of  the  Military  School  of  Louisiana,  situated 
at  Alexandria,  a  town  on  Red  River,  about  350  miles  above  New  Orleans. 

When  he  ascertained  Louisiana  was  preparing  to  secede  from  the  Union 
to  join  the  rebellion,  he  sent  the  following  patriotic  letter  to  its  governor  : 

January  18th,  1861. 
CJov.  THOMAS  0.  MOORE,  Baton  Rouge,  La  : 

Sir,  As  I  occupy  a  quasi  military  position  under  this  State,  I  deem  it 
proper  to  acquaint  you  that  I  accepted  such  position  when  Louisiana  was 
a  State  in  the  Union,  and  when  the  motto  of  the  seminary  was  inserted  in 
marble  over  the  main  door,  By  the  liberality  of  the  general  Government  of 
the  United  States.  The  Union  Esto  Perpetua.  Recent  events  foreshadow  a 
great  change,  and  it  becomes  all  men  to  choose.  If  Louisiana  withdraws 
from  the  Federal  Union  I  prefer  to  maintain  my  allegiance  to  the  old  Con- 
stitution as  long  as  a  fragment  of  it  survives  ;  and  my  longer  stay  here 
would  be  wrong  in  every  sense  of  the  word.  In  that  event  I  beg  you 
will  send  or  appoint  some  authorized  agent  to  take  charge  of  the  arms 
and  munitions  of  war  here,  belonging  to  the  State,  or  direct  me  what  dis- 
position should  be  made  of  them. 

And,  furthermore,  as  President  of  the  Board  of  Supervisors,  I  beg  you 
to  take  immediate  steps  to  relieve  me,  as  Superintendent,  the  moment 
the  State  determines  to  secede,  for  on  no  earthly  account  will  I  do  any 
act  or  think  any  thought  hostile  to  or  in  defiance  of  the  old  Government 
of  the  United  States.  With  great  respect, 

(Signed)        W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


HIS  CHEAT   CAMPAIGNS.  195 

This  letter  was  written  only  eight  days  before  the  State  passed  the 
ordinance  of  secession.  His  resignation  was  accepted,  and  his  patriotic 
devotion  left  him  without  employment.  He  went  immediately  to  St.  Louis, 
Mo.,  where  he  was  engaged  by  Mr.  Lucas,  his  old  banking  friend,  at  a 
yearly  salary  of  $2000  to  act  as  superintendent  of  a  city  railroad.  Duty 
to  his  Government  had  caused  him  to  make  the  pecuniary  sacrifice  of 
$3000  a  year  before  engaging  in  anything  hostile  against  it. 

Patriotism  afterwards  induced  him  to  offer  his  services  and  life,  if  need 
be,  to  put  down  its  enemies.  He  repaired  to  Washington  and  offered 
his  services  to  aid  in  putting  down  treason  and  traitors.  General  McDowell 
gave  him  a  Colonelcy  of  the  13th  Regular  U.  S.  Infantry,  dated  May  14th, 
1861.  He  was  on  the  3d  of  August  same  year  promoted  to  Brigadier 
General  of  Volunteers,  and  sent  into  Kentucky  to  assist  Anderson,  of 
Sumter  fame,  who  then  had  command  of  that  Department.  In  Novem- 
ber, 1862,  with  too  many  troops  to  be  sacrificed,  and  too  few  to  com- 
mence offensive  operations,  he  requested  Secretary  Cameron  who  was  then 
on  a  visit  to  his  headquarters  to  send  him  more  men.  Cameron  enquired  of 
him  how  many  troops  he  thought  it  would  take  to  commence  the  offen- 
sive. Sherman  then  explained  to  him  the  difficulty  of  marching  into 
Tennessee  by  divergent  lines — one  to  Nashville  and  the  other  to  East 
Tennessee — w  ith  forces  largely  outnumbered  by  the  Rebel  armies  con- 
fronting him.  On  one  of  these  lines  he  had  4,300  men  to  meet  an  oppos- 
ing force  of  18,000. 

When  asked  by  Secretary  Cameron  how  many  men  were  needed  for  the 
present  campaign,  he  (Sherman)  replied,  "  Sixty  thousand;  and  before 
you  can  reduce  the  South  to  subjugation  you  must  have  200,000." 

To  this  then  apparently  exorbitant  demand  the  Secretary  refused  to 
comply  ;  and  Sherman  asked  to  be  relieved,  which  Cameron  did,  and  sent 
General  Buell  to  take  charge. 

Sherman  now  went  to  Benton  Barracks  near  St.  Louis,  Mo.  Here, 
sitting  in  the  old  Planter's  House  with  Cullum,  the  plan  of  the  first  cam- 
paign of  Tennessee  was  canvassed  and  decided  on.  Sherman,  in  a 
speech  to  the  people  of  St.  Louis,  says  : 

"  General  Halleck  is  the  author  of  that  first  beginning,  and  I  give  him 
credit  for  it  with  pleasure.  [Cheers.]  Laying  down  his  pencil  upon  the 
map,  he  said,  '  There  is  the  line  and  we  must  take  it.'  The  capture  of 
the  forts  on  the  Tennessee  river  by  the  troops  led  by  Grant  followed. 
[Cheers.]  These  were  the  grand  strategetic  features  of  that  first  move- 
ment, and  it  succeeded  perfectly." 

"  General  Halleck's  plan  went  further — not  to  stop  at  his  first  line,  which 
ran  through  Columbus,  Bowling  Green,  crossing  the  river  at  Henry  and 
Donelson,  but  to  push  on  to  the  second  line,  which  ran  through  Mem- 
phis and  Charleston ;  but  troubles  intervened  at  Nashville,  and  delays 


196  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

followed  ;  opposition  to  the  last  movement  was  made,  and  I  myself  was 
brought  an  actor  on  the  scene." 

General  Grant  was  now  preparing  to  move  on  Fort  Donelson,  and  Sher- 
man was  entrusted  with  superintending  the  forwarding  of  reinforcements 
and  supplies,  being  stationed  at  Paducah,  Kentucky. 

After  the  capture  of  Fort  Donelson,  he  was  put  in  command  of  the  5th 
Division  of  Grant's  army.  And  tinder  the  lead  of  General  C.  F.  Smith  he 
ascended  the  Tennessee  river  to  Pittsburg  Lauding.  Here  and  at  Shiloh, 
the  6th  and  7th  of  April,  1862,  his  coolness  and  bravery  on  the  field  has 
seldom  been  surpassed,  having  had  four  horses  shot  under  him.  He 
could  be  seen  everywhere  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight  with  face  black- 
ened with  powder  and  besmeared  with  blood.  Wounded  himself,  his 
daring  in  these  battles  will  compare  with  Saladin,  or  equal  Arabia's  mad 
prophet  through  the  bloody  conflicts  of  Eastern  war.  With  eyes  full 
of  smoldering  fire,  when  every  one  around  him  was  excited,  he  was  calm 
and  collected.  He  looked  the  perfection  of  everything  human.  The  in- 
carnation ideal  of  the  God  of  War. 

"  In  person,  "  says  Major  Nicholson,  his  aide-de-camp,  "  he  is  nearly 
six  feet  in  height,  with  a  wiry,  muscular,  and  not  ungraceful  frame.  His 
age  is  only  forty-seven  years,  but  his  face  is  furrowed  with  deep  linos. 
indicating  care  and  profound  thought.  With  surprising  rapidity,  how- 
ever, these  strong  lines  disappear  when  he  talks  with  children  and  women. 
His  eyes  are  of  a  dark  brown  color,  and  sharp  and  quick  in  expression. 
His  forehead  is  broad  and  fair,  sloping  gently  at  the  top  of  the  head, 
which  is  covered  with  thick  and  light  brown  hair,  closely  trimmed.  His 
beard  and  moustache,  of  a  sandy  hue,  are  also  closely  cut.  His  consti- 
tution is  iron.  Exposure  to  cold,  rain,  or  burning  heat  seems  to  produco 
no  effect  upon  his  powers  of  endurance  and  strength.  Under  the  most 
harassing  conditions  I  have  never  seen  him  exhibit  symptoms  of  fatigue. 
In  the  field  he  retires  early,  but  at  midnight  he  may  be  found  pacing  i:i 
front  of  his  tent.  He  falls  asleep  as  easily  and  quickly  as  a  little  child — 
by  the  roadside,  upon  the  wet  ground,  on  the  hard  floor,  or  when  a  battle 
rages  near  him.  No  circumstance  of  time  or  place  seems  to  affect  him. 
His  mien  is  never  clumsy  or  common  place  ;  and  when  mounted  upon  re- 
view he  appears  in  every  way  the  great  Soldier  that  he  is." 

General  Halleck  in  his  dispatch  to  the  War  Department  says  :  "  It  is  the 
unanimous  opinion  here  that  Sherman  saved  the  fate  of  the  day  on  the  6th, 
and  contributed  largely  to  the  glorious  victory  of  the  7th."  The  Union 
forces  engaged  in  these  battles  numbered  38,000  men.  Sherman  says  : 
"  Grant  was  there,  and  others  of  us,  all  young  at  that  time,  and  unknown 
men,  but  our  enemy  was  old,  and  Sidney  Johnston,  whom  all  the  officers 
remembered  as  a  power  among  the  old  officers,  high  above  Grant,  myself, 
or  anybody  else,  led  the  enemy  on  that  battle-field,  and  I  almost  wonder 


HIS  GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  197 

how  we  conquered.  But  as  I  remarked,  it  was  a  contest  for  manhood — 
man  to  man — soldier  to  soldier.  We  fought,  and  we  held  our  ground, 
and  therefore  accounted  ourselves  victorious." 

At  General  Halleck's  suggestion  Sherman  was  again  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  Major  General  of  Volunteers,  dated  May  1st,  1862. 

Corinth,  the  junction,  of  the  Mobile,  Ohio,  Charleston  and  Memphis 
railroads,  was  a  very  important  position,  and  the  rebel  authorities  sent 
Beauregard  to  defend  it. 

Although  Sherman  was  yet  in  subordinate  command,  his  division  was 
in  the  advance  ;  and  on  the  17th,  21st,  and  27th  of  May  met  the  rebels  oil 
ths  road  near  Corinth  and  fought  some  desperate  battles.  His  command 
was  fir..t  inside  the  rebel  intrenchments  at  Corinth  on  May  28th,  and  on. 
the  morning  of  the  29th  the  rebels  evacuated  and  fired  the  town. 

Sherman  was  ordered  to  advance  oa  Holly  Springs,  Miss.,  to  take  pos- 
session and  destroy  the  railroad  running  from  Jackson,  Tennessee,  to 
New  Orleans.  After  burning  long  stretches  of  trestle-work  on  the  Missis- 
sippi Central  Railroad,  he  entered  and  took  possession  of  Holly  Springs 
June  20th. 

July  llth,  1862,  General  Halleck  was  ordered  to  Washington  to  the 
high  position  of  Generalissimo.  He  re-organized  the  army,  and  placed 
General  Grant  in  command  of  the  department  of  West  Tennessee.  Mem- 
phis had  surrendered  June  6th;  but  the  region  was  much  infested  with 
guerillas  and  contraband  traders.  General  Grant  sent  Sherman  to  take 
command  of  this  important  position.  He  was  here  placed  in  com- 
mand of  the  15th  army  corps  ;  and  eventually  ordered  to  sail  for  Friars 
Point,  eighteen  miles  below  Helena,  Arkansas,  to  be  in  position  to  coop- 
erate with  the  main  body  of  the  troops  against  Vicksburg  under  General 
Grant,  who  wer.3  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Tallahatchie  River.  In  his  order 
issued  for  the  march,  Sherman  showed  no  mercy  to  speculators.  The 
fleet  consisted  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  steamers,  besides  gun- 
boats. The  General's  headquarters  with  his  staff  was  on  board  the  Forest 
Queen.  On  the  24th  of  December,  1862,  the  fleet  was  at  Milliken's  Bend. 
On  Christmas  day  the  advance  moved  up  the  Yazoo  River,  about  three 
miles  above  that  portion  of  the  stream  called  Old  River.  This  was  the 
position  of  the  right.  The  left  extended  to  within  three  miles  of  Haine's 
Bluff.  Sherman  says  :  "After  the  Tallahatchie  line  was  carried,Vicksburg 
was  the  next  point.  I  went  with  a  small  and  hastily  collected  force,  and 
repeatedly  endeavored  to  make  a  lodgment  on  the  bluff  between  Vicks- 
burg and  Haine's  Bluffs,  while  General  Grant  moved  with  his  main  army 
so  as  to  place  himself  on  the  high  plateau  behind  Vicksburg."  The  bank 
of  the  Yazoo  is  about  thirty  feet  high  at  the  above  place,  covered  with 
an  undergrowth  of  willows,  briers,  thorns,  vines,  and  live  oaks  twined 
together.  It  was  a  difficult  place  to  land  troops,  and  it  was  dark  before 


198  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

all  the  troops  got  ashore.  Advancing  from  this  position  the  right  wing 
of  the  army  of  the  Tennessee  reached  Vickshnrg  on  Saturday  morning, 
December  27th.  Colonel  Murphy,  whom  General  Grant  had  commanded 
to  hold  Holly  Springs,  to  prevent  a  raid  on  his  rear,  had  cowardly  sur- 
rendered the  post  and  prevented  Grant  from  meeting  Sherman  at  the  ap- 
pointed time  and  place.  The  line  of  battle  was  formed  and  Sherman  or- 
dered a  charge  to  be  made  on  the  enemy's  works  which  could  be  seen  on 
the  hillside.  In  the  first  charge  these  hardy  Western  boys  had  driven 
the  rebels  over  a  mile  from  their  original  position.  The  surrender  of 
Holly  Springs  was  yet  unknown  to  General  Sherman,  and  he  was  expect- 
ing to  hear  the  roar  of  General  Grant's  artillery  every  moment.  Sher- 
man remarks  :  "  On  the  very  day  I  had  agreed  to  be  there  I  was  there. 
I  waited  anxiously  for  a  co-operating  force  inland  and  below  us,  but  they 
did  not  come  ;  and  after  I  had  made  the  assault  I  learned  that  the  depot 
at  Holly  Springs  had  been  broken  up,  and  that  General  Grant  had  sent 
me  word  not  to  attempt  it.  But  it  was  too  late.  Nevertheless,  although 
we  were  unable  to  carry  it  at  first,  there  were  other  things  to  be  done." 
The  attack  was  renewed  again  on  Monday,  but  without  success.  The 
strong  natural  position  of  the  enemy,  with  their  well-chosen  and  strongly 
built  fortifications,  and  his  immense  force,  were  obstacles  that  could  not 
be  overcome.  If  Sherman's  men  gained  any  advantage  the  tide  was  im- 
mediately turned  against  them  by  overwhelming  numbers.  General's 
Morgan,  Steel,  Thayer  and  Blair's  divisions,  with  Hoffman's  and  Griffin's 
batteries  drove  the  rebels  from  their  rifle-pits,  but  it  was  found  impos- 
sible to  hold  them  in  the  charge  up  the  hill.  The  Union  army  lost  heavily  ; 
General  Blair  had  1,825  men  in  his  brigade ;  his  loss  was  642  killed, 
wounded,  and  captured. 

The  dead  were  buried  under  a  flag  of  truce,  and  General  Sherman  or- 
dered his  troops  to  re-embark.  About  this  time  General  McClernand  ar- 
rived at  the  scene  of  action.  He  ranked  General  Sherman  about  one 
month  in  the  date  of  his  commission.  He  immediately  ordered  the  with- 
drawal of  the  vessels  from  the  Yazoo  back  again  into  the  Mississippi 
river,  and  changed  the  title  of  the  Army  of  Tennessee  to  Army  of  the 
Mississippi.  General  Sherman  announces  the  change  in  command  in  an 
order  on  board  of  the  Forest  Queen,  dated  at  Milliken's  Bend,  January 
4th,  1863.  He  says  :  "  Ours  was  but  part  of  a  combined  movement  in 
which  others  were  to  assist.  We  were  on  time  ;  unforeseen  contingencies, 
must  have  delayed  the  others.  A  new  commander  is  now  here  to  lead 
you.  He  is  chosen  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  who  is  charged 
by  the  Constitution  to  maintain  and  defend  it,  and  he  has  the  undoubted 
right  to  select  his  own  agents.  I  know  that  all  good  officers  and  sol- 
diers will  give  him  the  same  hearty  support  and.  cheerful  obedience  they 
have  heretofore  given  me." 


HIS   GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  199 

On  the  morning  of  the  9th,  the  fleet  with  all  on  board,  moved  up  the 
Mississippi.  The  White  Cloud  and  City  of  Memphis  carried  the  wounded 
and  sick.  Arkansas  Post,  lying  nearly  north  of  Vicksburg,  was  the  object 
of  the  expedition.  On  January  llth,  1863,  by  the  combined  forces  of 
General  McClernand  and  Admiral  Porter,  the  works  were  stormed,  and 
the  place  captured  at  one  o'clock.  Over  7,000  prisoners  with  all  their 
stores,  animals,  and  munitions  of  war  were  taken. 

General  McClernand  in  changing  the  name  of  the  army  divided  it  into 
two  corps.  One  commanded  by  General  G.  W.  Morgan,  and  the  other 
by  General  Sherman.  The  latter,  although  superseded,  and  somewhat 
chagrined  at  his  previous  un success,  contributed  largely  with  his  corps 
to  secure  the  capture  of  the  Post. 

Sherman  having  command  of  the  15th  corps,  was  sent  with  it  by  Gen- 
eral Grant  to  make  a  feigned  attack  on  Haine's  Bluff  on  the  Yazoo  River. 
Grant  remarks:  "  Sherman,  I  want  you  to  move  upon  Haines'  Bluff  to 
enable  me  to  pass  to  the  next  fort  below — Grand  Gulf."  This  move  was 
made  to  prevent  the  rebel  commander  at  Vicksburg  from  sending  troops 
to  the  assistance  of  Grand  Gulf.  With  ten  steamers,  Sherman  again  moved 
his  men,  April  29th,  from  Milliken's  Bend  up  the  Yazoo  to  Chickasaw 
Bayou,  and  from  there  with  Admiral  Porter  and  his  gun-boats  the  next 
day  the  entire  force  pushed  forward  to  the  port.  Porter  opened  the  bom- 
bardment and  continued  it  four  hours,  fie  then  retired,  and  Sherman  in 
full  view  of  the  rebels  commenced  landing  his  troops.  After  all  had  got 
ashore,  the  naval  force  again  advanced  and  renewed  the  bombardment. 
The  rebels  now  rallied  all  their  available  strength  to  resist  an  assault 
which  they  momentarily  expected.  The  Ruse  was  a  success.  Sherman 
says  :  "  I  did  make  the  feint  on  Haines's  Bluff,  and  by  that  means  Grant 
ran  the  blockade  easily  to  Grand  Gulf,  and  made  a  lodgment  d:>wn  there, 
and  got  his  army  up  on  the  high  plateau  in  the  rear  of  Vicksburg,  while 
the  people  north  wore  beguiled  into  the  belief  that  Sherman  was  again 
repulsed.  But  we  did  not  repose  confidence  in  everybody.  Then  fol- 
lowed the  movement  on  Jackson,  and  the  4th  of  July  placed  us  in  posses- 
sion of  that  great  stronghold,  Vicksburg  ;  and  then,  as  Mr.  Lincoln  said, 
'  the  Mississippi  went  unvesed  to  the  sea.'  '  General  Sherman  with  his 
force  went  from  here  to  Young's  Point,  and  then  to  Hard  Times  on  the 
Mississippi,  distance  about  four  miles  from  Grand  Gulf.  His  column 
reached  Hard  Times  on  the  morning  of  May  6th,  and  on  the  same  even- 
ing commenced  crossing  the  ferry  to  join  General  Grant. 

On  the  12th  of  May,  Sherman  and  McClernand's  forces  fought  the  reb- 
els at  Fourteen  Mile  Creek,  while  General  McPherson  defeated  a  strong 
force  at  Raymond.  From  these  points  all  three  commanders  advanced 
on  and  drove  the  rebel  General  Johnston  out  of  Jackson,  Mississippi. 
McPherson  and  McClernand  turned  their  troops  and  marched  on  Bolton, 


200  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

leaving  Sherman  at  Jackson  from  which  point,  by  order  of  General  Grant 
May  16th,  he  was  instructed  to  make  a  forced  march  of  twenty  miles 
and  join  the  main  force  at  Dal  ton.  Sherman  continued  his  march  to 
Bridgeport,  and  reached  there  by  noon  the  next  day. 

From  this  point,  May  18th,  before  dawn,  he  commenced  his  advance 
on  Vicksburg.  General  Grant  says  of  Sherman's  late  movement :  "His 
demonstration  at  Haine's  Bluff  in  April  to  hold  the  enemy  about  Vicks- 
burg while  the  army  was  securing  a  foothold  east  of  the  Mississippi ; 
his  rapid  marches  to  join  the  army  afterwards  ;  his  management  at  Jack- 
son, Mississippi ,  in  the  first  attack  ;  his  almost  unequaled  march  from  Jack- 
son to  Bridgeport,  and  the  passage  of  the  Black  River  ;  his  securing 
Walnut  Hills  on  the  18th  of  May,  attests  his  great  merit  as  a  soldier." 

The  position  gained  by  Sherman  on  the  llth,  was  of  great  value  in 
making  the  attack  on  Vicksburg.  The  place  being  too  strong  to  be  car- 
ried by  assaxilt,  that  mode  was  abandoned,  and  the  place  had  to  be  ap- 
proached by  a  protracted  siege,  resulting  in  its  capture  July  4th,  1863. 
All  this  time  General  Johnston,  with  a  large  rebel  force,  had  been 
threatening  General  Grant's  rear.  He  immediately  sent  a  message  to 
Sherman  that  he  must  whip  Johnston  fifteen  miles  from  here.  Johnston 
fell  back  upon  Jackson.  Sherman  was  now  put  in  command  of  all  the 
troops  that  was  designated  to  look  after  Johnston,  and  the  day  fixed  by 
General  Grant  to  commence  the  grand  assault  on  Vicksburg  was  July  the 
6th.  Pemberton  having  surrendered  on  the  4th,  left  Sherman  free  to 
move  on  the  6th  against  Johnston,  who  was  preparing  to  make  a  stand 
at  Jackson. 

On  the  llth  of  July,  Sherman's  soldiers  discovered  secreted  in  an  old 
building,  Jeff.  Davis's  library  and  private  correspondence.  Among  the 
latter  were  found  letters  of  sympathy,  encouragement  and  justification 
from  many  Northern  traitors.  A  gold-headed  cane  bearing  the  inscrip- 
tion :  To  Jefferson  Davis,  from  Franklin  Pierce.  These  trophies  were 
found  by  a  foraging  party  in  the  country  a  few  miles  from  Jackson,  where 
Jeff,  had  stored  them  away  for  safety. 

On  the  13th,  midst  a  heavy  fog,  Johnston  made  an  attack  on  Sherman's 
defences,  but  was  repulsed.  On  the  morning  of  the  16th,  the  rebel 
bands  were  discoursing  rebel  airs  on  their  works  in  face  of  our  troops. 
On  the  next  morning  it  was  discovered  that  Johnston  had  sneaked  out, 
leaving  the  town  of  Jackson  in  ruins.  The  15th  army  corps  now  occu- 
pied about  twenty  miles  along  the  Big  Black  River,  for  the  purpose  of 
preventing  raids  from  the  enemy.  Many  of  the  Union  soldiers  died  while 
in  this  unhealthy  region,  amidst  the  sultry  air  and  poisonous  vapors. 
While  encamped  here  Mrs.  Sherman  and  family  came  from  their  Western 
home  to  enjoy  for  a  short  time  the  society  of  their  protector.  In  this 
s  ckly  region  the  child  that  bore  his  father's  name  contracted  a  fever  and 


HIS  GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  201 

died  in  Memphis  on  their  return  home.  He  was  a  promising  boy,  I  err  in 
San  Francisco,  California,  June  8th,  1854,  and  died  in  Memphis,  Tennes- 
see, October  3d,  1863.  A  monument  was  erected  by  the  13th  Ilegimei.t 
of  Regular  United  States  Infantry,  over  his  remains. 

This  was  the  regiment  that  General  McDowell  gave  Sherman  command 
of  in  the  capacity  of  Colonel,  in  1861. 

General  Rosecrans,  who  had  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland, 
•was  struggling  to  hold  the  region  between  Vicksburg  and  Charleston  and 
at  the  battle  of  Chickamauga,  19th  and  20th  September,  had  been  unsuc- 
cessful in  his  encounter  with  Bragg,  and  retreated  to  Chattanooga. 

From  Memphis  to  Chattanooga  the  distance  is  about  309  miles,  and  the 
Memphis  and  Charleston  railroad  connect  them.  Between  the  two  places 
the  Tennessee  and  Elk  rivers  cross  the  country,  many  of  whose  bridges 
were  destroyed  by  the  rebels. 

General  Grant  had  been  put  in  command  of  the  departments  of  the  Ohio , 
of  the  Cumberland,  and  of  the  Tennessee.  General  Thomas  had  succeeded 
Rosecrans  in  the  Department  of  the  Cumberland.  General  Grant  arrived 
at  Chattanooga  October  23d,  1863.  Although  the  rebels  had  assembled 
at  Salem  and  Tuscumbia  to  prevent  Sherman  making  a  juncture  with  Rose- 
crans. At  Colliersville  and  Cane  Creek  battles  were  fought,  after  which 
General  Sherman  organized  at  luka  his  new  command,  and  on  the  its  of 
November,  with  his  army,  crossed  the  Tennessee  and  passed  on  towards 
Elk  river,  here  he  was  forced  to  take  a  circuitous  route  along  the  stream 
by  way  of  Fayetteville,  marking  out  the  route  for  the  different  divisions 
of  his  army,  he  hastened  on  to  Bridgeport,  and  telegraphed  General  Grant 
the  position  of  his  force,  and  on  the  15th  day  of  November  leaving  his 
army  at  Bridgeport,  he  arrived  at  Chattanooga  at  the  headquarters  of 
General  Grant. 

On  the  23d,  three  divisions  unobservedly  had  obtained  a  position  be- 
hind the  hills  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Chickamauga.  The  next  morn- 
ing was  darkened  by  a  drizzling  rain  and  fog.  Before  day  the  pontoon 
bridge  300  feet  long  was  commenced,  and  before  three  o'clock  P.M. 
8000  troops  were  on  the  other  side  at  the  foot  of  Missionary  Ridge.  From 
this  position  they  began  to  ascend  the  hill,  completely  surprising  the  en- 
emy. The  entire  hills  were  studded  with  rebel  works,  towering  to  the 
very  clouds.  So  perfectly  secure  did  Bragg  feel,  that  he  sent  Long- 
street's  entire  corps  to  engage  Burnsid.3  atKnoxville.  On  the  24th,  says 
Grant,  the  whole  northern  extremity  of  Missionary  Ridge  to  near  the  Tun- 
nel was  in  Sherman's  possession.  On  the  morning  of  the  25th  he  was 
again  in  the  saddle.  General  Coarse  was  to  have  the  advance,  and  just 
about  sunrise  his  bugle  sounded,  forward.  Sherman's  force  was  left  on 
the  outer  spur  of  Missionary  Ridge,  with  his  right  abreast  of  the  Tunnel. 
His  position  served  to  draw  the  enemy's  fire  from  the  assaulting  parties 


202  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

on  the  hill.  At  10  A.M.  the  fight  raged  furiously.  General  Coarse  was 
severely  wounded.  Two  brigades  of  reinforcements  were  sent  up,  but 
they  became  so  crowded  that  they  were  compelled  to  fall  away  to  the 
west  of  the  hill.  A  heavy  force  of  the  enemy  now  emerged  from  under 
cover  of  the  thick  undergrowth  on  the  right  and  rear  of  the  supporting 
columns,  which  forced  them  to  fall  back  in  some  confusion  to  the  lower 
edge  of  the  field,  where  they  formed  in  good  order.  General  Coarse,  Col- 
onel Loomis,  and  General  M.  L.  Smith  still  held  the  attacking  column 
proper  up  at  the  crest.  General  Grant  says  they  held  their  position,  al- 
though advanced  to  the  very  rifle-pits,  without  wavering,  when  the  two 
reserved  brigades  fell  back.  Sherman  says,  the  enemy  made  a  show  of 
pursuit,  but  was  caught  in  the  flank  by  a  well-directed  fire  of  one  brig- 
ade, and  forced  to  seek  cover  behind  the  hill.  Sherman  was  attacking 
the  most  northern  and  vital  point  of  the  enemy's  position.  His  stores  were 
at  Chickamauga,  directly  in  Sherman's  rear,  which  kept  them  uneasy  for 
their  safety.  On  this  account  the  enemy  moved  a  large  force  to  dislodge 
him.  Sherman  says  column  after  column  was  streaming  towards  me. 
Grant  kept  his  eye  fixed  on  this  key-point  and  sent  a  division  to  aid,  but 
Sherman  sent  back  word  he  could  hold  with  his  present  force.  Hooker 
had  swept  gallantly  round  the  enemy's  left.  When  Grant  saw  the  main 
effort  of  the  enemy  was  directed  against  Sherman's  centre,  or  Missionary 
Ridge,  he  ordered  General  Thomas  to  strike  their  left  flank.  He  broke 
in  the  centre  of  the  long  line.  They  turned,  but  too  late  ;  while  Thomas 
swept  everything  before  him,  from  ridge  to  ridge.  Bragg  was  over- 
whelmingly defeated,  and  his  routed  demoralized  force  driven  down  into 
the  vallies  of  Georgia.  This  was  on  the  25th  of  November.  The  victory 
of  Chattanooga  was  made  complete. 

General  Sherman  at  four  o'clock,  on  the  morning  of  the  26th,  with  part 
of  General  Howard's  eleventh  corps  was  in  pursuit.  They  came  up  to 
the  enemy's  rear,  and  a  fight  was  commenced  which  lasted  till  darkness 
closed  in.  On  27th,  all  the  armies  of  Hooker  and  Thomas  sharing  in  tha 
pursuit,  marching  and  fighting.  Shqrman  now  sent  Howard  to  destroy 
the  railroad  between  Dal  ton  and  Cleveland.  This  cut  the  communication 
between'  Bragg  and  Longstreet,  and  turned  the  flank  of  the  enemy  who 
were  now  engaging  Hooker  at  Ringgold.  The  enemy  had  now  been 
driven  from  this  part  of  Tennessee.  Sherman  entered  Ringgold  and  met 
General  Grant,  who  ordered  him  to  leisurely  return  with  his  army  back 
to  Chattanooga.  The  next  day  Sherman  tore  up  the  railroad  between 
Graysville  and  Ringgoli  to  the  Georgia  State-line  ;  and  General  Grant 
consented  that  Sherman  might  make  a  circuitous  route  north,  as  far  as 
the  Hiawassee.  This  was  in  the  latter  part  of  November.  Burnside,  who 
was  at  Knoxville,  sent  Grant  an  urgent  appeal  for  re'ief,  stating  that  he 
could  only  hold  out  until  December  3d.  Grant  had  already  ordered 


HIS   GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  203 

Granger  to  push  on  to  the  relief  of  Burnside,  but  the  emergency  was  such 
that  a  more  energetic  commander  was  needed  to  save  Knoxville  from  be- 
ing captured  by  Longstreet.  Grant  gave  this  expedition  in  charge  of 
Sherman,  including  the  troops  under  Granger's  command.  Burnside  had 
about  12000  men  in  the  mountain  town  of  Knoxville,  which  was  about  84 
miles  distant,  and  relief  must  come  to  them  in  three  days.  At  daylight 
the  army  passed  the  Hiawassee  and  marched  to  Athens,  fifteen  miles  on 
the  2d  day  of  December.  They  reached  London,  26  miles  distant.  Here 
they  had  a  fight  with  the  rebel  General  Vaughn,  who  they  found  strongly 
posted,  building  earthworks,  with  artillery.  When  Howard's  infantry 
arrived,  it  was  night,  and  before  morning  Vaughn  had  run  three  locomo- 
tives and  forty-eight  cars  into  the  Tennessee  river,  and  evacuated  the 
position,  leaving  four  guns  and  a  large  quantity  of  provisions.  Sherman 
now  sent  word  to  Colonel  Long,  cavalry  commander,  that  Burnside  must 
know  in  24  hours  of  his  approach.  It  was  yet  a  distance  of  40  miles  to 
Knoxville.  At  daylight  the  cavalry  was  off;  and  the  15th  corps  was 
turned  from  Philadelphia  to  Morgentown  ;  but  here  the  Tennessee  was  too 
deep  to  ford,  and  General  Wilson  constructed  a  bridge  made  partly  from 
the  houses  of  the  late  village  of  Morgentown,  and  by  dark,  December 
4th,  the  bridge  was  down,  and  the  troops  crossing.  Long's  cavalry  had 
reached  Knoxville  on  the  night  of  the  3d,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  5th 
Sherman  received  word  from  Burnside  that  all  was  well.  On  the  same 
evening  a  staff  officer  from  Burnside  rode  up  to  announce  that  Longstreet 
had  raised  the  siege. 

It  was  in  the  early  part  of  1864  General  Sherman  planned  a  new  and  im- 
portant expedition,  the  object  was  nothing  less  than  the  capture  of  Mo- 
bile, Alabama.  In  maturing  his  plans  he  discovered,  by  verging  a  little 
from  a  direct  line  his  army  would  pass  through  the  richest  corn  and  cotton 
fields  of  the  South,  which  were  known  to  be  swarming  with  slaves.  By 
taking  this  course  he  would  not  only  give  the  enemy  a  severe  blow  at  one 
of  his  important  points  of  subsistence,  but  he  would  be  enabled  to  get 
between  Johnston's  army  and  Mobile,  so  as  to  assist  Commodore  Farra- 
gut  in  its  capture,  by  hurling  his  legions  against  it  from  the  land  side. 
Having  matured  his  plans,  by  his  orders  portions  of  the  16th  and  17th  ar- 
my corps,  commanded  respectfully  by  Hurlburt  and  the  gallant  McPher- 
son,  left  Vicksburg  February  3d.  General  W.  S.  Smith  who  was  also  to 
take  part,  was  to  leave  Memphis,  Tennessee,  with  8000  cavalry  two  days 
before,  and  was  commanded  to  join  Sherman  about  150  miles  from  Vicks- 
burg, at  Meridian.  After  crossing  the  Big  Black  Ptiver  and  moving  along 
by  Champion  Hills  and  Clinton,  Sherman  was  met  at  Jackson  by  Hurlburt 
and  McPherson,  who  had  taken  different  roui.es.  Parts  of  his  army  were 
here  united.  And  some  resistance  was  offered  by  the  rebels,  at  Line  Creek  ; 
skirmishing  took  place,  but  the  enemy  fell  back,  while  Sherman  pushed 


204  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

on,  taking  the  towns  of  Quitman  and  Enterprise,  reaching  the  Big  Chunky 
Eiver  and  Meridian,  February  13th. 

It  was  at  this  place  and  time  General  Smith  from  Memphis,  with  8000 
cavalry,  was  commanded  to  join  General  Sherman,  but  instead  of  doing 
BO  he  had  only  left  Memphis  that  day,  February  13th,  and  instead  of  get- 
ting 8000,  he  only  had  procured  3000  cavalry.  With  this  small  force  he 
was  13  days  behind  time,  and  200  miles  distant  away.  This  failure  com- 
pelled Sherman  to  abandon  further  prosecution  of  the  Mobile  part  of  the 
enterprise  ;  and  after  tearing  up  the  Mississippi  Central  Railroad  from 
Jackson  to  Meridian,  and  destroying  the  rebel  machine  shop,  then  in  full 
blast  at  the  latter  place,  and  dispersing  the  rebel  force  stationed  there,  he 
thought  it  hazardous  to  go  further  without  cavalry  and  returned.  Although 
all  was  not  accomplished  anticipated  at  the  outset,  on  account  of  General 
Smith's  failure,  yet  glorious  results  were  achieved  in  liberating  about 
8000  slaves,  who  followed  the  army  on  its  return,  like  the  Exodus  of 
the  Israelites  from  Egypt,  taking  with  them  the  costly  vehicles  and  luxu- 
ries of  their  terror-stricken  masters,  who  fled  at  Sherman's  approach. 
Four  thousand  rebel  prisoners,  thousands  of  horses,  mules,  and  cattle 
were  brought  away,  and  over  $2,000,000  worth  of  rebel  property  de- 
stroyed. The  expedition  returned  to  Vicksburg  with  trifling  loss  ;  (while 
Sherman  went  to  New  Orleans  on  the  gunboat  Diana)  having  been 
absent  about  a  month.  While  at  Meridian,  February  13th,  Sherman  con- 
gratulated his  troops  in  these  words  : 

"  The  General  commanding  conveys  his  congratulations  and  thanks  to 
the  officers  and  men  composing  this  command  for  the  most  successful  ac- 
complishment of  one  of  the  great  problems  of  the  war.  Meridian  the  great 
railway  centre  of  the  southwest  is  now  in  our  possession,  and  by  industry 
and  hard  work  can  be  rendered  useless  to  the  enemy,  and  deprive  him  of 
the  chief  source  of  supply  to  his  armies.  Secrecy  in  plan  and  rapidity 
of  execution  accomplish  the  best  results  of  war  ;  and  the  General  com- 
manding assures  all  that  by  followig  their  leaders  fearlessly  and  with 
confidence,  they  wil1  in  time  reap  the«reward  so  dear  to  us  all — a  peace 
that  will  never  again  be  disturbed  in  our  country  by  a  discontented  mi- 
nority. ' ' 

While  Sherman's  men  were  resting  from  the  "  big  raid,"  as  he  called 
his  Meridian  expedition,  the  President,  in  accordance  with  a  law  previ- 
ously passed  by  Congress,  creating  the  office  of  Lieutenant-General,  con- 
ferred the  honor  of  it  upon  Major-General  Grant.  This  order  dated 
March  12th,  1864. 

First — At  his  own  request,  relieved  General  Halleck,  and  assigned  Gen- 
eral Grant  to  the  command  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States  ;  headquar- 
ters of  the  army  in  Washington.  Grant's  headquarters  in  the  field. 

Second — General  Halleck  is  made  Chief  of  Staff  of  the  army  under  the 


HIS  GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  205 

direction  of  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  Lieutenant-General  command- 
ing, whose  orders  Halleck  was  also  to  respect  and  obey. 

Third, — Assigned  the  command  of  the  military  division  of  the  Missis- 
sippi to  Major -General  W.  T.  Sherman,  composed  of  the  Department  of 
the  Ohio,  the  Cumberland,  the  Tennessee,  and  the  Arkansas. 

Fourth — gave  command  of  the  department  and  army  of  the  Tennessee 
to  Major-General  J.  B.  McPherson. 

General  Sherman  had  now  under  his  command  about  the  1st  of  May, 

1864: 

Army  of  the  Cumberland. — Gen.  Thomas  commanding. 

Infantry, 54,568 

Artillery,         .        .         ...         .         .         .  2,377 

Cavalry, 3,828 

Total,      .         .        .        .        .         .  60,773 

Guns, 130 

Army  of  the  Tennessee. — Maj.  Gen.  McPherson  commanding. 

Infantry, 22,437 

Artillery 1,404 

Cavalry 624 

Total, 24,465 

Guns,         .         .         .        .         •     ,'•;_  96 

Army  of  the  Ohio. — Maj.  Gen.  Schojield  commanding. 

Infantry, 11,183 

Artillery 679 

Cavalry, 1,679 

Total,     .        '.        .         .       ,'i       %;.  13,541 

Guns, .«.;  ,  28 

The-entire  force  numbered  98,779  troops,  and  254  guns. 
On  May  6th  the  armies  were  located  as  follows  :  That  of  the  Cumber- 
land at  or  near  Ringgold,  Georgia  ;  that  of  the  Tennessee  at  Gordon's 
Mill  on  the  Chickamauga ;  and  that  of  the  Ohio  near  Red  Clay  on  the 
Georgia  line  near  Dalton.  This  town  is  situated  on  the  railroad  between 
Chattanooja  and  Atlanta  with  Ringgold  to  the  northwest. 

GENERAL  SHERMAN  ASSUMES  COMMAND  OP  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 

» 

Thus  stood  the  forces  when  Sherman  took  command,  and  around  him 
stood  Generals  McPherson,  Hooker,  Hurlburt,  Thomas,  Logan,  Schofield 
and  Howard.  Sherman  having  been  foiled  in  his  designs  on  Mobile,  by 


206  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

the  failure  of  General  Smith  to  cooperate,  now  that  he  was  invested  with 
supreme  command,  at  first  contemplated  an  advance  on  Richmond  by 
way  of  Lynchburg,  Virginia,  making  Knoxville,  in  East  Tennessee,  his 
base.  Every  military  man  could  see  that  Lynchburg  was  the  key  to  the 
rebel  position  of  the  East.  But  Sherman  saw  that  with  100,000  men  it 
would  be  impossible  to  protect  his  long  line  of  supplies,  most  of  which 
came  from  Louisville,  Kentucky,  and  at  the  same  time  protect  Middle 
Tennessee  from  invasion.  Longstreet,  the  rebel  commander,  who  had 
been  wintering  his  army  in  East  Tennessee,  hearing  General  Schofield  was 
making  preparations  to  move  on  Knoxville,  and  believing  it  only  the  ad- 
vance of  Sherman's  entire  force,  withdrew  from  East  Tennessee  before 
the  campaigning  season  commenced.  Sherman,  therefore,  gave  up  the 
contemplated  Richmond  enterprise  ;  and  as  this  left  Johnston  in  command 
of  the  only  large  rebel  army  in  the  southwest,  he  resolved  to  pursue  him 
into  Georgia. 

The  grand  advance  in  pursuit  of  Johnston  commenced  about  the  7th  of 
May.  He  was  strongly  fortified  at  Buzzard  Roost,  with  his  outpost 
extending  to  Tunnel  Hill.  General  Thomas  drove  the  rebels  from  this 
place  on  the  7th,  and  on  the  llth,  under  the  entire  rebel  fire,  occupied 
Buzzard  Roost.  The  former  is  a  narrow  gorge  or  pass  in  the  Chatoogato 
Mountains,  flanked  on  one  side  by  Rocky  Faced  Ridge  (not  unlike  the 
Palisades  of  the  Hudson  River) ,  and  on  the  other  by  the  greater  but  less 
percipitous  elevation  called  John's  Mountain.  This  gorge  was  com- 
manded on  the  Dalton  side  by  an  ampitheater  of  hills,  which,  as  well  as 
Rocky  Face  and  John's  Mountain,  was  crowned  with  batteries,  lined  with 
infantry,  and  terraced  by  sharp  shooters. 

The  only  pass  through  the  mountain  was  the  railroad  and  wagon  road, 
and  Johnston  had  dammed  a  neighboring  mountain  stream  and  conveyed 
it  into  the  gorge  so  that  the  water  over  the  wagon  and  railroad  track 
was  from  eight  to  ten  feet  deep.  In  addition,  piles  were  driven  down  filling 
the  defile,  which  made  an  additional  barrier.  It  was  so  strong  a  position, 
that  the  rebels  felt  perfectly  secure,  as  they  believed  it  unassailable. 
Fighting  had  commenced  at  Tunnel  Hill,  and  after  two  days  reconnoissance 
and  sharp  skirmishing,  proved  to  General  Sherman  that  an  attack  in  front 
would  be  attended  with  too  great  a  waste  of  life,  he  resolved  that  the  pass 
must  be  turned,  in  looking  about  how  to  do  it,  he  discovered  a  pass 
about  fifteen  miles  to  the  southwest  called  Snake  Creek  Gap.  Rising  on 
one  side  is  Rocky  Face,  with  its  flint  sides,  on  the  other.  Oak  Knob. 
The  deep  dark  forests  concealed  the  movements  of  the  troops  under 
General  Morgan^  and  others  kept  the  rebels  in  constant  dread  of  an 
assault. 

A  corporal  of  Company  I,  sixteenth  Illinois,  broke  from  the  line   (so  | 
says  General  Morgan,)  and  under  cover  of  projecting  ledges,  got  up 


HIS  GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  207 

within  twenty  eet  of  a  squad  of  rebels  on  the  summit.  Taking  shelter 
from  the  sharpshooters,  he  called  out : 

"  I  say  rebs,  don't  you  want  to  hear  Old  Abe's  Amnesty  Proclamation 
read?" 

Yes,  was  the  unanimous  cry,  give  us  the  ape's  Proclamation. 

"  Attention!"  commanded  the  corporal,  and  in  a  loud  clear  voice  he 
read  it;  when  he  arrived  at  that  part  where  the  negro  was  referred  to, 
the  rebs  cried  out,  none  of  your  d — d  abolitionism,  look  out  for  rocks, 
which  they  began  to  shower  down  over  his  hiding  place.  Do  you  want 
to  hear  it  again  cried  the  corporal ;  not  to-day  you  bloody  yank,  now 
crawl  down,  and  we  wont  shoot,  was  the  response. 

General  Howard,  in  an  elevated  position  on  Rocky  Face  Ridge,  seeing  a 
squad  of  rebels  upon  a  projecting  ledge  below.  In  the  absence  of  hand 
grenades,  the  General,  tired  of  gazing  at  them,  lit  the  fuses  of  a  few 
shells  and  dropped  them  down  into  the  center  of  the  group. 

The  flank  movement  had  now  commenced  in  earnest,  led  on  by  Gene- 
ral McPherson  with  the  15th  and  16th  corps,  and  Garrard's  division  of 
cavalry,  supported  by  General  Thomas  with  the  14th  and  20th  corps, 
while  General  Howard  and  Schofield,  with  the  4th  and  23d  corps,  and 
Stoneman's  division  of  cavalry  amused  the  enemy  in  front.  Suddenly 
General  Johnston  discovering  that  his  strong  position  had  been  flanked, 
and  his  means  of  communication  in  danger  of  being  cut  off,  abandoned 
this  Gibraltar  of  the  South,  and  fell  back  upon  Ressaca.  This  town  is 
situated  in  Gordon^County,  Georgia,  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Coosawattee 
River  which  flows  southwest,  changing  its  name  to  the  Oostalantee,  and 
joins  Etowah  at  Rome,  the  two  forming  the  Coosa,  which  joins  the 
Tallapoosa,  forms  the  Alabama,  and  flows  into  the  Gulf  of  Mobile. 
Ressaca  is  due  south,  about  fifty-six  miles  by  railroad  from  Chattanooga, 
and  eighty-two  miles  by  rail  from  Atlanta. 

The  pursuit  continued,  and  for  three  days  the  sound  of  battle  could  be 
heard  among  the  hills,  until  Sherman  on  the  15th  and  IGlh  of  May  defeat- 
ed the  rebels,  capturing  six  trains  going  south  for  supplies  ;  1200  prison- 
ers and  eight  guns,  and  a  large  quantity  of  stores.  The  rebels  in  their 
retreat  from  Ressaca  destroyed  the  railroad  bridge  on  the  Western  and 
Atlanta  Railroad,  600  feet  long. 

From  this  position  Johnston  again  fell  back,  directly  piirsued  by  Gene- 
ral Thomas,  while  McPherson  and  Schofield  took  different  routes.  The 
conflict  raging  both  by  night  and  by  day,  the  darkest  hours  of  midnight 
frequently  lit  up  by  the  flame  of  the  guns.  Over  mountain  and  stream 
the  brave  Union  army  bore  down  on  the  retreating  rebels.  When  near 
Dallas,  while  the  troops  were  engaged  in  slumber,  they  were  awakened 
by  melodious  notes  of  Old  Hundred,  given  forth  by  one  of  the  brigade 
bands  ;  soldiers  employed  in  preparing  their  meals  listened  for  a  mo- 


208  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

ment,  when  all  at  once  the  bands  of  brigade  after  brigade  struck  in  and 
made  the  hills  resound  with  the  music  ;  when  they  ceased  to  reverber- 
ate, five  thousand,  voices  were  raised  in  praise  of  God  from  whom  all  bless- 
ings floiv.  After  breakfast  the  soldiers  of  many  hard  fought  battles 
broke  camp  and  fell  into  line.  General  Thomas'  troops,  with  the  fearless 
Hooker  in  advance,  was  sweeping  towards  Dallas,  when  the  enemy 
crossed  their  path.  The  action  of  New  Hope  Church  came  off  here. 
General  Stoneman  captured  from  the  Third  xexas  Cavalry  a  black  flag 
uith  a  skeleton  figured  upon  it,  together  witu  death's  head  and  cross  bones.  This 
Texas  company  is  said  to  have  carried  this  flag  from  the  first.  Our  boys 
after  this  took  no  prisoners  from  the  Third  Texas  cavalry. 

General  McPherson's  corps  did  the  principal  part  of  the  fighting  at 
Dallas.  The  loss  of  the  rebels  amounted  to  about  5, 500  killed,  wounded 
and  prisoners.  The  month  of  May  had  closed  with  the  battle  at  Dallas. 
The  troops  had  been  pressing  hard  down  on  the  rebel  force,  fighting  and 
marching  from  Chattanooga,  now  about  one  hundred  miles.  It  was  a  her- 
culean task  ;  but  the  glorious  army  of  the  Union  kept  unbroken  ranks.  A 
battle  was  fought  on  the  21st  of  June.  It  is  not  our  province  to  give  all 
the  skirmishes  in  the  running  fight,  but  only  such  as  appeared  directly 
fruitful  of  results.  The  battle  of  the  21st  revealed  the  outposts  of  John- 
ston's new  and  strong  position  at  Lost  Mountain,  Pine  Hill,  and  Kenesaw 
Mountain.  Here  he  was  found  intrenched  on  these  bold  p  :aks  connected 
together  by  a  line  of  ridges  and  his  lines  closely  circumscribed  by  ours. 
No  place  were  they  more  than  a  musket  shot  apart.  This  strong  posi. 
tion  was  only  twenty-six  miles  north  of  Atlanta.  Johnston's  right  rested 
on  Kenesaw  Mountain,  on  the  railroad,  four  miles  north  of  Marietta  ;  his 
left  on  Lost  Mountain,  some  six  miles  west  of  Kenesaw.  Between  these 
two  formidable  ridges  his  forces  had  been  gradually  forced  back  from 
a  triangle  with  the  apex  towards  us,  until  his  line  was  a  faint  crescent, 
his  center  still  being  slightly  advanced  right,  left,  and  center  their  po- 
sition was  closely  invested.  Our  troops  shed  parallel  after  parallel,  un- 
til the  country  in  the  rear  was  furrowed  with'  rifle-pits  and  abatis  and 
scared  with  a  labyrinth  of  roads.  To  add  to  our  difficulties,  this  region 
was  completely  covered  with  primitive  forests,  and  as  incredible  as  it 
seems,  after  two  days'  skirmishing,  we  developed  the  enemy's  position. 

A  country  robbed  of  its  substance  by  its  self-styled  defenders,  unable 
to  even  feed  its  non-combatants  who  depended  upon  the  Union  army  for 
food  which  had  to  be  carried  through  a  hostile  country  over  a  distance 
of  two  hundred  miles  on  a  single-track  railroad.  This  was  the  situation 
when  the  mighty  task  of  dislodging  Johnston's  rebel  army  from  its  last 
strong  position  was  undertaken.  An  officer  writing  from  the  spot  re- 
marks :  "The  ridge  in  front  of  Kenesaw  commences  about  Wallace's 
House  on  the  Burnt  Hickory  and  Marietta  road,  and  extends  thence  across 


HIS  GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  209 

the  railroad  behind  Noonday  Creek  about  two  miles  in  an  east-by-north 
direction.  Lost  Mountain  and  Kenesaw  are  about  eleven  hundred  feet 
high  ;  Pine  Hill  and  Brushy  Hill  about  four  hundred  feet  high,  and  the 
ridges  everywhere  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred  feet,  or 
about  the  same  as,  and,  in  fact,  not  very  dissimilar  to  Missionary  Ridge 
at  Chattanooga.  The  enemy  was  strongly  intrenched  behind  log  barri- 
cades, protected  by  earth  thrown  against  them,  with  a  ditch,  formidable 
abatis,  and  in  many  places  a  chevaux-de-frise  of  sharpened  fence-rails 
besides.  Their  intrenchments  were  well  protected  by  thick  traverses, 
and  at  frequent  intervals  arranged  Avith  emplacements  and  embrasures 
for  field-guns.  The  thickness  of  this  parapet  was  generally  six  to  eight 
feet  at  top  on  the  infantry  line,  and  from  twelve  to  fifteen  feet  thick  at 
the  top,  where  field-guns  were  posted,  or  where  fire  from  our  artillery 
was  anticipated.  The  amount  of  digging  and  intrenching  that  Johnston's 
army  had  done  is  almost  incredible.  General  Sherman's  tactics  resulted 
in  wresting  Lost  Mountain,  Pine  Hill,  the  ridge  in  front  of  Kenesaw,  and 
Brushy  Hill  from  the  enemy,  and  forcing  back  his  two  wings,  Kenesaw 
Mountain  operating  as  a  sort  of  hinge,  until  his  left  was  behind  Olley 's 
Creek,  and  his  right  behind  the  stream  which  flows  between  the  houses 
named  on  the  map  as  McAffe  and  Wiley  Roberts.  Kenesaw  Mountain 
then  became  the  projecting  fortress  of  the  defensive  line,  the  wings  be- 
ing turned  backward  from  it.  It  is  a  rocky  eminence,  rather  precipi- 
tous, thickly  wooded,  and  crowned  with  batteries. 

"  Our  respective  lines  were  about  eight  or  nine  miles  in  length,  from 
six  hundred  to  seven  hundred  yards  distant  from  each  other,  and  strong- 
ly intrenched.  Skirmishing  went  on  incessantly,  and  artillery  duels  oc- 
curred two  or  three  times  daily.  The  enemy  at  different  times  made 
some  dozen  or  more  assaults,  sometimes  getting  within  fifty  yards  of  our 
intrenchments,  but  were  always  repulsed,  and  generally  with  heavy  loss 
to  them.  To  gain  certain  positions,  we  opened  a  heavy  artillery  fire 
upon  their  whole  line,  pressed  their  two  flanks  heavily,  and  made  as- 
saults in  two  places  upon  their  centre.  The  assaults  were  unsuccessful ; 
but  the  Twenty- third  Corps,  upon  their  extreme  -right,  gained  important 
advantages  of  position." 

Wrote  another:  "We  fancy  out  here  that  the  over-expectant  loyal 
public  are  disappointed  at  the  seemingly  slow  progress  of  our  cause  in 
this  department.  It  is  only  necessary  to  state  that  the  immense  amount 
of  supplies  required  for  an  army  of  this  size,  to  be  transported  a  dis- 
tance of  over  two  hundred  miles  through  the  enemy's  country,  with  a 
single-track  railroad,  is  a  gigantic  undertaking.  As  for  subsisting  upon 
the  country, that  is  out  of  the  question,  the  inhabitants  themselves  de- 
pending upon  the  charity  of  the  '  ruthless  invaders'  for  daily  sustenance. 
Forage,  ordnance  stores,  and  commissary  supplies,  must  all  flow  through 

14 


210  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

this  single  artery  with  lightning  rapidity,  if  we  would  replenish  these 
stores  as  fast  as  exhausted.  Nothing  but  the  most  thorough  organiza- 
tion and  complete  system,  with  great  energy  in  the  various  departments, 
could  ever  have  prevented  our  troops  from  suffering  for  the  want  of  food 
and  clothing.  The  public  can  never  appreciate  the  innumerable  natural 
obstacles  that  have  embarassed  the  operations  of  this  unflinching  army. 
The  truly  loyal  do  not  demand  any  such  explanations  as  these,  for  with 
such  leaders  as  Grant  and  Sherman,  apprehension  is  groundless  ;  but  of 
late  the  Copperhead  press,  not  content  with  misrepresenting  and  belit- 
tling General  Grant's  victorious  advance  toward  the  rebel  capital,  sneer 
at  General  Sherman's  generalship,  and  insinuate  already,  in  the  face  of 
brilliant  successes  achieved,  that  the  '  On  to  Atlanta'  movement  is  a 
failure. 

"  Standing  upon  the  martial-crowned  top  of  Pine  Mountain,  amid  the 
fluttering  of  those  peculiar  flags  used  by  the  Signal  Corps,  we  learned 
that  from  this  eminence  were  transmitted,  in  those  mysterious  signals, 
all  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  and  such  operations  of  our  army  as  were 
necessary.  In  front  of  you  stands  the  defiant,  frowning  Kenesaw,  with 
its  thick  woods  concealing  the  rebel  batteries  from  view  that  line  its 
steep  sides,  while  five  or  six  miles  west  of  Kenesaw,  Lost  Mountain  lifts 
its  sugar-loaf  crest  to  the  sky,  solitary  and  alone,  looming  up  against  the 
gorgeously-tinted  clouds  that  deck  the  heavens.  Just  before  you,  look- 
ing south,  can  be  discerned  the  suberbs  of  Marietta,  with  the  Georgia 
Military  Institute  standing  out  prominently  in  the  picture.  Gazing  down 
the  steep  declivity  into  the  thickly-wooded  vales  which  lie  at  the  spec- 
tator's feet,  a  magnificent  panorama  of  natural  beauty  is  unfurled.  So 
close  are  the  lines  of  the  contending  armies,  that  the  dense  volumes  of 
smoke  from  their  camp  fires  roll  up  united,  but  hang  in  portentous  clouds 
over  friend  and  foe. 

"  While  wrapt  in  silent  admiration,  mixed  with  a  deep  sense  of  awe 
at  the  wild  and  romantic  scene  before  me,  the  bands  encamped  in  the 
valley  which  encircles  the  base  of  the  mountain,  struck  up  the  'John 
Brown'  or  *  Glory  Hallelujah  Chorus,'  the  echoes  of  which  vibrated,  re- 
echoed, and,  finally,  as  the  sun's  departing  rays  began  to  fade  from  the 
horizon,  its  pathetic  notes  died  away,  or  mingled  with  the  rattle  of  mus- 
ketry which  flashed  along  our  skirmish  line.  I  can  never  forget  the  pe- 
culiar impression  photographed  upon  my  mind  by  the  swelling  of  this 
historical  anthem  of  Freedom's  first  battle,  as  it  grandly  sailed  over  Pine 
Mountain.  My  reverie  was  soon  disturbed  by  the  sudden  roar  of  many 
batteries  belching  out  their  savage  peals  with  fearful  rapidity  from  both 
sides,  and  for  several  minutes  quite  an  artillery  duel  was  indulged  in, 
interspersed  with  short  rolls  of  musketry.  It  was  curious  to  watch  the 
Tebel  guns,  as  the  smoke  lazily  curled  from  the  cannon's  mouth,  while 
the  solid  shot  whizzed,  and  shells  shrieked  over  our  breastworks." 


HIS  GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  211 

"  Among  the  incidents  of  this  part  of  the  great  campaign  was  a  dress 
parade  of  the  rebels  on  the  top  of  Kenesaw  Mountain.  Our  lines  were 
so  near,  that  the  display  was  distinctly  visible  and  audible.  Below  the 
regiment,  whose  bayonets  gleamed  in  the  rays  of  the  setting  sun,  were 
the  bristling  rifle-pits.  A  courier  suddenly  dashed  up  to  the  adjutant, 
and  handed  him  a  despatch  from  General  Johnston,  announcing  that 
General  Sherman  had  brought  his  army  so  far  south,  that  his  line  of 
supplies  was  longer  than  he  could  hold  ;  that  he  was  too  far  from  his 
base — just  where  their  commanding  general  wished  to  get  him  ;  that  a 
part  of  their  army  would  hold  the  railroad,  thirty  miles  north  of  the 
Etowah  ;  and  that  the  great  railroad  bridge  at  Allatoona  had  been  com- 
pletely destroyed ;  that  in  a  few  days  Sherman  would  be  out  of  supplies, 
because  he  could  bring  no  more  trains  through  by  the  railroad.  They 
were  urged  to  maintain  a  bold  front,  and  in  a  few  days  the  Yankees 
would  be  forced  to  retreat.  Breathless  silence  evinces  the  attention 
which  every  word  of  the  order  receives,  as  the  adjutant  reads.  Cheers 
are  about  to  be  given,  when,  hark !  loud  whistles  from  Sherman's  cars, 
at  Big  Shanty,  interrupt  them.  The  number  of  whistles  increase.  Alla- 
toona, Ackworth,  and  Big  Shanty  depots  resound  with  them.  Supplies 
have  arrived.  The  effect  can  easily  be  imagined.  The  illustration  was 
so  apt,  the  commentary  so  appropriate,  that  it  was  appreciated  at  the 
instant.  'Bully  for  the  base  of  supplies!'  'Bully  for  the  long  line!' 
4  Three  cheers  for  the  big  bridge  !'  '  Here's  your  Yankee  cars!'  'There's 
Sherman's  rations !'  Bedlam  was  loose  along  their  line  for  a  short  time. 

"  There  was  a  tree  in  front  of  General  Herron's  division  of  the  Fifteenth 
Army  Corps,  to  which  was  given  the  name  of  fatal  tree.  Seven  soldiers 
in  succession,  who  hid  behind  it  to  shoot,  were  killed.  Then  a  board 
was  put  on  the  tree,  on  which  was  chalked  'dangerous.'  The  rebels 
soon  shot  this  sign  to  pieces,  when  a  sergeant  took  his  position  there, 
and  in  less  than  two  minutes  two  Minnie  balls  pierced  his  body,  making 
the  eighth  victim  of  rebel  bullets — a  tragical  item  in  war's  dread  work. 

THE  BATLLE  OF  KENESAW  MOUNTAIN. 

General  Hooker  was  on  the  right  and  front,  while  General  Howard  was 
on  the  left  and  front.  June  14th  a  heavy  cannonading  commenced  ;  the 
fire  of  the  artillery  could  be  heard  for  miles.  Bishop  General  Polk,  one 
of  the  main  stays  in  the  rebel  army  fell  in  the  early  part  of  this  engage- 
ment. On  the  same  night  the  rebels  abandoned  Pine  Mountain.  The 
gallant  Thomas  and  Schofield  immediately  advanced,  and  soon  found  the 
foe  strongly  intrenched  along  a  ridge  of  rocky  hills,  running  from  Kene- 
saw to  Lost  Mountain.  General  McPherson  crowded  the  rebel  lines  on 
the  left,  and  on  the  17th,  just  as  General  Sherman  was  about  to  order  a 


212  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

charge  the  enemy  deserted  his  breastworks  that  connected  Lost  with 
Kenesaw  Mountain.  Onward  the  victorious  troops  pursued  until  among 
the  Kenesaw  peaks  they  discovered  the  front  lines  of  the  enemj',  the 
outer  lines  having  fallen  back  to  cover  Marietta  and  the  railroad  to  the 
Chattahoochie,  General  Hooker  led  the  charge  against  this  rebel  strong- 
hold. New  York  and  Illinois  regiments,  here  together,  freely  ehed  their 
patriotic  blood  on  this  mountain  top.  The  27th  Illinois  regiment  suffered 
severely.  Michael  Delaney,  its  color-bearer,  in  advance  of  his  regiment, 
after  being  wounded,  leaped  oa  the  enemy's  breastworks,  holding  aloft 
the  starry  banner  of  his  country.  While  thus  standing  on  the  enemy's 
works,  two  rebels  approached  him  on  each  side  and  thrust  their  bayo- 
nets into  his  already  wounded  body.  While  thus  mortally  wounded,  he 
clasped  the  flag  to  his  breast  and  bore  it  back  in  safety  to  his  comrades, 
where  he  soon  after  bled  to  death.  On  the  night  of  July  2d,  General 
McPherson  threw  his  army  in  a  position  to  threaten  Nickajack  Creek  and 
Turner's  Ferry  across  Chattahoochie.  On  the  morning  of  the  3d,  Kene- 
saw was  abandoned  :  our  skirmishers  could  be  seen  on  the  mountain  top. 
General  Thomas'  whole  line  was  then  moved  forward  to  the  railroad  and 
tunied  south  in  pursuit  of  the  retreating  enemy.  Marietta  was  entered 
at  half  past  eight,  A,  M.,  just  as  the  enemy's  cavalry  evacuated  the 
place.  Johnston  had  thrown  up  intrenchments  across  the  road  at 
Smyrna,  camp-meeting  ground,  five  miles  from  Marietta,  but  from  this 
strong  position  again  falls  back. 

On,  the  4th  of  July  the  entire  line  of  the  enemy's  pits  were  captured. 
The  next  morning  he  had  abandoned  Nickajack  Creek  and  Turner's  Ferry. 
General  Sherman  now  moved  his  army  to  the  Chattahoochie,  General 
Thomas's  left  flank  resting  on  it,  near  Price's  Ferry  ;  General  McPherson's 
right  at  the  mouth  of  Nickajack  ;  and  General  Schofield  in  the  reserve, 
while  the  enemy  lay  behind  a  line  of  unusual  strength,  covering  the  rail- 
road and  pontoon  bridges,  and  beyond  the  Chattahoochie.  From  the 
heights  on  the  banks  of  this  stream  could  be  seen  the  forests  that  surround 
Atlanta ;  the  spires  of  the  churches  and  public  buildings  that  adorned  the 
great  city  are  distinctly  visible.  On  the  4th,  the  curiosity  was  so  great 
to  see  Atlanta,  many  of  the  soldiers  straggled  from  their  regiments  and 
climbed  the  hill-sides  to  get  a  glimpse  at  the  promised  place. 

On  the  10th,  Sherman  held  possession  of  the  country  north  and  west  of 
the  river.  The  rebel  army  was  intrenched  on  the  heights  overlooking 
the  valley  of  Peach  Tree  Creek,  his  right  beyond  the  Augusta  road  to 
the  east,  and  his  left  well  toward  Turner's  Ferry  on  the  Chattahoochie  ; 
general  distance  from  Atlanta  about  four  miles.  The  Richmond  authori- 
ties becoming  disgusted  with  General  Johnston's  habitual  retreating 
which  he  had  continued  from  Dalton  ;  believing  his  policy  created  dis- 
trust in  the  rebel  cause,  Jeff  Davis  removed  him,  and  appointed  General 


HIS  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS.  213 

Hood  to  take  command.  Johnston's  policy  had  been  to  intrench  and 
await  attack ;  but  Hood  now  determined  to  inaugurate  different  tactics, 
that  of  attack,  which  he  boldly  commenced  on  Sherman's  left  wing, 
but  every  effort  of  the  new  general  proved  unavailing,  as  Sherman 
continued  not  only  to  advance,  but  to  close  in  upon  Atlanta ;  his  line,  on 
July  22d,  formed  a  general  circle  of  about  two  miles  radius.  Hood  who 
had  found  that  Sherman  could  not  be  driven  back,  began  to  occupy  a 
line  of  finished  redoubts  which  had  been  prepared  for  more  than  a  year, 
covering  all  the  roads  leading  into  Atlanta.  Sherman  remarks:  <(  We 
found  him  also  busy  in  connecting  these  redoubts  with  curtains  strength- 
ened by  rifle  trenches,  abatis,  and  chevaux-de-frise." 

"  General  McPherson,  who  had  advanced  from  Decatur,  continued  to 
follow  substantially  the  railroad,  with  the  Fifteenth  Corps,  General  Lo- 
gan ;  the  Seventeenth,  General  Blair,  on  its  left;  and  the  Sixteenth, 
General  Dodge,  on  its  right ;  but  as  the  general  advance  of  all  the  armies 
contracted  the  circle,  the  Sixteenth  Corps,  General  Dodge,  was  thrown 
out  of  line  by  the  Fifteenth  connecting  on  the  right  with  General  Scho- 
field  near  the  Howard  House.  General  McPhorson,  the  night  before, 
had  gained  a  hill  to  the  south  and  east  of  the  railroad,  where  the  Seven- 
teenth Corps  had,  after  a  severe  fight,  driven  the  enemy,  and  it  gave 
him  a  most  commanding  position,  within  easy  view  of  the  very  heart  of 
the  city.  He  had  thrown  out  working  parties  to  it,  and  was  making 
preparations  to  occupy  it  in  strength  with  batteries.  The  Sixteenth 
Corps,  General  Dodge,  was  ordered  from  right  to  left  to  occupy  this 
position  and  make  it  a  strong  general'left  flank.  General  Dodge  was 
moving  by  a  diagonal  path,  or  wagon  track,  leading  from  the  Decatur 
road  in  the  direction  of  General  Blair's  left  flank.  General  McPherson 
remained  with  me  until  near  noon,  when  some  reports  reaching  us  that 
indicated  a  movement  of  the  enemy  on  that  flank,  he  mounted  and  rode 
away  with  his  staff.  I  must  here  also  state  that  the  day  before  I  had 
detached  General  Garrard's  cavalry  to  go  to  Covington,  on  the  Augusta 
road,  forty-two  miles  east  of  Atlanta,  and  from  that  point  to  send  detach- 
ments to  break  the  two  important  bridges  across  the  Yellow  and  Ulco- 
fauhatchee  Rivers,  tributaries  of  Ocmulgee,  and  General  McPherson  had 
also  left  his  wagon  train  at  Decatur  under  a  guard  of  three  regime. -ts, 
commanded  by  Colonel,  now  General  Sprague.  Soon  after  General  Mc- 
Pherson left  me  at  the  Howard  House,  as  before  described,  I  heard  the 
sounds  of  musketry  to  our  left  rear — at  first  mere  pattering  shots,  but 
soon  they  grew  in  volume,  accompanied  with  artillery,  and  about  the 
game  time  the  sound  of  guns  was  heard  in  the  direction  of  Decatur.  No 
doubt  could  long  be  entertained  of  the  enemy's  plan  of  action,  which 
was  to  throw  a  superior  force  on  our  left  flank,  while  he  held  us  with 
liis  forts  in  front,  the  only  question  being  as  to  the  amount  of  force  he 


214  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

could  employ  at  that  point.  I  hastily  transmitted  orders  to  all  points  of 
our  centre  and  right  to  press  forward,  and  to  give  full  employment  to 
all  the  enemy  in  his  lines,  and  for  General  Schofield  to  hold  as  large  a 
force  in  reserve  as  possible,  awaiting  developments.  Not  more  than 
half  an  hour  after  General  McPherson  had  left  me,  viz.,  about  12)^  p.  M. 
of  the  22d,  his  adjutant-general,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Clark,  rode  up  and 
reported  that  General  McPherson  was  either  dead,  or  a  prisoner  ;  that  he 
had  ridden  from  me  to  General  Dodge's  column,  moving  as  heretofore  de- 
scribed, and  had  sent  off  nearly  all  his  staff  and  oderlies  on  various  er- 
rands, and  himself  had  passed  into  a  narrow  path  or  road  that  led  to  the  left 
and  rear  of  General  Giles  A.  Smith's  division,  which  was  General  Blair's 
extreme  left ;  that  a  few  minutes  after  he  had  entered  the  woods  a  sharp 
volley  was  heard  in  that  direction,  and  his  horse  had  come  out  riderless, 
having  two  wounds.  The  suddenness  of  this  terrible  calamity  would 
have  overwhelmed  me  with  grief,  but  the  living  demanded  my  whole 
thoughts.  I  instantly  despatched  a  staff  officer  to  General  John  A.  Lo- 
gan, commanding  the  Fifteenth  Corps,  to  tell  him  what  had  happened  ; 
that  he  must  assume  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and 
hold  stubbornly  the  ground  already  chosen. 

^  "  But  among  the  dead  was  Major-General  McPherson,  whose  body  was 
recovered  and  brought  to  me  in  the  heat  of  battle,  and  I  had  it  sent,  in 
charge  of  his  personal  staff,  back  to  Marietta,  on  its  way  to  his  northern 
home.  He  was  a  noble  youth,  of  striking  personal  appearance,  of  the 
highest  professional  capacity,  and  with  a  heart  abounding  in  kindness, 
that  drew  to  him  the  affections  of  all  men.  His  sudden  death  devolved 
the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  on  the  no  less  brave  and 
gallant  General  Logan,  who  nobly  sustained  his  reputation  and  that  of  hia 
veteran  army,  and  avenged  the  death  of  his  comrade  and  commander." 
General  Sherman  in  a  letter  (dated  in  the  field  near  Atlanta,  July  30th, 
1864)  to  a  Massachusetts  State  Agent,  who  had  written  him  from 
Chattanooga,  enquiring  where  in  the  rebel  states  would  be  the  best  to 
organize  colored  troops  ?  Sherman  sarcastically  advises  him  that  it 
would  be  a  waste  of  time  and  money  to  open  rendezvous  in  Northern 
Georgia,  as  he  has  not  seen  an  able  bodied  man  white  or  black,  that  was 
not  in  the  Union  or  rebel  armies.  But  advised  him  to  start  recruiting 
depots  at  Macon,  Georgia,  and  Columbus  Miss. ;  Salem,  Montgomery,  and 
Mobile,  Alabama;  and  Columbus,  Milledgeville,  and  Savannah  Georgia  ; 
the  above  places  were,  at  the  date  of  Sherman  writing,  all  under  rebel 
rule.  He  says: 

"  You  speak  of  the  impression  going  abroad  that  I  am  opposed  to  the 
organization  of  colored  regiments.  My  opinions  are  usually  very  posi- 
tive, and  there  is  no  reason  why  you  should  not  know  them.  Though 
entertaining  profound  reverence  for  our  Congress,  I  do  doubt  their  wis- 
dom in  the  passage  of  this  law  : 


HIS   GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  215 

"  1st.     Because  civilian  agents  about  an  army  are  a  nuisance. 

"  2d.  The  duty  of  citizens  to  fight  for  their  country  is  too  sacred  a  one 
to  be  peddled  off  by  buying  up  the  refuse  of  other  States. 

"  3d.  It  is  unjust  to  the  brave  soldiers  and  volunteers  who  are  fighting, 
as  those  who  compose  this  army  do,  to  place  them  on  a  par  with  the 
class  of  recruits  you  are  after, 

"  4th.  The  negro  is  in  a  transition  state,  and  is  not  the  equal  of  the 
white  man, 

<(  5th.  He  is  liberated  from  his  bondage  by  the  act  of  war  ;  and  the 
armies  in  the  field  are  entitled  to  all  his  assistance  and  labor  and  fighting 
in  addition  to  the  proper  quotas  of  the  States. 

"  6th.  This  bidding  and  bantering  for  recruits,  white  and  black,  has 
delayed  the  reenforcement  of  our  armies  at  the  times  when  such  ree'n- 
forcements  would  have  enabled  us  to  make  our  successes  permanent. 

"  7th.  The  law  is  an  experiment  which,  pending  war,  is  unwise  and 
unsafe,  and  has  delayed  the  universal  draft,  which  I  firmly  believe  will 
become  necessary  to  overcome  the  wide-spread  resistance  offered  us  ; 
and  I  also  believe  the  universal  draft  will  be  wise  and  beneficial ;  for 
under  the  providence  of  God  it  will  separate  the  sheep  from  the  goats, 
and  demonstrate  what  citizens  will  fight  for  their  country,  and  what  will 
only  talk. 

"  No  one  will  infer  from  this  that  I  am  .not  a  friend  to  the  negro,  as 
well  as  the  white  race.  I  contend  that  the  treason  and  rebellion  of  the 
master  freed  the  slave,  and  the  armies  I  have  commanded  have  con- 
ducted to  safe  points  more  negroes  than  those  of  any  general  officer  in 
the  army ;  but  I  prefer  negroes  for  pioneers,  teamsters,  cooks,  and 
servants  ;  others  gradually  to  experiment  in  the  art  of  the  soldier,  begin- 
ning with  the  duties  of  local  garrisons,  such  as  we  had  at  Memphis, 
Yicksburg,  Natchez,  Nashville,  and  Chattanooga  ;  but  I  would  not  draw 
on  the  poor  race  for  too  large  a  proportion  of  its  active,  athletic  young 
men,  for  some  must  remain  to  seek  new  homes  and  provide  for  the  old 
and  young,  the  feeble  and  helpless.  These  are  some  of  my  peculiar 
notions,  but  I  assure  you  they  are  shared  by  a  large  proportion  of  our 
fighting  men. ' ' 

Headley  remarks :  "The  honesty,  directness,  and  philanthrophy  of 
these  views,  will  command  respect  from  those  who  opposed  them,  and 
would  raise  an  army  of  emancipated  Slaves,  With  him  it  was  not  con- 
tempt of  the  negro,  but  the  scorn  of  a  timid,  easy  policy  by  the  North, 
while  exactly  the  opposite  course  was  taken  by  the  South." 

General  Sherman  having  ordered  from  Chattanooga  four  rifled-cannon, 
whose  calibre  was  4^  inches,  on  August  10th  the  work  of  destruction 
commenced.  Night  and  day  these  new  messengers  of  peace  continued 
to  throw  their  globes  of  fire  into  the  very  heart  of  Atlanta,  kindling  con- 


216  GENERAL   SHERMAN   AND 

flagration  on  every  Bide.  This  was  the  strongest  position  that  could  be 
fouud  to  impede  and  check  Sherman's  march  to  the  sea.  Johnston  was 
considered  unequal  to  the  task  of  its  defence.  Thus  Hood,  being  fool- 
hardy, and  reckless  of  human  life,  was  chosen  to  command. 

General  Stoneman,  having  gone  on  a  cavalry  raid  to  tear  up  the  Macon 
railroad,  being  suddenly  captured,  the  rebel  General  Wheeler  appeared 
before  Dalton.  Approaching  the  town  which  was  being  held  by  a  garri- 
son of  400  men  under  Colonel  Seibold,  Wheeler  demanded  its  surrender, 
which  was  refused  :  Seibold  alleging  he  was  placed  there  to  hold,  and 
not  to  surrender  the  place.  General  Steadman  arrived  with  sufficient 
force  from  Chattanooga  in  time  to  prevent  the  little  garrison  from  being 
captured,  and  the  rebels  were  forced  to  retreat. 

Sherman  now  gave  orders  that  the  sick  and  all  surplus  wagons  and  en- 
cumbrances of  every  kind  should  be  sent  back  to  the  intrenched  position 
near  the  river  Bridge.  This  reduced  the  number  of  wagons  to  3000,  and 
ambulances  to  1000  ;  and  on  the  night  of  August  25th  the  army  of  the 
Tennessee  moved  to  the  West  Point  railroad  with  orders  to  spend  one  day 
in  destroying  it.  General  Howard  moved  on  to  the  right  towards  Jones- 
boro.  General  Thomas  had  the  centre,  whose  goal  was  Conch's,  on  the 
Decator  and  Fayettville  road.  General  Schofieid  had  the  extreme  left. 
General  Hood  observing  Sherman  sending  his  long  wagon  train  to  the 
rear,  thought  it  an  indication  of  a  retreat,  and  began  to  grow  merry.  By 
this  strategy  Sherman  divided  the  rebel  forces  at  Jonesboro  and  Atlanta, 
placing  the  Union  army  like  a  wedge  between  them. 

"  During  the  night  of  the  28th,  the  rest  of  the  army  being  well  under 
way,  the  Twenty-Third  Corps  withdrew  and  followed  the  general  move- 
ment toward  the  Macon  road  ;  General  ScLofield  timing  his  movements, 
with  the  corps  further  on  the  left,  which  had  the  longer  arc  of  the  circle  to 
traverse.  The  general  line  of  march  for  the  Twenty-Third  corps  was. 
toward  the  junction  of  the  two  railroads  at  East  Poi;;t,  the  Third  division, 
under  General  Cox,  holding  the  advance,  and  with  the  Second  Division, 
under  General  Hascall,  occasionally  erecting  temporary  works  to  guard 
against  threatened  attacks  from  the  enemy,  who  were  on  the  alert  against 
this  demonstration.  On  the  31st,  these  two  divisions  effected  a  junction 
with  General  Stanley,  of  the  Fourth  Corps.  General  Hascall's  division 
went  into  position  to  guard  the  left  towards  East  Point,  and  General  Cox 
pushed  forward  toward  the  Macon  road,  which  was  reached  by  two  01 
three  o'clock  P.M.,  General  Stanley,  of  the  Fourth  Corps,  striking  at  about 
the  same  time.  The  troops  of  these  two  corps  at  once  set  to  work  for- 
tifying, while  details  were  sent  out,  which  destroyed  the  track  for  miles. 
No  opposition  was  encountered,  and  by  dark  strong  works  had  been 
thrown  up,  facing  east  and  south,  the  work  of  destruction  on  the  rail- 
road being  continued  through  the  night.  On  the  morning  of  the  1st  of 


HIS  GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  217 

September,  Newton's  and  Kimball's  divisions  were  marching  along  the 
line  of  the  railroad  the  length  of  a  brigade  front,  and  at  a  given  signal 
the  ties  and  rails  were  lifted  from  their  bed,  piled  up  and  burnt.  Thus 
a  mile  and  a  half  was  turned  up  and  destroyed  in  half  an  hour.  An  ad- 
vance of  another  mile  and  a  half  was  then  made  down  the  road,  and  the 
operation  repeated.  Thus  alternately  marching  and  destroying  the  road, 
the  two  divisions  marched  a  distance  of  ten  miles,  to  within  two  miles  of 
Jonesboro',  where  they  formed  a  junction  with  the  Fourteenth  Corps. 
Soon  after  the  Twenty-third  corps,  which  followed  the  Fourth,  came  into 
position  on  its  left.  Further  to  the  left  was  the  army  of  Tennessee. 

"  Previous  to  this  the  enemy  had  discovered  the  direction  of  General 
Sherman's  march,  and  two  corps  under  Hardee  had  been  sent  to  confront 
him  at  Jonesboro',  Hood  meanwhile  remaining  for  the  defence  of  Atlanta. 
During  the  night  of  August  30th  the  march  of  a  rebel  column  was  heard 
on  our  left  and  centre,  and  in  the  morning  two  corps  were  found  massed 
on  our  right.  At  daybreak,  the  Second  brigade  of  Hazen's  division  of 
the  Fifteenth  Corps  advanced,  and  drove  the  enemy  from  a  hill,  which 
gave  our  artillery  command  at  Jonesboro',  and  the  railroad  less  than  one 
half  mile  distant  This  success  was  immediately  followed  up  by  the  re- 
enforcement  of  the  brigade  holding  the  hill,  by  a  brigade  from  Osterhaus' 
division.  Toward  three  P.M.  the  enemy  appeared  in  front  of  Hazen's 
position,  Lee's  corps  advancing  to  the  assault  through  a  field  of  corn, 
while  Hardee's  Corps  attempted  a  flanking  movement  on  the  right,  which 
was  checked  by  Harrow's  division.  Both  divisions  were  soon  engaged  in 
checking  the  desperate  and  determined  assault  with  which  the  enemy 
sought  to  overwhelm  them.  The  rebels  were  driven  back,  only  to  rally 
again  and  again  for  the  assault,  until  after  two  hours  of  desperate  fighting 
they  were  finally  repulsed.  They  had  fortunately  struck  a  position  which 
we  held  too  strongly  to  be  easily  dislodged.  A  rcenforcemeut  of  two  regi- 
men,ts  was  sent  during  the  attack,  by  General  Howard  to  General  Wood, 
and  a  brigade  of  the  Seventeenth  corps,  Colonel  Bryant's,  to  General 
Hazen.  Failing  in  this  assault,  Cleburne's  rebel  division  marched  to  our 
extreme  right,  and  assaulted  Kilpatrick,  who  held  the  bridge  on  Flint 
River.  General  Kilpatrick  succeeded,  however,  in  holding  his  position 
until  relieved  by  General  Giles  B.  Smith's  division. 

"  During  the  night  Hardee  despatched  Lee's  corps  to  look  after  the 
safety  of  Atlanta,  so  that  but  a  single  rebel  corps  was  found  opposed  to 
our  army  on  the  morning  of  September  1st.  This  corps  lay  in  position 
in  front  of  Jonesboro',  with  their  right  resting  on  the  railroad.  Having 
failed  in  the  assault  with  which  they  hoped  to  drive  back  our  army,  they 
were  prepared  to  resist  its  further  advance  in  the  best  position  they 
could  secure.  They  had  a  large  number  of  guns  in  position,  which  did 
effective  service  during  the  day.  Late  in  the  afternoon  General  Davis 


218  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

formed  his  troops  for  a  charge  upon  the  enemy's  position ;  Brigadier 
General  Carlin's  division  on  the  left,  and  Brigadier  General  Morgan,  join- 
ing Fifteenth  Corps  on  the  right,  General  Baird  being  in  reserve.  The 
line  was  formed  in  the  arc  of  a  circle  on  the  edge  of  the  woods,  the  two 
flanks  thrown  forward  overlapping  the  enemy,  who  held  a  position  on 
some  commanding  ridges  in  front,  covering  Jonesboro'.  In  the  face  of 
a  deadly  fire  of  musketry,  shell,  and  canister,  the  gallant  Fourteenth 
Corps  charged  the  rebel  position,  driving  them  from  their  breastworks 
and  capturing  many  prisoners,  including  Brigadier  General  Govan,  sev- 
eral colonels  and  other  commissioned  officers.  Eight  guns  were  also 
taken,  among  them  part  of  Loomis's  battery  captured  at  Chickamauga. 
The  troops  captured  belonged  to  tha  fighting  division  of  Cleburne.  The 
approach  of  night  prevented  pursuit  of  the  broken  columns  of  the  rebels, 
who  escaped  under  cover  of  the  darkness. 

"  At  daybreak  on  the  2d,  the  Fourth  and  Twenty-third  Corps  advanced 
in  pursuit  of  the  retreating  rebels,  who  came  to  bay  near  Lovejoy's  Sta- 
tion, six  miles  beyond  Jonesboro',  toward  Macon,  taking  position  on  a 
wooded  ridge  behind  a  swamp  bordering  a  creek.  Some  skirmishing 
was  had  with  the  enemy's  first  line  until  night — which  was  spent  by  our 
troops  in  intrenching.  The  enemy  being  found  in  strong  position,  and 
his  retreat  being  assured,  no  further  advance  was  attempted. 

"  Meatime  Atlanta  was  alive  with  excitement.  Despair  had  succeeded 
confidence  as  it  became  known  that  Hardee  had  been  driven  from  Jones- 
boro' south,  while  Hood  was  left  in  Atlanta  with  his  communications 
severed,  and  our  army  threatening  both  from  the  north  and  the  south. 
Early  on  Thursday,  September  1st,  the  removal  of  supplies  and  ammuni- 
tion commenced,  and  was  continued  through  the  day.  Large  quantities 
of  provisions  that  could  not  be  removed  were  distributed  to  the  citizens  ; 
the  storehouses  at  the  same  time  being  thrown  open  to  the  troops  as 
they  passed  through  the  city.  The  rolling  stock  of  the  railroad,  consist- 
ing of  about  one  hundred  cars,  and  six  engines,  was  gathered  together 
and  destroyed.  The  cars  were  laden  with  the  surplus  ammunition  taken 
out  on  the  Augusta  Railroad,  and  set  on  fire  and  blown  up,  making  the 
earth  tremble  with  the  explosion.  Over  one  thousand  bales  of  cotton 
were  also  given  to  the  torch.  The  scene  of  confusion  and  excitement 
among-  the  town  people  when  it  became  evident  that  the  city  was  to  be 
evacuated,  is  beyond  description.  Every  possible  and  impossible  vehi- 
cle was  brought  into  requisition  to  carry  away  the  effects  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, who,  in  sorrowful  procession,  took  up  their  line  of  march  toward 
the  South.  For  the  third  time  the  peripatetic  Memphis  Appeal  was  orx 
the  wing,  its  editor  reporting  himself  at  this  time  '  thoroughly  demor- 
alized.' From  the  shanties  and  cellars  of  the  city  swarmed  out  the  lower 
classes  of  the  population  to  seize  what  they  could  fr  _>in  the  general  wreck. 


HIS  GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  219 

The  explosion  of  ammunition  was  heard  by  General  Slocum,  of  the  Twen- 
tieth Corps,  seven  miles  distant.  Suspecting  the  cause,  he  sent  out  a 
heavy  column  to  reconnoitre  at  daybreak  on  the  morning  of  the  2d  in- 
stant. They  met  with  no  opposition,  and  pushed  forward  on  the  roads 
leading  into  Atlanta  from  the  north  and  northwest.  Arriving  near  the 
city,  they  were  met  by  the  mayor,  Mr.  Calhoun,  who  formally  surren- 
dered the  city.  The  formalities  disposed  of,  our  troops  entered  Atlanta 
with  banners  flying  and  music  playing,  the  inhabitants  looking  on  in  si- 
lence. General  Slocum  established  his  headquarters  at  the  Trout  House, 
the  principal  hotel  of  the  city.  Eleven  heavy  guns,  mostly  sixty-six 
pounders,  were  found  in  the  forts  of  the  city,  and  others  were  subse- 
quently discovered  buried  in  fictitious  graves.  About  three  thousand 
muskets,  in  good  order,  and  three  locomotives  were  also  secured,  besides 
large  quantities  of  manufactured  tobacco.  About  two  hundred  rebel 
stragglers  were  gathered  up  by  the  Second  Massachusetts,  which  was 
detailed  for  provost  duty,  its  colonel,  Coggswell,  being  appointed  pro- 
vost marshal.  But  a  small  proportion  of  the  inhabitants  remained  in  the 
city,  and  these  principally  of  the  lower  classes,  and  tradesmen  who  pro- 
posed to  make  an  honest  penny  out  of  the  army.  Their  hopes  were 
speedily  cut  short  by  a  peremptory  order  from  General  Sherman  ordering 
all  civilians  from  the  city." 

In  looking  back  upon  this  campaign,  a  very  remarkable  feature  of  it 
was  the  protection  of  his  line  of  communication  :  "  It  was  not  a  little  pre- 
carious, and  more  than  once  aroused  the  anxiety  of  the  nation.  It  might 
well  occasion  solicitude.  His  base  was,  in  one  sense,  not  at  Chattanooga, 
but  at  Nashville  ;  with  the  former  point  as  a  secondary  base.  Accord- 
ingly, the  enemy  bent  his  efforts  not  only  to  breaking  the  railroad  between 
Atlanta  and  Ringgold ,  striking  it  at  Dal  ton  and  Calhoun,  but  also  to  raiding 
on  the  road  from  Chattanooga  back  to  Nashville.  From  Atlanta  to  Chat- 
tanoogo  the  railroad  is  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  miles  long  ;  from 
Chattanooga  to  Nashville  only  a  little  less.  With  this  line  of  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles,  stretched  clear  across  the  great  Alleghany  chain 
from  flank  to  flank,  in  a  disputed  country,  filled  with  guerillas  and  hos- 
tile inhabitants,  with  myriads  of  nooks  and  eyries  in  the  mountain  regions, 
apt  for  the  assemblage  and  protection  of  marauding  bands,  with  that  at- 
tenuated line  infested  by  many  squadrons  of  the  best  cavalry  of  the  Con- 
federacy, long  accustomed  to  be  victorious  everywhere — cavalry  who 
had  devastated  almost  with  impunity  the  broad  States  of  Kentucky  and 
Tennessee,  again  arid  again,  under  such  bold  and  skilful  leaders  as  John 
Morgan,  Forrest,  Wheeler,  Stephen  Lee,  llhoddy,  and  Chalmers — in  spite 
of  all,  for  four  eventful  months,  through  victory  and  repulse,  in  ac- 
tion and  repose  alike,  Sherman  has  been  able  to  keep  his  lines  strong  and 
clear. 


220  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

"While  all  the  Southern  newspapers,  and  many  Southern  generals,  and 
while  even  English  journals  of  great  ability  were  proving  by  all  the  laws 
of  logic  and  strategy  that  Sherman  must  now  retreat,  Sherman  did  not  re- 
treat. At  the  very  moment,  indeed,  when  the  exultation  of  the  Confed- 
erates was  the  highest  at  the  absolute  certainty  of  his  downfall,  Sherman 
pushed  on  and  took  Atlanta,  ending  logic  and  campaign  both  at  once." 

"  Atlanta  is  ours,  and  fairly  won,"  is  the  sublime  languige  of  General 
Sherman. 

This  glorious  writing  sent  a  thrill  of  joy  through  the  heart  of  the  na- 
tion. Mr.  Lincoln  ibsued  the  following  : 

"  EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  September  3. 

"  The  National  thanks  are  tendered  by  the  President  to  Major  General 
William  T.  Sherman,  and  the  gallant  officers  and  soldiers  of  his  command 
before  Atlanta,  for  the  distinguished  ability,  courage  and  perseverance 
displayed  in  the  campaign  in  Georgia,  which,  under  Divine  favor,  have 
resulted  in  the  capture  of  the  city  of  Atlanta. 

"  The  marches,  battles,  sieges,  and  other  military  operations  that  have 
signalized  this  Campaign,  must  render  it  famous  in  the  annals  of  war,  and 
entitle  those  who  have  participated  therein  to  the  applause  and  thanks 
of  the  Nation.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN." 

"  CITY  POINT,  Va.,  September  4 — 9  p.  M. 
"  Major  General  SHERMAN  : 

I  have  just  received  your  dispatch  announcing  the  capture  of  Atlanta. 
In  honor  of  your  great  victory  I  have  just  ordered  a  salute  to  be  fired 
with  shotted  guns  from  every  battery  bearing  upon  the  enemy.  The  sa- 
lute will  be  fired  within  an  hour,  amidst  great  rejoicing. 

U.  S.  GRANT,  Lieutenant  General." 

"  HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OP  MISSISSIPPI,  ) 
IN  THE  FIELD,  ATLANTA,  GA.,  Sept.  8,  1864.        ) 

"  The  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Armies  of  the  Cumberland,  Ohio,  and 
the  Tennessee,  have  already  received  the  thanks  of  the  Nation,  through 
the  President  and  Commander-in-Chief,  and  it  now  remains  only  for  him 
who  has  been  with  you  from  the  beginning,  and  who  intends  to  stay  all 
the  time,  to  thank  the  officers  and  men  for  their  intelligence,  fidelity,  and 
courage  displayed  in  the  campaign  of  Atlanta. 

"  On  the  1st  of  May  our  armies  were  lying  in  garrison,  seemingly  quiet 
from  Knoxville  to  Hunts ville,  and  our  enemy  lay  behind  his  rocky-faced 
barrier  at  Dalton,  proud,  defiant,  and  exulting.  He  had  had  time  since 
Christmas  to  recover  from  his  discomfiture  on  the  Mission  Ridge,  with 
his  ranks  filled,  and  a  new  commandcr-in-chief,  second  to  none  of  the 


HIS  GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  221 

Confederacy  in  reputation  for  skill,  sagacity,  and  extreme  popularity. 
All  at  once  our  armies  assumed  life  and  action,  and  appeared  before  Dai- 
ton  ;  threatening  Rockey  Face  we  threw  ourselves  upon  Resaca,  and  the 
rebel  army  only  escaped  by  the  rapidity  of  its  retreat,  aided  by  the  nu- 
merous roads  with  which  he  was  familiar,  and  which  were  strange  to  us. 
Again  he  took  position  in  Allatoona,  but  we  gave  him  no  rest,  and  by  a 
circuit  toward  Dallas  and  subsequent  movement  to  Ackworth,  we  gained 
the  Allatoona  Pass.  Then  followed  the  eventful  battles  about  Kenesaw, 
and  the  escape  of  the  enemy  across  Chattahoochie  River. 

"  The  crossing  of  the  Chattahoochie  and  breaking  of  the  Augusta  road 
was  most  handsomely  executed  by  us,  and  will  be  studied  as  an  example 
in  the  art  of  war.  At  this  stage  of  our  game  our  enem'.es  became  dissat- 
isfied with  their  old  and  skilful  commander,  and  selected  one  more  bold 
and  rash.  New  tactics  were  adopted.  Hood  first  boldly  and  rapidly,  on  the 
20th  of  July,  fell  on  our  right  at  Peach  Tree  Creek,  and  lost.  Again,  on 
the  22d,  he  struck  our  extreme  left,  and  was  severely  punished  ;  and  fi- 
nally, again  on  the  28th  he  repeated  the  attempt  on  our  right,  and  that 
time  must  have  been  satisfied  ;  for  since  that  date  he  has  remained  on 
the  defensive.  We  slowly  and  gradually  drew  our  lines  about  Atlanta, 
feeling  for  the  railroads  which  supplied  the  rebel  army,  and  made  Atlanta 
a  place  of  importance.  We  must  concede  to  our  enemy  that  he  met 
these  efforts  patiently  and  skilfully,  but  at  last  he  made  the  mistake  we 
had  waited  for  so  long,  and  sent  his  cavalry  to  our  rear,  far  beyond  the 
reach  of  recall.  Instantly  our  cavalry  was  on  his  only  remaining  road, 
and  we  followed  quickly  with  our  principal  army,  and  Atlanta  fell  into 
our  possession  as  the  fruit  of  well-concerted  measures,  backed  by  a  brave 
and  confident  army.  This  completed  the  grand  task  which  had  been  as- 
signed us  by  our  Government,  and  your  general  again  repeats  his  per- 
sonal and  official  thanks  to  all  the  officers  and.  men  composing  this  army, 
for  the  indomitable  courage  and  perseverance  which  alone  could  give 
success. 

"  We  have  beaten  our  enemy  on  every  ground  he  has  chosen,  and  have 
wrested  from  him  his  own  Gate  City,  where  were  located  his  foun- 
dries, arsenals,  and  workshops,  deemed  secure  on  account  of  their  dis- 
tance from  our  base,  and  the  seemingly  impregnable  obstacles  interven- 
ing. Nothing  is  impossible  to  an  army  like  this,  determined  to  vindicate 
a  Government  which  has  rights,  wherever  our  flag  has  once  floated,  and 
is  resolved  to  maintain  them  at  any  and  all  costs. 

"  In  our  campaign  many,  yea,  very  many  of  our  noble  and  gallant  com- 
rades have  preceded  us  to  our  common  destination —  the  grave  ;  but  they 
have  left  the  memory  of  deeds  on  which  a  nation  can  build  a  proud  his- 
tory. McPherson,  Barker,  McCook,  and  others  dear  to  us  all,  are  now 
the  binding  links  in  our  minds  that  should  attach  more  closely  together 


222  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

the  living,  who  have  to  complete  the  task  which  still  lies  before  us  in  the 
dim  future.  I  ask  all  to  continue  as  they  have  so  well  begun,  the  culti- 
vation of  the  soldierly  virtues  that  have  ennobled  our  own  and  other  coun- 
tries. Courage,  patience,  obedience  to  the  laws  and  constituted  author- 
ities of  our  Government ;  fidelity  to  our  trusts  and  good  feeling  among 
each  other  ;  each  trying  to  excel  the  other  in  the  practice  of  those  high 
qualities,  and  it  will  then  require  no  prophet  to  foretell  that  our  country 
will  in  time  emerge  from  this  war  purified  by  the  fires  of  war,  and  worthy 
its  great  founder — Washington.  W.  T.  SHERMAN, 

"  Major  General  Commanding." 

The  congratulations  of  the  heroic,  devoutly  Christian  General  Howard, 
who  is  equally  at  home  in  the  Sabbath-school  and  in  the  smoke  of  battle, 
will  add  to  the  interest  of  the  records  of  this  eventful  time  : 

"  It  is  with  pride,  gratification  and  a  sense  of  Divine  favor,  that  I  con. 
gratulate  this  noble  army  upon  the  successful  termination  of  the  campaign. 

"  Your  officers  claim  for  you  a  wonderful  record — for  example,  a  march 
of  four  hundred  miles,  thirteen  distinct  engagements,  four  thousand  pris- 
oners, and  twenty  stands  of  colors  captured,  and  three  thousand  of  the 
enemy's  dead  buried  in  your  front. 

"  Your  movements  upon  the  enemy's  flank  have  been  bold  and  suc- 
cessful ;  first  upon  Resaca,  second  upon  Dallas,  third  upon  Kene saw, fourth 
upon  Nickajack,  fifth,  via  Roswell,  upon  the  Augusta  Railroad,  sixth 
upon  '  Ezra  Church,'  to  the  southwest  of  Atlanta,  and  seventh  upon  Jones- 
boro'  and  the  Macon  Railroad.  Atlanta  was  evacuated  while  you  were 
fighting  at  Jonesboro'. 

"  The  country  may  never  know  with  what  patience,  labor,  and  expo- 
sure you  have  tugged  away  at  every  natural  and  artificial  obstacle  that  an 
enterprising  and  confident  enemy  could  interpose.  The  terrific  battles 
you  have  fought  may  never  be  realized  or  credited  ;  still  a  glad  acclaim 
is  already  greeting  you  from  the  Government  and  people,  in  view  of  the 
results  you  have  helped  to  gain  ;  and  I  believe  a  sense  of  the  magnitude 
of  the  achievements  of  the  last  hundred  days  will  not  abate,  but  increase 
with  time  and  history. 

"  Ourrejoicing  is  tempered,  as  it  always  must  be,  by  the  soldier's  sor- 
row at  the  loss  of  his  companions  in  arms.  On  every  hillside,  in  every 
valley  throughout  your  long  and  circuitous  route,  from  Dalton  to  Jones- 
boro', you  have  buried  them. 

"  Your  trusted  and  beloved  commander  fell  in  your  midst ;  his  name — 
the  name  of  McPherson,  carries  with  it  a  peculiar  feeling  of  sorrow.  I 
trust  the  impress  of  his  character  is  upon  you  all,  to  incite  you  to  gener- 
ous actions  and  noble  deeds. 

"To  mourning  friends,  and  to  all  the  disabled  in  battle,  you  extend  a 
soldier's  sympathy. 


HIS  GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  223 

"  My  first  intimate  acquaintance  with  you  date^  from  the  28th  of  July. 
I  never  beheld  fiercer  assaults  than  the  enemy  then  made,  arid  I  never 
saw  troops  more  steady  and  self-possessed  in  action  than  your  divisions 
which  were  then  engaged. 

"  1  have  learned  that  for  cheerfulness,  obedience,  rapidity  of  move- 
ment and  confidence  in  battle,  the  army  of  the  Tennessee  is  not  to  be  sur- 
passed, and  it  shall  be  my  study  that  your  fair  record  shall  continue,  and 
my  purpose  to  assist  you  to  move  steadily  forward,  and  plant  the  old  flag 
in  every  proud  city  of  the  rebellion. 

"  (Signed)  0.  0.  HOWARD,  Major  General. 

"  Official:  SAMUEL  L.  TAGQAKT,  A.-A.-G." 

Necessity,  as  Sherman  paced  the  piazza  of  that  house  in  Atlanta,  utterly 
abstracted  in  thought,  brought  out  the  genius  of  the  man.  To  him  be- 
longs the  credit,  not  only  of  the  execution,  but  the  conception  of  his  great 
and  triumphal  journey  to  the  coast.  He  gave  a  synopsis  of  his  plans  to 
Lieutenant-General  Grant  and  the  War  department,  and  they  sanctioned 
the  enterprise.  Being  largely  reinforced  by  the  draft  he  sent  the 
4th  and  23d  corps  to  General  Thomas,  in  whose  hands  he  had  entrusted 
the  Chattanooga  and  Nashville  line,  as  a  nucleus  of  a  newarrny  ;  his  ob- 
ject was  to  leave  a  sufficient  force  under  an  able  commander  to  take 
charge  of  Hood,  who  had  for  months  been  hovering  around  Atlanta  with 
a  view  of  cutting  off  Sherman's  supplies,  and  was  now  preparing  to 
advance  on  Nashville.  Of  this  last  movement  General  Sherman  was 
accurately  informed.  From  Dalton,  Hood  with  his  army  moved  to  Gaines- 
ville, thence  to  Gadsden,  from  which  point  his  advance  on  Nashville 
commenced.  At  length  the  great  time  for  action  came.  Sherman  divided 
his  army  into  two  wings.  The  right  wing,  15th  and  17th  corps,  under 
the  command  of  Major  General  0.  0.  Howard :  the  left  wing,  14th  and 
20th  corps,  under  Major  General  H.  W.  Slocum,  while  Brigadier  General 
Kilpatrick,  commander  of  the  cavalry,  was  to  receive  special  orders  from 
the  Commander  and  chief. 

On  the  9th  of  November,  1864,  General  Sherman,  at  his  head-quarters 
in  Kingston,  Georgia,  issued  his  orders  for  the  march  through  that 
State  to  the  sea.  At  Centerville  he  severed  his  connection  with  the 
North  ;  his  last  communication  over  the  wires,  to  General  Thomas, 
November  13,  was,  All  is  well.  The  rebels  supposing  Atlanta  evac- 
uated on  the  llth,  rushed  up  to  take  possession,  and  over  nine  hundred 
of  them  were  captured.  On  the  ever-memorable  night  of  the  15th  of 
November,  1864,  the  remaining  part  of  the  city  of  Atlanta  was  fired — and 
during  the  conflagration  the  whole  heavens  were  illuminated,  the  sight 
being  grand  beyond  description.  A  brigade  of  Massachustett's  sol- 
diers were  the  last  to  leave  the  town,  the  band  of  the  33rd  regiment 


224  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

playing,  John  Brown's  soul  goes  marching  on.  On  the  morning  of  the 
16th,  General  Sherman  with  his  brave  army,  with  only  sixteen  days 
rations,  started  for  Savannah.  Hood  supposing  the  way  was  now  clear, 
started  for  Nashville.  Just  fourteen  days  after  Sherman  left  Atlanta  a 
battle  took  place  at  Franklin,  Tennessee,  between  Thomas  and  Hood. 
The  latter  lost  6,000  killed  and  wounded,  and  1,000  prisoners,  and  thirty 
stand  of  colors.  Manoeuvering  and  skirmishing  was  kept  up  until  the 
15th  of  December,  when  General  Thomas  secured  a  better  position, 
his  left  resting  on  Murfreesboro,  and  his  main  body  a  few  miles  from 
Nashville. 

While  in  this  position  the  fight  commenced  and  lasted  about  nine  hours, 
resulting  in  a  great  Union  victory.  Hood's  army  abandoned  artillery, 
wounded  men,  and  the  road  was  strewn  for  miles  with  trophies  of  war 
thrown  away  by  the  panic-stricken  rebels  in  their  flight.  This  great  de- 
feat completely  destroyed  Hood's  army  ;  his  loss  being  over  12,000 
men,  and  fifty  pieces  of  artillery,  and  its  commander  was  never  again 
able  to  rally  his  forces  to  any  advantage.  The  Union  loss  in  the  engage- 
ment was  about  3,000  men. 

Sherman's  army  was  stretched  out  over  a  swath  of  country  about  sixty 
miles  wide,  destroying  the  Atlanta  and  Augusta  railroad  ;  also  the  road 
to  Macon.  Railways,  cotton  mills,  machine  shops  and  founder ies  were 
everywhere  destroyed ;  every  means  of  making  or  repairing  railroads 
south  of  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas  were  destroyed.  Lee  could  not  de- 
pend on  the  South  for  supplies  ;  they  had  not  even  the  means  left  to 
build  up  what  Sherman  was  tearing  down  and  destroying.  The  Georgia 
militia  who  had  been  sent  to  aid  General  Hood  was  recalled  by  Governor 
Brown,  and  a  show  of  resistance  now  began  to  appear.  Some  of  these 
troops  had  been  recalled  from  Alabama,  after  a  march  of  near  five 
hundred  miles. 

But  the  army  moved  on  without  hindrance,  through  Covington,  Dccatur, 
Madison,  Jackson,  and  Eatonton.  Approaching  Milledgevllle,  in  a  swamp 
was  found  Howell  Cobb's  celebrated  pacing  mare,  which  cost  him  $25,000. 
This  animal  was  found  by  private  Walter  Bums,  Company  E,  Twenty- 
first  Ohio,  who  a  few  days  afterwards  was  captured  and  murdered 
while  riding  her.  He  was  acting  as  orderly,  and  when  his  companions 
dug  up  his  grave  they  found  his  throat  cut  after  he  had  been  shot 
through  the  head.  At  twelve  o'clock,  noon,  November  22,  the  army 
entered  Milledgeville.  The  national  colors  were  hoisted  over  the  state 
house  by  the  104th  New  York  Regiment.  Governor  Brown  and  the  rebel 
Legislature  were  in  session  the  day  before,  but  fled  to  Augusta,  guarded 
by  about  one  thousand  rebel  cavalry.  The  Union  boys  had  quite  a  frolic, 
holding  a  mock  rebel  legislature  in  the  state  house.  After  it  was  organ- 
ized the  question  of  reconstructing  the  state  was  discussed  by  the  yankee 


HIS  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS.  225 

members  from  the  different  counties  with  all  the  gravity  conceivable. 
A  few  miles  from  this,  at  Griswoldsville,  a  fight  took  place  ;  the  enemy 
about  5,000  strong,  composed  chiefly  of  militia,  was  sent  out  to  prevent 
a  raid  on  Macon  ;  the  result  was  a  loss  to  the  rebels  of  2,500  in  killed, 
wounded  and  prisoners  ;  Union  loss,  about  40  killed  and  wounded. 

Over  ten  thousand  contrabands  were  now  following  the  Union  army ,  and 
its  own  safety  and  convenience  required  that  the  great  exodus  should  be 
checked.  At  Ogeechee  River  for  this  purpose  a  guard  was  placed  at  the 
pontoon  bridge  which  kept  the  blacks  from  passing  until  the  troops  got 
over,  when  the  bridge  was  removed  and  the  caravan  left  on  the  other  side. 
The  negroes  would  notbe  checked,  but  built  a  footbridge  next  day  when 
they  all  passed  over  and  followed  the  army.  At  Ebenezer  Creek  the  same 
means  were  resorted  to,  to  prevent  the  blacks  encumbering  the  army, 
which  did  not  know  what  moment  it  might  be  attacked.  Wheeler  came 
up  in  the  rear  with  his  rebel  cavalry,  and  finding  this  great  army  of  con- 
trabands trying  to  cross  the  stream,  charged  on  the  defenceless  beings, 
drove  them  into  the  stream  amidst  shrieks  of  despair.  Mothers  clasped 
their  infants  and  sank  down  in  their  watery 'grave.  Thousands  of  these 
poor  creatures  perished  in  the  stream  into  which  they  had  been  driven 
by  the  hellish  monster,  while  he  and  his  cut-throat  cavalry  companions 
sat  on  their  horses  on  the  river  bank,  shouting  and  laughing  at  the  pain- 
ful sight  This  was  about  forty  miles  from  the  coast.  Kilpatrick  and 
Davis  had  until  now,  been  a  shield  to  the  real  movements  of  the  army ; 
it  was  impossible  for  the  rebel  commander  Beauregard  to  determine 
whether  it  was  at  Millen,  Augusta,  Charleston  or  Savannah,  that 
Sherman  was  about  to  strike. 

On  the  llth  and  12th  of  December,  General  Sherman  began  to  dravr 
the  lines  around  Savannah.  On  the  12th,  Slocum's  left  rested  three  miles 
from  the  city  to  beyond  the  Gulf  railway,  when  Howard's  right  rested 
eleven  miles  from  the  city.  His  corps  bad  just  completed  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  last  link  of  railway  centering  in  the  city.  In  the  meantime 
Kilpatrick  moved  down  to  St.  Catharine  Sound  to  open  communication 
with  the  fleet.  He  wanted  to  storm  Fort  McAllister  with  the  cavalry  j 
but  the  General-in-Chief  thought  it  might  be  hazardous,  and  would  not 
consent.  It  was  afterwards  carried  by  Hazen.  General  Sherman  viewed 
the  conflict  from  the  roof  of  Dr.  Cheroe's  rice  mill  on  the  Ogeechee, 
opposite  the  Fort.  Standing  on  this  elevated  position  he  looked  through 
his  glass  out  on  the  horizon,  seaward.  Discovering  smoke,  he  remarked 
to  General  Howard,  "  There  is  a  gunboat."  Half  an  hour  passed,  and 
the  guns  of  the  Fort  now  opened,  which  indicated  that  Hazen  had  sent 
his  skirmishers  forward.  Hazen  now  signalled  that  he  had  invested  the 
fort  and  would  assault  immediately. 

15 


226  GENERAL  SHERMAN   AND 

The  gunboats  now  approaching,  threw  up  signals  informing  Sherman 
that  Foster  and  Dahlgren  were  close  by. 

The  distance  of  Sherman  from  the  fort  was  about  three  miles.  Steadily 
through  his  glass  did  he  watch  every  movement.  "  There  they  go  grad- 
ually ;  not  a  waver. ' '  Half  a  moment  more  he  exclaims  :  ' '  How  steadily 
it  moves  ;  not  a  man  falters.  There  they  go,  still.  See  the  roll  of  mus- 
ketry. Grand!  Grand!" 

.  Still  using  his  glass,  he  remarks,  "  That  flag  still  goes  forward.   There 
is  no  flinching  there." 

Steadily  gazing,  "  look,"  he  says,  "  It  has  halted  !  They  waver — no,  it's 
the  parapet.  There  they  go  again — Now  they  scale  it — Some  are  over. 
Look !  there's  the  flag  on  the  works.  Another  !  — another  !  Its  ours  ! — 
the  Fort  is  ours  ! ' ' 

He  dropped  his  glass  by  his  side.  His  joy  was  complete.  The  vic- 
tory won! — remarking,  "  Dis  chile  don't  sleep  dis  night." 

At  sunset,  December  13th,  the  dark  waters  of  the  Ogeechee,  bearing 
witness,  will  ever  be  remembered  as  the  time  General  Sherman  changed 
his  base  from  Atlanta  to  the  sea.  By  his  triumph  he  fulfilled  the  covenant 
made  with  his  heroes  at  Atlanta  twenty  days  before.  He  had  carried 
through  the  enterprise  !  His  achievement  was  complete.  Only  23  were 
killed,  and  82  wounded  in  capturing  the  fort.  The  rebels  had  14  killed 
.and  21  wounded.  Well  might  Sherman,  Howard,  and  Hazen  be  proud  of 
the  old  Second  Division.  Under  Logan,  in  the  past,  it  had  won  unfading 
laurels,  and  under  Hazen  it  capped  the  climax  of  its  glory.  From  Atlanta 
the  army  passed  over  42  of  the  finest  grain  growing  counties  in  Georgia  ; 
captured  over  200  towns  and  villages  ;  brought  out  about  15,000  slaves  :  • 
nearly  the  same  number  of  horses  and  mules  ;  destroyed  240  miles  of 
railroad  ;  burned  all  the  bridges  and  cotton-gins  ;  all  public  buildings  of 
service  to  the  enemy;  burned  or  bonded  over  $40,000,000  worth  of  cot- 
ton ;  any  amount  of  rebel  scrip,  and  money  ;  some  gold  and  silver  ;  30 
pieces  of  cannon,  stores,  and  railroad  trains,  sufficient  cattle  to  supply 
the  army  with  fresh  meat,  and  4000  prisoners.  Distance  about  300  miles. 
Sherman  says  he  Tost  about  500  prisoners,  from  straggling,  and  about 
350  killed  and  wounded,  including  those  who  fell  assaulting  and  captur- 
ing Fort  McAllister.  While  the  gunboats  were  engaged  in  removing 
torpedoes,  and  Sherman  in  getting  his  siege  guns  in  position,  to  more 
completely  investing  the  city,  General  Hardee  on  the  20th  of  December 
escaped  with  his  rebel  army  through  the  Union  Causeway.  On  the  21st, 
General  Sherman  makes  a  triumphant  entry  into  Savannah.  Fort  McAllis- 
ter, Fort  Lee,  Fort  Jackson,  Fort  Barlow,  and  over  200  heavy  guns,  and 
38,000  bales  of  cotton  were  captured  with  the  city.  Here,  as  in  all  other 
places,  the  faith,  earnestness  and  heroism  of  the  black  man  is  one  of 
I  ihe  greatest  developments  of  the  war  !  A  number  of  colored  clergymen 


HIS  GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  227 

had  here  an  interview  with  Secretary  Stanton,  who,  after  an  entire 
night's  conversation,  remarked,  they  understood  the  question  as  well  as 
any  of  the  Cahinet. 

When  I  think  of  the  universal  testimony  of  the  escaped  soldiers  who 
daily  entered  the  Union  lines,  stating  that  in  hundreds  of  miles  which 
they  traversed  on  their  way,  they  never  asked  the  poor  slave  in  vain  for 
help  ;  that  the  poorest  negroes  hid,  sheltered,  and  shared  their  last 
crumb  with  them. 

How  ungrateful  would  it  be  for  the  country  to  turn  its  back  on  such 
devoted  friends ! 

SHERMAN'S  MARCH  INTO,  AND  THROUGH  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

After  his  capture  of  Savannah,  the  last  few  days  of  December,  and  the 
first  part  of  January,  1865,  was  spent  by  Sherman  in  recruiting  his  army 
fjrom  its  long  march  through  Georgia.  The  army  was  not  only  rested,  but 
reenforced,  having  a  greater  number  of  eS'ective  men  than  when  it  started 
from  Atlanta  in  November  last.  The  organization  was  the  same  :  Major 
General  0.  0.  Howard  led  the  right  wing,  and  Major  General  H.  W.  Slo- 
cum  led  the  left  wing,  Major  General  Kilpatrick  under,  and  reporting  only 
to  General  Sherman  himself. 

On  January  16th,  he  moved  the  17th  and  two  divisions  of  the  15th 
Corps  by  water  to  Beaufort,  and  on  the  20th  the  left  wing,  marching  on 
either  side  of  the  Savannah  river  towards  Augusta. 

On  the  23d  Sherman  transferred  his  headquarters  from  Savannah  to  Beau- 
fort. The  left  wing  was  delayed  by  rains  in  camp,  seven  miles  from  Sa- 
vannah, until  the  25th ;  it  reached  Springfield  the  day  after,  and  Sister's 
Ferry  on  the  27th.  The  right  wing  moved  from  Pocotaligo  towards  the 
Cambahee  river  on  the  29th.  The  left  wing  was  unable  to  leave  Sister's 
Ferry  on  account  of  the  high  water. 

On  the  30th  the  right  wing  moved  along  the  Savannah  and  Charleston 
railroad,  encountering  rebel  cavalry,  until  the  31st,  when  it  arrived  at 
McPhersonville,  leaving  the  left  still  at  Sister's  Ferry.     This  was  the ' 
situation  of  the  army  on  the  last  day  of  January. 

On  the  1st  day  of  February,  the  right  moved  from  McPhersonville  to 
Hickory  Hill.  The  left  was  still  at  Sister's  Ferry.  General  Sherman  be- 
came impatient  at  the  slow  advance  of  the  left  wing,  which  was  now  over 
20  miles  behind. 

On  the  3d,  the  right  wing  moved  from  Brighton's  Bridge  across  the 
Salkahatchie ;  the  enemy's  cavalry  made  some  resistance  to  the  crossing, 
by  burning  the  bridge,  and  skirmishing  with  the  advance,  but  was  driven 
away,  and  on  the  4th,  the  entire  right  crossed  the  stream.  On  the  same 
day  the  left,  which  had  been  water-bound  at  Sister's  Ferry  since  the  27th 
of  January,  was  enabled  to  cross  the  S  ivannah  river. 


228  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

On  the  5th,  the  right  crossed  Whippy  Swamp,  while  the  left  came 
up  to  Brighton.  The  next  day  the  right  wing  encountered  and  fought 
the  rebel  cavalry  under  Wheeler  at  Orange  Court  House,  on  the  Little 
Salkahatchie,  while  on  the  7th,  it  reached  Bamburg  and  Medway,  on  the 
Charleston  and  Augusta  railroad.  The  same  day  the  left  wing  moved  to 
Lawtonville,  which  place  was  burned  by  the  20th  corps. 

On  the  8th,  the  right  crossed  the  South  Edisto,  and  reached  Grahams- 
ville  on  the  9th.  On  the  same  day  the  left  wing  reached  Allendale. 

On  the  10th  the  right  wing  crossed  the  North  Edisto  river,  and  the  left 
reached  Fiddle  Pond  near  Barnwell.  The  right  wing  captured  Orange- 
burg  on  the  llth,  and  the  left  marched  through  Barnwell  on  the  same 
day,  leaving  the  town  in  ashes,  and  encamped  three  miles  from  White 
Pond  Station. 

On  the  12th,  the  right  wing  left  Orangeburg  and  made  for  the  Congaree 
and  Columbia,  while  the  left  tore  up  ten  miles  of  the  Charleston  and  Au- 
gusta railroad.  Orangeburg  was  set  on  fire  by  a  Jew  who  had  lost 
50  bales  of  cotton  by  a  body  of  rebels — he  did  it  out  of  revenge.  The 
soldiers  tried  to  extinguish  the  flames,  but  could  not  on  account  of  the 
high  wind  prevailing  at  the  time. 

On  the  13th,  the  left  crossed  the  South  Edisto,  and  the  day  following 
passed  the  North  Edisto  river. 

On  the  15th,  the  right  wing  effected  the  passage  of  the  Congaree,  and 
began  shelling  Columbia,  the  Capital  of  South  Carolina.  General  Carlin, 
who  was  in  advance  of  the  left  wing,  had  a  skirmish  with  the  rebels  near 
Lexington,  capturing  and  burning  the  town.  While  the  right  wing  con- 
fronted Columbia,  the  left  marched  to  Hart's  Ferry  on  the  Seluda  river, 
three  miles  above  the  city.  Beauregard,  the  rebel  general,  to  whose  skill 
and  bravery  the  defence  of  the  city  had  been  entrusted,  had  placed  troops 
in  the  woods  beyond  the  river  to  prevent  the  Union  army  from  crossing, 
but  they  were  driven  out  by  the  left  wing. 

On  the  17th,  Generals  Sherman  and  Howard  at  the  head  of  the  right 
wing  were  the  first  to  cross  the  bridge  and  enter  Columbia.  This  was 
to  have  been  tha  next  rebel  Capital  after  Lee  evacuated  Richmond. 
While  marching  up  the  main  street  the  band  of  the  33d  Massachusetts 
played,  and  the  Army  sang  "  John  Brown,"  and  "  Battle-Cry  of  Free- 
dom." 

BATTLE-CRY  OF  FREEDOM. 

Yes,  we'll  rally  round  the  Flag,  boys,  we'll  rally  once  again, 

Shouting  the  battle-cry  of  Freedom : 
We  will  rally  from  the  hill-side,  we'll  gather  from  the  plain, 

Shouting  the  battle-cry  of  Freedom  ! 

CHOEUS.— The  Union  for  ever !  hurrah  !  boys,  hurrah ! 
Down  with  the  Traitor,  up  with  the  start 


HIS  GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  229 

While  we  rally  round  the  Flag,  boys,  rally  once  again, 
Shouting  the  battle-cry  of  Freedom ! 

We  are  springing  to  the  call  of  our  brothers  gone  before, 

Shouting  the  battle-cry  of  Freedom ! 
And  we'll  fill  the  vacant  ranks  with  a  million  Freemen  more, 

Shouting  the  battle-cry  of  Freedom  ! 

Chorus — The  Union  for  ever !  &c. 

We  will  welcome  to  our  numbers  the  boys  all  true  and  brave, 

Shouting  the  battle-cry  of  Freedom! 
And  although  he  may  bo  poor,  he  shall  never  be  a  slave, 

Shouting  the  battle-cry  of  Freedom ! 

Chorus — The  Union  for  ever !  &c. 

So  we're  springing  to  the  call  from  the  East  and  from  the  West, 

Shouting  the  battle-cry  of  Freedom  ! 
And  we'll  hurl  the  rebel  crew  from  the  land  we  love  the  best, 

Shouting  the  battle-cry  of  Freedom ! 

Chorus — The  Union  for  ever  1  &c. 

The  white  male  part  of  the  inhabitants  were  mostly  indifferent ;  but 
the  blacks,  men,  women,  and  children,  all  shouted  and  danced  with  joy. 
"  Thank  de  Lord,  Mr.  Sherman  hab  come  at  last.  We  prayed,  and  de 
Lord  Jesus  answered  our  prayers." 

One  fat  old  woman  said  to  him,  while  shaking  him  by  the  hand,  which 
he  always  gladly  gave  to  these  poor  people,  "  I  prayed  dis  long  time  for 
yer,  and  de  blessing  ob  de  Lord  is  on  yer.  But  yesterday  afternoon, 
when  yer  stopped  trowing  de  shells  into  de  town,  and  de  soldiers  run 
away  from  de  hill  ober  dar,  I  thout  dat  General  Burygar  had  driven  you 
away,  for  dey  said  so  ;  but  here  yer  am  dun  gone.  Bress  de  Lord,  yer 
will  hab  a  place  in  heaben  ;  yer  will  go  dar,  sure." 

Here  could  be  seen  slavery  in  its  worst  form.  The  Union  army  all  bore 
witness  that  a  studied  effort  has  long  been  made  by  the  heartless  masters 
residing  around  this  treasonable  place,  to  reduce  the  negro  to  the  level  of 
the  brute.  And  the  vengeance  of  Almighty  God  was  kept  in  store  for 
this  shameless  crime.  Old  Glory  (as  the  Union  soldiers  call  the  flag)  was 
soon  hoisted  over  the  capitol  of  South  Carolina  midst  the  shouts  of  the 
army. 

Columbia  was  a  beautiful  place  before  the  war.  The  new  capitol  build- 
ing is  as  fine  as  any  in  the  States.  Brown,  the  sculptor,  at  great  personal 
expense,  partially  completed  groups  of  statuary  for  which  he  has  received 
no  pay,  and  they  remain  stowed  away  in  the  surrounding  buildings.  By 
order  of  Wade  Hampton  the  rebels  had  placed  thousands  of  bales  of 
cotton  in  the  main  streets  of  the  city,  and  when  evacuating  the  place  set 
it  on  fire.  Before  any  of  the  public  buildings  had  been  fired  by  Sherman's 
men,  a  high  wind  arose,  and  the  smouldering  embers  from  the  burning 
cotton  was  carried  into  all  parts  of  the  city,  and  on  the  night  of  the  17th  the 


230  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

whole  town  was  illuminated  by  its  destruction.  The  arsenal,  railroad 
depots,  storehouses,  magazines,  public  property,  private  residences  of 
the  aristocracy,  together  with  the  business  part  of  the  city,  and  twenty 
thousand  bales  of  cotton  were  destroyed.  The  new  State  house  was  not 
burned,  but  the  old  one  was.  Not  a  rail  upon  any  of  the  roads  within 
twenty  miles  of  Columbia  but  what  was  twisted  into  corkscrews,  while 
on  two  of  them  the  good  work  was  continued  to  their  terminus.  Forty- 
five  pieces  of  artillery  were  captured,  fifteen  locomotives,  and  an  immense 
amount  of  cotton  and  government  stores. 

FLOGGING  A  MAN-HUNTEE. 

Some  of  the  men,  escorted  by  negroes  and  escaped  prisoners,  paid  a 
visit  to  a  noted  ruffian,  a  second  Legree,  who  kept  a  pack  of  bloodhounds 
for  the  purpose  of  hunting  down  niggers  and  escaped  Union  prisoners. 
The  boys  disposed  of  his  dogs  as  they  have  done  with  all  the  bloodhounds 
they  came  across,  burned  down  his  house  and  place,  then  tied  him  to 
a  tree  and  got  some  strapping  niggers  to  flog  him,  which  they  did  with 
a  will,  repaying  in  the  lex  talionis  style. 

These  blackhearted  traitors,  who  for  forty  years  have  been  taunting  the 
North  and  defying  the  federal  government,  never  dreamed  that  vengeance 
would  penetrate  their  treasonable  dens.  But  how  mortifying  it  must  have 
been  for  this  slave  oligarchy  to  witness,  the  feet  of  one  hundred  thousand 
abolitionists,  hated  and  despised,  press  heavily  on  their  soil.  Thou- 
sands of  the  best  blood  of  the  State  were  off'  in  the  rebel  army,  and  those 
that  remained  were  left  without  homes.  The  Hamptons,  Barnwells,  Simses, 
Khetts,  Singletons,  Prestons,  and  the  rest  had  no  resting-places.  The 
ancient  homesteads,  the  heritages  of  many  generations,  where  were 
gathered  the  family  ties  and  sacred  associations  of  over  two  hundred 
years,  were  for  ever  gone.  When  they  became  traitors  their  honor  fled  ; 
now  they  have  no  local  habitations,  and  in  the  glorious  future  of  this 
great  country  they  will  have  a  traitor's  name. 

The  right  wing  camped  at  Columbia,  while  the  left  was  in  camp  on 
Broad  river.  On  the  19th,  it  crossed  the  river,  destroyed  Greenville,  and 
Columbia  railroad,  stopping  at  Alston.  On  the  20th,  the  right  wing  left 
Columbia,  destroying  the  railroad  to  Winnsboro,  and  on  the  same  day 
the  left  crossed  the  Little  river.  The  whole  army  was  concentrated  at 
Winnsboro  on  the  21st.  This  led  the  rebel  general  Johnston  to  suppose 
that  Sherman  intended  to  push  on  Charlotte.  On  the  22d,  the  right  wing 
crossed  the  Wateree  river  at  Pay's  Ferry,  while  the  left  tore  up  tho  railroad 
above  Winnsboro,  and  moved  to  Youngsville.  On  23d,  the  right  wing  rested 
on  Lynch  Creek,  while  the  left  rested  at  Rocky  Mount,  Catawba  river.  On 
the  23d  it  crossed  the  river,  while  on  the  25th,  the  right  whig  captured  Cam- 


HIS  GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  231 

den.  On  the  27th,  while  General  Carlin  was  endeavoring  to  cross  the  Ca- 
tawba,  the  rebel  general,  Wheeler,  with  his  cavalry  disputed  the  passage. 
The  right  wing  now  on  the  28th  moved  from  Camden  towards  Cheraw,  and 
for  three  days  encamped  on  Lynch  Creek,  waiting  for  the  left  wing  to  thrash 
Wheeler,  and  cross  over  the  Catawba  river  and  come  up. 

GENERAL   DESCRIPTION   AND   APPEARANCE  OF   CAROLINA. 

The  Sea  islands  of  South  Carolina  extend  along  the  coast  from  Winyaw 
bay  to  the  Savannah  river,  and  are  composed  of  a  rich  vegetable  loam  of 
great  fertility,  producing  sea  island  cotton,  corn  and  rice.  The  orange  tree 
and  palmetto  flourish  among  these  islands.  The  tide  flows  a  considerable 
way  inland  along  the  rivers,  irrigating  the  immense  extent  of  marsh  land 
that  borders  them.  These  lands,  though  unhealthy,  are  very  valuable  as 
rice  plantations. 

The  region  between  the  tide  swamps,  and  the  sand  hills  of  the  middle 
country  extends  for  nearly  one  hundred  miles. 

The  river  swanips  here,  too,  are  immense,  extending  in  some  plapes  six 
miles  in  width,  and  are  unfit  for  cultivation,  but  afford  a  safe  resort  for  water 
fowls,  reptiles,  and  alligators.  Across  these  dismal  swamps  our  armies  had 
to  force  their  passage.  Beyond  these  the  sand-hill  region  extends  for  some 
thirty  miles  towards  Columbia,  and  includes  the  extremes  of  sterility  and 
fertility.  The  high,  poor  lands  are  covered  with  pitch  pine,  black  jacks  or 
dwarf  oaks,  while  the  lowlands  bordering  the  rivers  produce  corn,  cotton, 
and  rice  in. abundance. 

The  country  extending  from  the  sand-hill  region  to  the  mountains — some 
ninety  miles — possesses  a  pretty  uniform  character.  The  surface  is  clay, 
covered  for  the  most  part  with  a  rich  soil,  mixed  with  sand  or  granite.  The 
rolling  nature  of  this  tract  of  country  gives  it  rather  a  picturesque  appear- 
*ance.  This  tract  extends  along  the  Broad  river,  hi  York  and  Spartansburg 
districts.  The  mountainous  country  is  confined  to  Pendleton  and  Greenville 
districts,  and  though  the  soil  is  rather  sterile,  the  country  is  pleasant  and 
healthy. 

On  March  1st,  the  left  whig  moved  on  to  Hanging  Rock,  and  the  next  day 
marched  to  Horton's  Ferry,  and  on  the  3d  the  entire  army  crossed  Lynch 
Creek. 

On  the  4th,  the  right  wing  captured  Cheraw.  Here  were  found  many 
guns  and  a  large  quantity  of  ammunition  which  had  been  brought  from 
Charleston  when  it  was  evacuated.  General  Mower  fired  them  in  honor 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  inauguration  for  the  second  time.  These  were  all 
destroyed.  While  the  left  crossed  Thompson's  Creek  on  the  5th,  the 
right,  and  part  of  the  left  wing  crossed  the  Great  Pardee  river  ;  Davis's 
corps  moving  up  to  Sneadsboro.  On  the  6th,  Davis  crossed  the  Great 


232  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

Pardee,  and  the  whole  army  was  then  out  of  South  Carolina,  having  en- 
tered the  old  North  State  on  the  5lh  of  March  at  a  point  about  53  miles 
from  Fayetteville.  On  the  7th,  the  left  wing  moved  to  Downing  river. 
On  the  8th,  the  right  wing  to  Laurel  Hill.  On  the  9th,  the  entire  army 
marched  by  several  roads  to  within  twenty  miles  of  Fayetteville.  On 
the  10th,  the  entire  force  advanced  ten  miles,  expecting  an  engage- 
ment with  General  Hardee.  Kilpatrick  fell  on  his  rear,  while  retreating, 
and  engaged  Hampton's  cavalry.  The  fight  lasted  some  hours  and 
was  hotly  contested  ;  but  the  rebels  were  driven  from  the  field.  On 
the  12th,  Sherman's  whole  command  entered  Fayetteville.  Here  the 
machinery  of  the  Harper's  Ferry  arsenal  was  found,  and  with  every  spe- 
cies of  property  useful  to  the  enemy  entirely  destroyed  and  thrown  into 
the  river.  The  campaign  from  Savannah  lasted  about  fifty-four  days, 
some  forty  of  which  had  been  spent  in  South  Carolina,  cutting  a  swath 
about  forty  miles  wide,  and  leaving  only  ashes  and  embers  in  its  track. 
The  distance  marched  was  near  four  hundred  and  forty- three  miles. 

It  is  marvelous  that  Johnston,  Hardee,  Bragg,  Hampton,  Cheatham, 
S.  D.  Lee,  Wheeler,  and  Butler,  with  a  force  of  over  40,000  rebels  scat- 
tered over  North  and  South  Carolina,  were  unable  even  to  delay  the  ad- 
vance of  Sherman.  Twenty  days  constant  rains  made  bad  roads  flooding 
the  rivers  and  streams.  But  that  was  overcome  and  the  great  chief- 
tain went  through  the  Carolinas  as  he  previously  had  through  Georgia 
and  Tennessee.  From  victory  to  victory  he  continued  his  holiday -march. 

Fourteen  cities,  hundreds  of  miles  of  railroads,  and  thousands  of  bales 
of  cotton  were  burned.  Eighty-five  cannon,  four  thousand  prisoners,  and 
twenty-five  thousand  animals  were  captured  ;  and  about  fifteen  thousand 
slaves  released  from  bondage.  Sherman  had  sent  from  Laurel  Hill  two- 
of  his  best  scouts  to  give  General  Terry  at  Wilmington  an  account  of  his 
position  and  general  plans.  They  reached  him  on  the  12th  of  March. 

The  army  tug  Davidson  was  dispatched  to  Fayetteville  the  same  morn- 
ing, giving  Sherman  all  needful  information.  The  tug  returned  the  same 
day  and  reported  to  General  Terry  at  Wilmington,  and  General  Scho- 
field  at  Newburn,  that  Sherman  was  prepared  to  move  on  Goldsboro  on 
Wednesday,  the  15th  inst.  Feigning  on  Raleigh,  Hardee  with  20,000  men 
retreating  from  Fayetteville  halted  in  a  swamp  between  the  Cape  Fear 
and  South  rivers,  expecting  to  hold  Sherman  in  check  until  Johnston, 
would  have  time  to  concentrate  his  scattered  forces  either  at  Raleigh, 
Smithfield,  or  Goldsboro.  It  was  necessary  to  dislodge  Hardee  in  order 
to  get  possession  of  the  Goldsboro  road.  General  Slocum  was  ordered 
to  press,  and  carry  the  position.  On  the  16th,  the  battle  of  Averosboro. 
was  fought  by  Slocum.  Ward's  division  of  infantry  followed  up  and 
through  the  town,  developing  that  Hardee  had  retreated,  not  on  Raleigh, 
but  Smithfield.  Ward's  division  kept  up  a  show  of  pursuit,  while  Slo~ 


HIS  GEEAT   CAMPAIGNS.  233 

cum's  column  wheeled  to  the  right,  built  a  bridge  across  the  South  river, 
(then  very  high)  and  took  the  road  to  Goldsboro.  He  encamped  on  the 
night  of  the  18th,  twenty-seven  miles  from  Goldsboro.  Howard  was  at 
Lee's  store,  two  miles  south  ;  both  had  pickets  three  miles  in  advance, 
where  the  two  roads  met  and  led  to  Goldsboro. 

Howard  was  ordered  to  advance  by  way  of  the  Falling  Creek  church, 
from  which  General  Sherman  opened  communication  with  General  Terry 
coming  from  Wilmington,  and  General  Schofield  advancing  from  Newburn. 
The  former  was  near  Faison's  Depot ;  the  latter  at  Kingston.  The  left 
wing  under  General  Slocum  now  came  up  with  the  rebel  army  ;  and  finding 
that  Johnston  with  the  entire  confederate  forces  in  this  section  was 
massed  for  battle  before  him,  he  commenced  to  throw  up  breastworks. 
Kilpatrick  hearing  the  sound  of  the  artllery  hastened  up  and  formed  on 
the  left.  The  enemy  under  Hoke,  Hardee,  and  Cheathain,  commanded 
by  Johnston  himself,  made  six  distinct  charges  but  were  repulsed  at 
every  effort. 

Johnston  had  come  from  Smithfield  during  the  night,  expecting  to 
overwhelm  Sherman's  left  wing.  On  the  19th,  General  Slocum  received 
reinforcements  which  made  his  position  impregnable.  The  right  wing 
coming  up  about  three  miles  east  of  the  battle  field  of  the  day  before, 
near  Bentonville,  met  with  rebel  cavalry.  Johnston  intended  to  fight 
and  whip  the  left  and  right  wings  of  Sherman's  army  in  detail,  but  in- 
stead of  doing  that,  was  out-manoeuvred  by  Sherman,  and  thrown  entirely 
on  the  defence.  On  the  20th,  he  was  confronted  with  Sherman's  entire 
army  with  Mill  Creek  and  a  single  bridge  at  his  rear.  This  was  the  con- 
dition of  things  at  Bentonville  on  the  21st  of  March ;  on  the  same  day 
Schofield  entered  Goldsboro.  General  Terry  had  possession  of  the 
Neuse  river  at  Cox's  bridge,  about  ten  miles  above  the  city,  with  pon- 
toons laid,  and  one  brigade  across  the  river. 

The  21st  was  a  wet  day,  raining  continually  ;  but  General  Sherman  or- 
dered General  Mower's  division  of  the  17th  corps,  on  the  enemy's  ex- 
treme right,  while  an  attack  was  made  on  right  and  left  by  skirmishers. 
This  was  done  to  prevent  Johnston  falling  on  Mower's  division  and  over- 
powering it.  On  the  night  of  the  21st,  Johnston  with  his  entire  force  re- 
treated to  Smithfield  ;  at  day-break  he  was  pursued  about  two  miles  be- 
yond Mill  Creek,  when  General  Sherman  called  back  those  in  pursuit. 
Sherman's  loss  at  Bentonville  of  the  left  wing  was  9  officers  and  145 
men  killed  ;  51  officers  and  816  wounded  ;  and  3  officers  and  223  missing 
— taken  prisoners  by  the  enemy.  Total  loss,  1,247.  The  right  wing  lost 
2  officers,  and  35  men  killed  ;  12  officers,  and  239  men  wounded  ;  and 
one  officer  and  60  men  missing.  Total  399.  The  Union  loss  at  Benton- 
ville was  about  1,646.  267  dead  rebels  were  left  on  the  field,  and  buried 
by  Sherman's  troops,  and  1625  taken  prisoners.  General  Sherman  met 


234  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

General  Terry  for  the  first  time  at  Cox's  bridge  on  the  22d,  and  on  the 
following  day  went  into  Goldsboro,  where  he  met  General  Schofield  with 
his  army  who  had  possession  of  the  place.  The  left  wing  entered  that 
evening  and  the  next  morning,  while  the  right  wing  came  in  on  the  24th. 

General  Sherman  having  now  united  his  forces  with  General  Terry  and 
General  Schofield,  and  on  the  previous  day  having  whipped  the  entire 
rebel  army  in  North  Carolina  under  Johnston,  he  immediately  started 
for  City  Point,  Virginia,  to  consult  with  General  Grant,  leaving  General 
Schofield  in  command  of  all  the  union  forces  around  Goldsboro.  He 
reached  Grant's  head-quarters  on  the  evening  of  March  27th,  and  met 
General  Grant,  President  Lincoln,  Generals  Meade,  Ord,  and  other  offi- 
cers of  the  army  of  the  Potomac.  These  chieftains  had  a  consultation, 
and  Sherman  returned  on  the  navy  steamer  Bat,  via  Hatteras  Inlet  and 
Newburn,  reaching  his  camp  at  Goldsboro  on  the  night  of  the  30th  of 
March.  His  great  object  had  been  accomplished — forming  a  junction 
with  Schofield  and  Terry.  He  was  now  in  communication  with  General 
Grant,  and  ready  to  cooperate  in  the  spring  campaign  of  1865.  Within 
striking  distance  of  the  rear  of  the  great  rebel  Capital,  the  doom  of 
Richmond  was  sealed. 

General  Sherman  intended  to  move  rapidly  north  by  way  of  Burkes- 
ville,  threatening  Raleigh,  and  thus  get  between  the  two  rebel  armies, 
commanded  by  tee,  and  Johnston.  But  the  brilliant  achievements  of 
General  Grant's  army  on  the  first,  second ,  and  third  of  April  at  Peters- 
burg and  Richmond,  showed  that  the  armies  of  the  Potomac  and  James 
under  Lieutenant  General  Grant  were  abundantly  able  to  take  care  of  the 
rebel  army  under  Lee.  The  status  undergoing  a  change,  it  became 
General  Sherman's  duty  to  capture  or  destroy  the  army  of  Johnston. 
On  the  6th  of  April  he  estimated  Johnston's  force  around  Smithfield  to 
be,  infantry  and  artillery,  35,000;  his  cavalry  to  number  from  6,000  to 
10,000.  Their  cavalry  force  out-numbered  Sherman's,  and  for  that  reason 
he  held  General  Kilpatrick  in  reserve  at  Mount  Olive  with  orders  to  re- 
cruit his  horses,  and  to  be  ready  to  march  on  the  10th  of  April.  Sher- 
man in  his  report,  dated  City  Point,  Virginia,  May  9th,  1865,  says  : 

"  At  daybreak  on  the  day  appointed,  all  the  heads  of  columns  were  ha 
motion  straight  against  the  enemy.  Major  General  H.  W.  Slocum  taking 
the  two  direct  roads  for  Smithfield ;  Major  General  O.  O.  Howard  making  a 
circuit  by  the  right,  and  feigning  up  the  Weldon  road  to  disconcert  the  ene- 
my's cavalry.  Generals  Terry  and  Kilpatrick  moving  on  the  west  side  of 
the  Neuse  River,  and  to  reach  the  rear  of  the  enemy  between  Smithfield 
and  Raleigh.  General  Schofield  followed  General  Slocum  in  support:  all 
the  columns  met  within  six  miles  of  Goldsboro,  more  or  less  cavalry  with  the 
usual  rail-barricades,  which  were  swept  before  us  as  chaff,  and  by  10  a.  m. 
of  the  llth,  the  Fourteenth  corps  entered  Smithfield,  the  Twentieth  corps 


HIS  GBEAT   CAMPAIGNS.  235 

close  at  hand.  Jolmston  had  rapidly  retreated  across  the  Neuse  river,  and 
having  his  railroad  to  lighten  up  his  trains,  could  retreat  faster  than  we 
could  pursue.  The  rains  had  also  set  in,  making  the  resort  to  corduroy  ab- 
solutely necessary  to  pass  even  ambulances.  The  enemy  had  burned  the 
bridge  at  Smithfield,  and  as  soon  as  possible  Major  General  Slocum  got  his 
pontoons  and  crossed  over  a  division  of  the  Fourteenth  corps. 

"  We  then  heard  of  the  surrender  of  Lee's  army  at  Appomattox  Court-house, 
Virginia,  which  was  announced  to  the  armies  in  orders,  and  created  univer- 
sal joy.  Not  one  officer  or  soldier  of  my  army  but  expressed  a  pride  and 
satisfaction  that  it  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  armies  of  the  Potomac  and  James  so 
gloriously  to  overwhelm  and  capture  the  entire  army  that  had  held  them  in 
check  so  long,  and  their  success  gave  new  impulse  to  finish  up  our  task. 

"  Without  a  moment's  hesitation  we  dropped  our  trains,  re-marched  rapid- 
ly in  pursuit  to  and  through  Raleigh,  reaching  that  place  at  7  :  30  a.  m.  on 
the  13th,  in  a  heavy  rani.  The  next  day  the  cavalry  pushed  on  through 
the  ram  to  Durham's  Station,  the  Fifteenth  corps  following  as  far  as  Morris- 
ville  Station,  and  the  Seventeenth  corps  to  John's  Station.  On  the  supposi- 
tion that  Johnston  was  tied  to  his  railroad,  as  a  line  of  retreat  by  Hillsboro, 
Greenboro,  Salisbury,  and  Charlotte,  etc,  I  had  turned  the  other  columns 
across  the  bend  hi  that  road  towards  Ashborough,  (See  Special  Field  Order 
No.  55.)  The  cavalry,  Brevet  Major  General  J.  Kilpatrick  commanding, 
was  ordered  to  keep  up  a  show  of  pursuit  towards  the  '  Company  Shops,' 
in  Alamancer  county ;  Major  General  O.  O.  Howard  to  turn  the  left  by 
Hackney's  Cross-roads,  Pittsburgh,  St.  Lawrence  and  Ashborough ;  Major 
General  H.  W.  Slocum  to  cross  Cape  Fear  river  at  Avon's  Ferry  and  move 
rapidly  by  Carthage,  Caladonia,  and  Cox's  Mills.  Major  General  J.  M. 
Schofield  was  to  hold  Raleigh,  and  the  road  back,  with  spare  force  to  follow 
by  an  intermediate  route." 

On  the  14th  of  April,  Johnston  sent  a  communication  to  General  Sherman 
enquiring  if  he  had  power  to  arrange  for  the  suspension  of  hostilities ;  to 
which  Sherman  sent  the  following  reply  : 

HDQES.  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI,         ) 
IN  THE  FIELD,  RALEIGH,  N.  C.,  April  14,  1865.  J 

Gen.  J.  E.  JOHNSTON,  Commanding  Confederate  Army. 

GENERAL  :  I  have  this  moment  received  your  communication  of  this  date. 
I  am  fully  empowered  to  arrange  with  you  any  time  for  the  suspension  of 
further  hostilities  as  between  the  armies  commanded  by  myself,  and  will  be 
willing  to  confer  with  you  to  that  end.  I  will  limit  the  advance  of  my  main 
column  to-morrow  to  Morristown,  and  the  cavalry  to  the  University,  and  I 
will  expect  you  will  maintain  the  present  position  of  your  forces  until  each 
has  notice  of  a  failure  to  agree. 

Thus  a  basis  of  action  may  be  had.    I  undertake  to  abide  by  the  same 


236  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

terms  and  conditions  as  were  made  by  Generals  Grant  and  Lee  at  Appo- 
mattox  Court-house,  of  the  9th  instant,  relative  to  the  two  armies ;  and  fur- 
thermore, to  obtain  from  General  Grant  an  order  to  suspend  the  movements 
of  any  troops  from  the  direction  of  Virginia.  General  Stoneman  is  under 
my  command,  and  my  orders  will  suspend  any  devastation  or  destruction 
contemplated  by  him.  I  will  add  that  I  really  desire  to  save  the  people  of 
North  Carolina  the  damage  they  would  sustain  by  the  march  of  this  army 
through  the  central  or  western  parts  of  the  State. 

I  am,  with  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN,  Major  General. 

"  By  the  15th,  though  the  rains  were  incessant,  and  roads  almost  impracti- 
cable, Major  General  Slocum  had  the  Fourteenth  corps,  Brevet  Major  Gen- 
eral Davis  commanding,  near  Martha's  Vineyard,  with  a  pontoon  bridge 
laid  across  Cape  Fear  river  at  Avon's  Ferry ;  with  the  Twentieth  corps,  Ma- 
jor General  Mower  commanding,  in  support ;  and  Major  General  Howard 
had  the  Fifteenth  and  Seventeenth  corps  stretched  out  on  the  roads  toward 
Pittsborough,  while  General  Kilpatrick  held  Durham's  Station  and  Capitol 
Hill  University.  Johnston's  army  was  retreating  rapidly  on  the  roads  from 
Hillsborough  to  Greensborough,  he  himself  at  Greensborough." 

An  agreement  was  made  to  meet  Johnston  at  noon  on  the  17th,  provided 
the  position  of  the  troops  remained  statu  quo.  The  railroad  to  Raleigh, 
twelve  miles  long,  had  to  be  completed  by  Colonel  Wright,  together  with 
two  bridges,  and  Sherman  considered  that  advantage  would  be  on  his  side 
by  delay.  The  meeting  took  place  as  appointed,  and  the  following  agree- 
ment was  entered  into :  It  will  be  seen  that  Sherman  refused  to  recognize 
any  such  authority  as  the  Confederate  States.  Treating  with  Johnston  and 
Breckinridge  as  insurgent  generals,  at  the  same  time  the  conditions  agreed 
on  were  understood  to  have  been  approved  by  Jeff.  Davis  himself. 

MEMOBANDTTM. 

Memorandum  or  basis  of  agreement  made  this  18th  day  of  April,  A.  D., 
1865,  near  Durham's  Station,  and  La  the  State  of  North  Carolina,  by  and  be- 
tween General  Joseph  E.  Johnston,  commanding  the  Confederate  Army, 
and  Major  General  William  T.  Sherman,  commanding  the  army  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  hi  North  Carolina,  both  present : 

First — The  contending  armies  now  in  the  field  to  maintain  their  slat  u  quo 
until  notice  is  given  by  the  commanding  general  of  either  army  to  its  oppo- 
nent, and  reasonable  time — say  48  hours — allowed. 

Second — The  Confederate  armies  now  in  existence  to  be  disbanded  and 
conducted  to  their  several  State  capitals ;  there  to  deposit  their  arms  and 
public  property  in  the  State  arsenal,  and  each  officer  and  man  to  execute 
and  file  an  agreement  to  cease  from  acts  of  war  and  abide  the  action  of  both 


HIS  GBEAT   CAMPAIGNS.  237 

State  and  Federal  authorities.  The  number  of  arms  and  munitions  of  war 
to  be  reported  to  the  Chief  of  Ordnance  at  Washington  city,  subject  to  fu- 
ture action  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  in  the  meantime  to  be 
used  solely  to  maintain  peace  and  order  within  the  borders  of  the  States  re- 
spectively. 

Third — The  recognition  by  the  Executive  of  the  United  States  of  the  sev- 
eral State  Governments,  on  their  officers  and  Legislatures  taking  the  oath 
prescribed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  where  conflicting 
State  Governments  have  resulted  from  the  war,  the  legitimacy  of  all  shall 
be  submitted  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

Fourth — The  re-establishment  of  all  Federal  Courts  in  the  several  States 
with  powers  as  defined  by  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  Congress. 

Fifth — The  people  and  inhabitants  of  all  States  to  be  guaranteed,  so  far 
as  the  Executive  can,  their  political  rights  and  franchises,  as  well  as  their 
rights  of  person  and  property,  as  defined  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  and  of  States  respectively. 

Sixth. — The  Executive  authority  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
not  to  disturb  any  of  the  people  by  reason  of  the  late  war,  so  long  as  they 
live  in  peace  and  quiet,  abstain  from  act#  of  armed  hostility,  and  obey  laws 
in  existence  at  any  place  of  their  residence. 

Seventh. — In  general  terms,  war  to  cease,  a  general  amnesty,  so  far  as  the 
Executive  power  of  the  United  States  can  command,  or  on  condition  of  dis- 
bandinent  of  the  Confederate  armies,  and  the  distribution  of  arms,  and  re- 
sumption of  peaceful  pursuits  by  officers  and  men  as  hitherto  composing  the 
said  armies.  Not  being  fully  empowered  by  our  respective  principals  to  fulfill 
these  terms,  we  individually  and  officially  pledge  oursslves  to  promptly  ob- 
tain necessary  authority,  and  to  carry  out  the  above  programme. 

W.  T.  SHERMAN,  Major  general, 
Commanding  the  Army  of  the  United  States  in  North  Carolina. 

J.  E.  JOHNSTON,  General, 
Commanding  Confederate  States  Army  in  North  Carolina. 

About  one  hour  after  Sherman  and  his  staff  left  Raleigh,  to  meet  John- 
ston at  Durham's  Station,  the  news  was  received  of  the  assassination  of  Lin- 
coln. A  courier  was  immediately  despatched  after  Sherman,  and  he  re- 
ceived the  news  of  the  President's  death  while  in  conference  with  Johnston, 
and  before  the  above  agreement  was  signed. 

Of  the  cowardly  assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  he  says :  "  The  news  of 
President  Lincoln's  assassination,  on  the  14th  of  April  (wrongly  reported  to 
me  by  telegraph  as  having  occurred  on  the  llth),  reached  me  on  the  17th, 
and  was  announced  to  my  command  on  the  same  clay,  in  Field  Orders  No. 
56.  I  was  duly  informed  with  its  horrible  atrocity  and  probable  effects  on 
the  country.  But  when  the  property  and  interests  of  millions  still  living 


238  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

were  involved,  I  saw  no  good  reason  why  to  change  my  course,  but  thought 
rather  to  manifest  real  respect  for  his  memory  by  following,  after  his  death, 
that  policy  which,  if  living,  I  felt  certain  he  would  have  approved,  or  at 
least  not  rejected  with  disdain." 

The  bitter  feeling  created  by  the  assassination  of  President  Lincoln, 
with  other  very  weighty  objections,  were  such  as  tocause  the  new  Presi- 
dent and  his  advisers  to  refuse  to  ratify  the  Memoranda  or  negotiations 
with  Johnston. 

General  Sherman's  idea  was,  that  Johnston  had  it  in  his  power  to  escape 
with  his  army  through  Charlotte,  North  Carolina,  and  thus  indefinitely 
prolong  the  war.  He  says  :  "  Up  to  that  hour  I  had  never  received  one 
word  of  instruction,  advice,  or  counsel,  as  to  the  plan  or  policy  of  the 
Government,  looking  to  a  restoration  of  peace  on  the  part  of  the  Rebel 
States  of  the  South.  Whenever  asked  for  an  opinion  on  the  points  in- 
volved, I  had  always  avoided  the  subject."  He  first  offered  the  same 
terms  to  Johnston  that  Lee  received  from  General  Grant.  But  when  he 
met  Johnston  again,  Sherman  says :  "  He  satisfied  me  then  of  his  power 
to  disband  the  rebel  armies  in  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and 
Texas,  as  well  as  those  in  his  immediate  command,  viz. :  North  Carolina, 
Georgia  and  Florida.  The  points  on  which  he  expressed  especial  solici- 
tude were,  lest  their  States  were  to  be  dismembered  and  denied  repre- 
sentation in  Congress,  or  any  separate  political  existence  whatever  ;  and 
the  absolute  disarming  his  men  would  leave  the  South  powerless  and  ex- 
posed to  depredation  by  wicked  bands  of  assassins  and  robbers.  The 
President's  (Lincoln)  Message  of  1864 ;  his  Amnesty  Proclamation ; 
General  Grant's  terms  to  General  Lee,  substantially  extending  the  bene- 
fit of  that  Proclamation  to  all  officers  below  the  rank  of  colonel ;  the 
invitation  to  the  Virginia  Legislature  to  re-assemble  in  Richmond,  by 
General  Weitzel,  with  the  supposed  approval  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  General 
Grant,  then  on  the  spot ;  a  firm  belief  that  I  had  been  fighting  to  reestab- 
lish the  Constitution  of  the  United  States ;  and  last,  but  not  least,  the 
general  and  universal  desire  to  close  a  war  any  longer  without  organized 
resistance,  were  the  leading  facts  that  induced  me  to  pen  the  '  memoran- 
dum' of  April  18,  signed  by  myself  and  General  Johnston." 

On  .the  receipt  at  the  war  office  of  the  memorandum  of  negotiations 
entered  into  between  Generals  Sherman  and  Johnston,  the  articles  were 
submitted  to  a  Cabinet  Meeting  on  the  same  evening,  April  21st,  and 
disapproved  ;  and  General  Grant  dispatched  immediately  to  the  field  of 
action.  He  arrived  at  Sherman's  head-quarters  on  the  24th ;  and  imme- 
diately informed  General  Sherman  that  his  memorandum  had  been  re- 
jected, and  ordered  that  he  should  give  Johnston  forty-eight  hours  notice, 
and  resume  hostilities  at  the  end  of  that  time.  Sherman  says  in  his  j 
report:  "  General  Grant  had  orders  from  the  President  to  direct  military 


HIS  GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  239 

movements,  and  I  explained  to  him  the  exact  position  of  the  troops,  and 
he  approved  of  it  mo.';t  emphatically  ;  but  he  did  not  relieve  me,  or  ex- 
press a  wish  to  assume  command. 

"All  things  were  in  readiness,  when,  on  the  evening  of  the  25th,  I 
received  another  letter  from  General  Johnston  asking  another  interview 
to  renew  negotiations.  General  Grant  not  only  approved,  but  urged  me 
to  accept,  and  I  appointed  a  meeting  at  our  former  place  at  noon  of  the 
26th,  the  very  hour  fixed  for  the  renewal  of  hostilities.  General  John- 
ston was  delayed  by  an  accident  to  his  train,  but  at  two  p.  m.  arrived. 

"  We  then  consulted,  concluded  and  signed  the  final  terms  of  capitula- 
tion. These  were  taken  by  me  back  to  Raleigh,  submitted  to  General 
Grant,  and  met  his  immediate  approval  and  signature.  General  Johnston 
was  not  even  aware  of  the  presence  of  General  Grant  at  Raleigh  at  the 
time.  There  was  surrendered  to  us  the  second  great  army  of  the  so- 
called  Confederacy  ;  and  though  undue  importance  has  been  given  to  the 
so-called  negotiations  which  preceded  it,  and  a  rebuke  and  public  dis- 
favor cast  on  me  wholly  unwarranted  by  the  facts,  I  rejoice  in  saying, 
that  it  was  accomplished  without  further  ruin  and  devastation  to  the 
country  ;  without  the  loss  of  a  single  life  to  those  gallant  men  who  had 
followed  me  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Atlantic  ;  and  without  subject- 
ing brave  men  to  the  ungracious  task  of  pursuing  a  fleeing  foe  that  did 
not  want  to  fight.  As  for  myself,  I  know  my  motives,  and  challenge  the 
instance  during  the  last  four  years,  when  an  armed  and  defiant  foe  stood 
before  me,  that  I  did  not  go  in  for  a  fight,  and  I  would  blush  for  shame 
if  I  had  ever  insulted  or  struck  a  fallen  foe. 

' '  The  instant  the  terms  of  surrender  were  approved  by  General  Grant, 
I  made  my  orders,  No.  65,  assigning  to  each  of  my  subordinate  command- 
ers his  share  of  the  work,  and,  with  General  Grant's  approval,  made 
Special  Orders  No.  66,  putting  in  motion  my  old  army,  no  longer  required 
in  Carolina,  northward  for  Richmond.  General  Grant  left  Raleigh  at  9 
a.  m.  of  the  27th  ;  and  I  glory  in  the  fact  that  during  his  three  days  stay 
with  me,  I  did  not  detect  in  his  language  or  manner  one  particle  of  abate- 
ment in  the  confidence,  respect  and  affection  that  have  existed  between 
us  throughout  all  the  various  events  of  the  past  war  ;  and  though  we  have 
honestly  differed  in  other  cases  as  well  as  this,  still  we  respect  each 
other's  honest  convictions.  I  still  adhere  to  my  then  opinions,  that  by  a 
few  general  concessions,  'glittering  generalities,'  all  of  which  in  the  end 
must  and  will  be  conceded  to  the  organized  States  of  the  South,  this  day 
there  would  not  be  an  armed  battalion  opposed  to  us  within  the  broad  area 
of  the  dominions  of  the  United  States.  Robbers  and  assassins  must,  in  any 
event,  result  from  the  disbandment  of  large  armies ;  but  even  these  should 
be,  and  can  be,  taken  care  of  by  the  local  civil  authorities,  without  being 
made  a  charge  on  the  National  Treasury. 


240  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

"On  the  evening  of  the  28th,  having  concluded  all  business  requiring  my 
personal  attention  at  Raleigh,  and  having  conferred  with  every  army  com- 
mander, and  delegated  to  him  the  authority  necessary  for  his  future  action, 
I  dispatched  my  head-quarters  wagons  by  land,  along  with  the  seventeenth 
corps,  the  officer  hi  charge  of  General  Webster,  to  Alexandria,  Va.,  and  hi 
person,  accompanied  only  by  my  personal  staff,  hastened  to  Savannah  to 
direct  matters  hi  the  interior  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia." 

Johnston's  army  was  divided  into  three  grand  corps  commanded  by  Gene- 
ral's Hardee,  Stewart,  and  Stephen  D.  Lee.  The  great  body  at  the  time  of 
its  surrender  was  about  eighty  miles  from  Raleigh,  near  Greensborough,  the 
camps  extended  along  the  railroad  above  and  below  the  town,  forming  a 
line  of  about  fifteen  miles  in  extent,  and  in  all  numbered  about  twenty 
thousand  men.  The  details  of  the  capitulation  were  left  to  be  carried  out 
by  Major  General  Schofield,  who  appointed  Major  General  Hartsuff  in- 
spector-general of  the  twenty-third  corps,  who,  with  Majors  Lord,  Walcott, 
Letcher,  and  Captain  Lyons  proceeded  to  the  front.  They  were  received  at 
the  head-quarters  of  the  rebel  general  with  marked  courtesy.  One  hundred 
and  fifty  pieces  of  artillery,  with  caissons  complete,  together  with  horses  and 
harness,  and  thousands  of  small  arms,  were  surrendered.  At  Raleigh  speech- 
makings  and  torch  light  processions  were  indulged  in  by  the  victorious 
army.  The  Tenth  Iowa  Regiment,  preceded  by  a  fine  band  of  music,  visited 
General  Howard's  headquarters  and  gave  cheers  for  him  and  the  prospect 
of  peace. 

The  final  terms  granted  to  Johnston,  and  which  he  was  forced  to  accept, 
were  liberal  in  the  extreme,  and  are  an  additional  proof  of  the  magnanimity 
of  the  loyal  people  of  the  Union.  The  vanquished  forces  of  Johnston  were 
allowed  to  retain  all  their  horses  excepting  alone  the  artillery  horses,  all 
their  wagons,  and  five  per  cent,  of  their  small  arms.  The  commissioned 
officers  were  allowed  to  retain  their  side  arms,  horses  and  baggage.  Five 
per  cent,  of  the  small  arms  were  distributed  among  the  enlisted  men  to 
protect  them  on  their  way  home. 

The  settling  of  tLe  details  of  the  capitulation,  required  several  days.  On 
the  1st  of  May  all  was  finished.  On  the  2d,  General  Schofield,  accompanied 
by  Colonels  Wherry  and  Twining  of  his  staff,  took  a  special  train  for 
Greensborough  ;  they  arrived  there  at  noon.  General  Schofield  visited  Gener- 
al Johnston  and  spent  the  afternoon  with  him. 

Among  the  general  officers  surrendered  by  Johnston  are  the  following  : 
Lieutenant  Generals  W.  J.  Hardee,  Stewart,  and  Stephen  D.  Lee  ;  Major 
Generals  D.  H.  Hill,  and  Wm.  Bate ;  Brigadier  Generals  J.  H.  Sharp,  Hen- 
derson, J.  B.  Palmer,  Capers,  Govan,  Colquitt,  Shelly,  Featherston,  Lowry 
and  Logan  of  the  cavalry. 

The  unpretending  wayside  cottage,  owned  and  occupied  by  Mr.  Bennet, 


HIS  GREAT   CAMPAIGNS.  241 

where  Sherman  and  Johnston  met  to  arrange  the  terms  of  surrender,  suffered 
at  the  hands  of  relic  gatherers.  The  table  on  which  the  memoranda  were 
written  has  been  cut  to  fragments,  and  is  in  the  hands  of  soldiers.  The 
house  is  being  carried  off  piece  meal.  After  the  cottage,  the  fence  and 
trees  will  go,  and  in  due  time  there  will  be  an  excavation  to  mark  the  spot 
where  the  disappearing  Bennet  cottage  stood. 

General  Howard's  army  left  for  the  North  on  the  morning  of  May  3d,  and 
Slocum's  left  the  next  day  for  Richmond,  Va.  General  Paine's  division  of 
colored  troops  were  sent  back  to  Goldsboro,  North  Carolina.  Howard's 
corps  went  by  way  of  Louisburgh,  Warrenton,  Laurenceville,  and  Peters- 
burgh  to  Richmond.  Slocum  kept  to  the  left  of  Howard's  corps,  going  by 
way  of  Oxford,  Baydton,  and  Nottoway  Courthouse  on  to  Richmond.  They 
had  orders  to  be  at  Richmond  so  as  to  be  ready  to  resume  the  march  by  the 
middle  of  May. 

GENERAL  SHERMAN'S  ORDER. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI,    | 
IN  THE  FIELD,  RALEIGH,  April  17,  1865.  \ 

SPECIAL  FIELD  ORDER,  No.  56. — The  General  commanding  announces, 
with  pain  and  sorrow,  that  on  the  evening  of  the  llth  inst.,  at  the  Theatre 
in  Washington  City,  his  Excellency  the  President  of  the  United  States,  Mr. 
Lincoln,  was  assassinated  by  one  who  uttered  the  State  motto  of  Virginia. 
At  the  same  time  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Seward,  while  suffering  from  a 
broken  arm,  was  also  stabbed  by  another  murderer  in  his  own  Jiouse,  but 
still  survives,  and  his  son  was  wounded,  supposed  fatally. 

It  is  believed  by  persons  capable  of  judging  that  other  high  officers  were 
designed  to  share  the  same  fate.  Thus  it  seems  that  our  enemy,  despairing 
of  meeting  us  in  rnanly  warfare,  begins  to  resort  to  the  assassin's  tools. 
Your  General  does  not  wish  you  to  infer  that  this  is  universal ;  for  he  knows 
that  the  great  mass  of  the  Confederate  Army  would  scorn  to  sanction  such 
acts,  but  he  believes  it  the  legitimate  consequence  of  rebellion  against  right- 
ful authority.  We  have  met  every  phase  lohich  this  war  has  assumed,  and 
must  now  he  prepared  for  it  in  its  last  and  worst  shape,  that  of  assassins 
and  guerrillas  ;  hut  woe  unto  the  people  who  seek  to  expend  their  wild  pas- 
sions in  such  a  manner,  for  there  is  hut  one  dread  result. 

By  order  of  Major  General  W.  T.  SHERMAN, 
L.  M.  DAYTON  Major,  and  Assistant  Adjutant  General. 

On  the  24th  of  May,  Sherman's  army  passed  in  review  before  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  in  Washington,  with  banners  proudly  flying, 
ranks  in  close  and  magnificent  array,  under  the  eye  of  their  beloved  chief, 
and  amid  the  thundering  plaudits  of  countless  thousands  of  enthusiastic 

16 


242  GENERAL  SHERMAN  AND 

spectators.     This  was  a  glorious  day  for  the  nation  !  a  proud  day  for  the 
Army  of  the  Mississippi. 

GENERAL  SHERMAN'S  FAREWELL. 

* 

HEADQUARTERS,  MIDDLE  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI,  IN  THE  FIELD,  ) 
Washington,  D.  C.,  May  30th,  1865.          j 

THE  General  Commanding  announces  to  the  Armies  of  the  Tennessee 
and  Georgia,  that  the  time  has  come  for  us  to  part.  Our  work  is  done, 
and  armed  enemies  no  longer  defy  us.  Some  of  you  will  be  retained  in 
service  until  further  orders.  And  now  that  we  are  about  to  separate,  to 
mingle  with  the  civil  world,  it  becomes  a  pleasing  duty  to  recall  to  mind 
the  situation  of  national  affairs  when,  but  little  more  than  a  year  ago,  we 
were  gathered  about  the  twining  cliff's  of  Lookout  Mountain,  and  all  the 
future  was  wrapped  in  doubt  and  uncertainty.  Three  armies  had  come 
together  from  distant  fields,  with  separate  histories,  yet  bound  by  one 
common  cause — the  union  of  our  country  and  the  perpetuation  of  the  gov- 
ernment of  our  inheritance.  There  is  no  need  to  recall  to  your  memories 
Tunnell  Hill,  with  its  Rocky  Face  Mountain,  and  Buzzard  Roost  Gap  ,with  the 
ugly  forts  of  Dalton  behind.  We  were  in  earnest,  and  paused  not  for  danger 
and  difficulty,  but  dashed  through  Snake  Creek  Gap,  and  fell  on  Ressacca, 
then  on  to  Etowah,  to  Dallas,  Kenesaw  ;  and  the  heats  of  summer  found 
us  on  the  banks  of  the  Chattahoochee,  far  from  home  and  dependent  on  a 
single  road  for  supplies.  Again  we  were  not  to  be  held  back  by  any 
obstacle,  and  crossed  over  and  fought  four  heavy  battles  for  the  possession 
of  the  citadel  of  Atlanta.  That  was  the  crisis  of  our  history.  A  doubt 
still  clouded  our  future  ;  but  we  solved  the  problem,  and,  destroying 
Atlanta,  struck  boldly  across  the  State  of  Georgia,  secured  all  the  main 
arteries  of  life  to  our  enemy,  and  Christmas  found  us  at  Savannah.  Wait- 
ing there  only  long  enough  to  fill  our  wagons,  we  again  began  a  march, 
which  for  peril,  labor  and  results,  will  compare  with  any  ever  made  by 
an  organized  army.  The  pods  of  the  Savannah,  the  swamps  of  the  Com- 
bahee  and  Edisto,  the  high  hills  and  rocks  of  the  San  tee,  the  flat  quag- 
mires of  the  Pedee  and  Cape  Fear  Rivers,  were  all  passed  in  midwinter, 
with  its  floods  and  rains,  in  the  face  of  an  accumulating  enemy  ;  and  after 
the  battles  of  Averysboro  and  Bentensville,  we  once  more  came  out  of 
the  wilderness  to  meet  onr  friends  at  Goldsboro.  Even  then  we  paused 
only  long  enough  to  get  new  clothing,  and  to  reload  our  wagons,  and 
again  pushed  on  to  Raleigh,  and  beyond,  until  we  met  our  enemy,  sueiug 
for  peace  instead  of  war,  and  offering  to  submit  to  the  injured  laws  of  his 
and  our  country.  As  long  as  that  enemy  was  defiant,  nor  mountains  nor 
rivers,  nor  swamps  nor  hunger,  nor  cold  had  checked  us  ;  but  when  he 
who  had  fought  us  hard  and  persistently  offered  submission,  your  General 


HIS  GREAT  CAMPAIGNS.  248 

thought  it  wrong  to  pursue  him  further,  and  negotiations  followed  which 
resulted,  as  you  all  know,  in  his  surrender.  How  far  the  operations  of 
the  army  have  contributed  to  the  overthrow  of  the  confederacy,  of  the 
peace  which  dawns  on  us,  must  be  judged  by  others,  and  not  by  us.  But 
that  you  have  done  all  that  men  could  do,  has  been  admitted  by  those  in 
authority  ;  and  we  have  a  right  to  join  in  the  universal  joy  that  fills  our 
land  because  the  war  is  over,  and  our  government  stands  vindicated  be- 
fore the  world  by  the  joint  action  of  the  volunteer  armies  of  the  United 
States. 

To  such  as  remain  in  the  military  service,  your  General  need  only  re- 
mind you  that  the  successes  of  the  past  are  due  to  hard  work  and  disci- 
pline, and  that  the  same  work  and  discipline  are  equally  important  in  the 
future.  To  such  as  go  home,  he  will  only  say,  that  our  favored  country 
is  so  grand,  so  extensive,  so  diversified  in  climate,  soil  and  productions, 
that  every  man  may  surely  find  a  home  and  occupation  suited  to  his  tastes ; 
and  none  should  yield  to  the  natural  impotence  sure  to  result  from 
our  past  life  of  excitement  and  adventure.  You  will  be  invited  to  seek 
new  adventure  abroad  ;  but  do  not  yield  to  the  temptation,  for  it  will 
lead  only  to  death  and  disappointment. 

Your  General  now  bids  you  all  farewell,  with  the  full  belief  that,  as  in 
war  you  have  been  good  soldiers,  so  in  peace  you  will  make  good  citi- 
zens ;  and  if,  unfortunately,  new  war  should  arise  in  our  country,  Sher- 
man's army  will  be  the  first  to  buckle  on  the  old  armor  and  come  forth  to 
defend  and  maintain  the  government  of  our  inheritance  and  choice. 

By  Order  of  Major-General  W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

L.  M.  DAYTON,  Assistant- Adjutant-General. 

The  country  owes  a  lasting  debt  of  gratitude  to  General  Sherman  and 
his  brave  army.  Different  opinions  will  exist  as  to  the  wisdom  of  the 
policy  adopted  in  his  memorandum  with  General  Johnston,  but  all  agree 
it  emanated  from  pure  motives.  Sympathy  for  a  brave,  misguided,  fallen 
foe,  with  the  misery  and  destitution  everywhere  to  be  met,  caused  the 
brave  heart  of  the  great  soldier  to  melt  with  pity.  This,  with  the  high 
and  holy  desire  to  establish  peace  from  the  Potomac  to  the  Rio  Grande, 
were  his  motives,  and  who  is  there  that  will  say  they  were  bad. 


THE  FALL  OF  CHARLESTON,  S.  C. 


THE  bold  advance  of  Sherman's  great  army  into  the  heart  of  South 
Carolina  compelled  the  rebel  General  Hardee  to  evacuate  Charleston.  As 
soon  as  the  rebel  general  learned  that  Sherman  had  destroyed  two  of  the 
principal  railroads,  and  was  preparing  to  tare  up  the  Florence,  the  last 
one  leading  into  the  city,  while  thus  meditating  on  his  position,  the 
lightning  conveyed  the  intelligence  to  him  of  the  capture  of  Columbia  I 
Hardee  now  became  panic-stricken,  and  the  evacuation  of  this  treasona- 
ble den  commenced.  Although  the  army  of  Sherman  was  over  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty-five  miles  off,  yet  Charleston  was  flanked,  and  no 
longer  tenable  in  a  military  point  of  view.  Admiral  Dahlgreen,  and 
General  Gilmore,  who  had  been  long  watching  their  opportunity  now 
began  to  discover  the  effects  of  a  fire  on  the  flank.  Pleasanton  was  dis- 
covered to  be  secretly  withdrawing,  and  retreating  over  the  road  by 
Christ's  Church.  The  garrison  on  James  Island,  and  the  rebel  troops  in 
the  city,  began  to  retreat  by  the  North  Eastern  Rail  Road.  Witnessing 
this,  Colonel  Bennett  commanding  the  21st  U.  S.  colored  troops  on  Mor- 
is Island,  dispatched  Major  Hennessey  of  the  52d  Pennsylvania  Volun- 
teers, with  a  few  men  in  a  small  boat,  to  ascertain  if  Fort  Sumter  was  evac- 
uated. Hardly  had  this  gallant  officer  with  his  brave  men  time  to  reach 
and  enter  its  battlements,  when  to  the  astonishment  of  thousands  the 
Star  Spangled  Banner  was  unfurled,  and  floated  in  triumph  over  its 
battered  walls.  The  sight  of  the  flag  was  sufficient  to  create  demonstra- 
tions of  joy,  and  it  was  hailed  by  all  on  ship,  and  shore.  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Bennett,  Major  Hennessey,  and  Lieutenant  Bar  of  the  52d  Pennsyl- 
vania started  with  a  few  colored  troops  for  the  city,  leaving  orders  for 
others  to  follow. 

The  approach  of  a  Yankee  boat  was  a  strange  sight  at  the  Charleston 
wharf.  Thousands  of  blacks,  and  a  great  number  of  whites  were  standing 
on  the  shore  when  it  came  up.  Colonel  Bennett  was  the  first  to  land, 
and  was  immediately  followed  by  the  others  in  the  boat.  To  their  as- 
tonishment the  blacks  seized  their  hands  and  kissed  them  with  delight, 
crying  "  Glory  Hallelujah  !  dis  is  de  army  ob  de  Lord !  we  watched  for 
you  dis  four  long  year,  we's  happy  now  I"  The  officers  and  men  were 
surprised  to  see  many  whites  in  this  den  of  traitors  who  appeared  to 
hail  with  delight  the  sight  of  old  glory.  Charles  Macbeth,  then  mayor, 


THE  PALL  OP   CHARLESTON.  245 

surrendered  the  city  to  Lieutenant  A.  G.  Bennett.  It  had  been  previous- 
ly fired  by  the  retreating  rebels,  in  several  places,  and  some  of  the  rebel 
cavalry  yet  lingered  around  the  suburbs  to  prevent  the  firemen  and  de- 
serters (who  were  secreted  in  houses)  from  extinguishing  the  flames. 
They  soon  fled,  when  the  Union  troops  began  to  march  up  Murry  street. 
Here  as  at  the  landing,  the  blacks  were  wild  with  delight,  every  where 
hailing  the  Union  officers  and  men  as  their  deliverers ;  and  when  the 
soldiers  struck  up  the  John  Brown  song,  it  filled  the  eyes  of  the  blacks 
with  tears,  and  their  hearts  with  joy  to  hear  the  boys  sing : 

John  Brown's  body  lies  a  mouldering  in  the  grave, 

While  weep  the  sons  of  bondage  whom  he  ventured  all  to  save, 

But  though  he  lost  his  life,  in  struggling  for  the  slave, 

His  soul  is  marching  on, 

Chorus — Glory,  Glory,  Hallelujah ! 
Glory,  Glory,  Hallelujah ! 
Glory,  Glory,  Hallelujah ! 
His  soul  is  marching  on. 

John  Brown  was  a  hero  undaunted,  true  and  brave, 
And  Kansas  knew  his  valor  when  he  fought  her  rights  to  save  j 
And  now,  though  the  grass  grows  green  above  his  grave, 
His  soul  is  marching  on. 

Glory,  &e. 

He  captured  Harper's  Ferry  with  his  nineteen  men  so  true, 

And  he  frightened  old  Virginny  till  she  trembled  through  and  through ; 

They  hung  him  for  a  traitor,  themselves  a  traitor  crew, 

But  his  soul  is  marching  on. 

Glory,  &e. 

John  Brown  was  John  the  Baptist,  of  Christ  we  are  to  see, 
Christ  who  of  the  boadmen  shall  the  Liberator  be, 
And  soon  throughout  the  sunny  South  the  slaves  shall  all  be  free, 
For  his  soul  is  marching  on. 

Glory,  &c. 

The  conflict  that  he  heralded,  he  looks  from  Heaven  to  view, 
On  the  army  of  the  Union,  with  his  flag  red,  white,  and  blue. 
And  Heaven  shall  ring  with  anthems,  o'er  the  deed  they  mean  to  do, 
For  his  soul  is  marching  on. 

Glory,  &c. 

Ye  soldiers  of  Freedom,  then  strike,  while  strike  ye  may, 
The  death-stroke  of  oppression,  in  a  better  time  and  way, 
For  the  dawn  of  old  John  Brown,  has  brightened  into  day, 
And  his  soul  is  marching  on. 

Glory,  &e. 

The  rebels  had  laid  a  train  to  the  arsenal,  and  it  was  saved  from  being 
fired  by  the  timely  arrival  of  the  Union  troops.  The  firemen  came  out 
when  the  rebel  troops  had  all  left,  and  with  the  assistance  of  Union  sol- 
diers subdued  the  flames ;  but  not  until  four  squares,  a  number  of  houses, 


246  THE  PALL  OP   CHARLESTON. 

and  about  2,000  bales  of  cotton  were  destroyed.  The  Wilmington  Depot 
of  the  North  Eastern  railroad,  had  been  made  a  storehouse  for  large 
quantities  of  powder  and  cartridges.  This  was  fired  about  eight  o'clock 
on  Saturday  morning  :  the  explosion  was  terrific,  shaking  the  city  to  its 
foundations.  About  150  men  women  and  children  were  killed,  and  over 
200  wounded  by  the  explosion.  The  moans  of  the  dying  sufferers  were 
heart-rending  ;  beyond  the  aid  of  their  surviving  friends  who  gathered 
around,  only  to  hear  their  voices  growing  weaker  and  weaker,  until 
hushed  in  silence,  the  spirits  leaving  their  mortal  prisons,  were  gathered 
to  their  Maker. 

THE  RHETTS  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

It  is  important  that  posterity  should  know  something  of  the  history  of 
this  family;  as  one  of  them,  Barnwell  Rhett,  owned  and  published  the 
Charleston  Mercury,  and  had  the  unenviable  distinction  of  hoisting  in 
Broad  street,  over  the  office  of  that  infamous  sheet,  the  first  rebel  bastard 
flag  ever  seen  in  the  United  States. 

The  sire  of  this  treacherous  family's  original  name  was  Smith,  He  was 
a  native  of  the  north  of  Ireland,  and  in  religion,  a  catholic.  Arriving  in 
America,  he  immediately  changed  his  name  to  Rhett,  and  in  order  more 
effectually  to  disguise  himself,  denied  his  religion  and  became  a  prot- 
estant.  From  him  sprang  all  the  people  of  the  name  of  Rhett,  now  living 
in  South  Carolina.  Some  say  he  changed  his  name  to  elude  pursuit ; 
others  that  it  was  done  to  inherit  property  by  fraud  ;  one  thing  is  sure, — 
it  was  done,  and  it  is  right  that  it  should  be  known  everywhere. 

FOUB  HUNDRED  AND  FIFTY  GUNS  TAKEN — DESPATCH  FEOM   GEN.    GILLMOBB. 

"  Headquarters  Dep't  of  the  South,  ) 

Charleston,  S.  C.,  February  26, 1865.  J 

"  Lieut.-Gen.  U.  S.  Grant,  and  Maj.-Gen.  H.  W.  Halleck,  Chief  of  Staff, 
Washington : 

"  An  inspection  of  the  rebel  defences  of  Charleston  shows,  that  we  have 
taken  over  four  hundred  and  fifty  (450)  pieces  of  ordinance,  being  more  than 
double  what  I  first  reported.  The  lot  includes  8  and  10  inch  Columbiads,  a 
great  many  32  and  42-pounder  rules,  some  7  inch  Brooke  rifles,  and  many 
pieces  of  foreign  make. 

"  We  also  captured  eight  locomotives,  and  a  great  number  of  passenger 
and  platform  cars,  all  hi  good  condition. 

"  Deserters  report  that  the  last  of  Hardee's  army  was  to  have  crossed  the 
Santee  River  yesterday,  bound  for  Charlotte,  N.  C.,  and  it  was  feared  that 
Sherman  had  already  intercepted  their  march. 

"  It  is  reported,  on  similiar  authority,  that  the  last  of  Hood's  army,  twelve 


THE  FALL   OP   CHARLESTON.  247 

thousand  strong,  passed  through  Augusta  last  Sunday,  the  19th,  on  the  way 
to  Beauregard. 

"  Georgetown  has  been  evacuated  by  the  enemy,  and  is  now  in  our  pos- 
session. 

' '  Deserters  are  coming  in  constantly.  We  have  over  four  hundred  already. 
"  Q.  A.  GTLLMOKE,  Major-General  Commanding." 

SKETCH   OF   THE   CITY. 

The  city  of  Charleston,  the  oldest  in  rebellion  (having  entered  upon  its  in- 
glorious career  of  treason  on  the  20th  of  December,  1860,  with  the  seces- 
sion of  the  State,  and  inaugurated  the  war  by  firing  on  Fort  Sumter  April 
12,  1861),  is  also  one  of  the  oldest  in  the  United  States,  having  been  found- 
ed in  1672.  Its  population  was  recruited  some  years  afterwards  by  Hugue- 
not refugees  who  emigrated  from  France,  and  settled  in  pretty  considerable 
numbers  in  South  Carolina.  It  was  not  till  1783  that  it  was  incorporated 
as  a  city.  Fifty-two  years  previously,  in  1731,  it  contained  six  hundred 
houses  and  five  churches,  and  a  thriving  business  was  done  in  its  port.  Du- 
ring the  Revolutionary  war  the  possession  of  the  harbor  of  Charleston  was 
the  object  of  more  than  one  British  expedition.  A  garrison  of  four  hundred 
on  Sullivan's  Island,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Moultrie,  achieved 
great  distinction  by  the  repulse,  on  June  28,  1776,  of  a  British  squadron  of 
nine  ships-of-war.  On  the  12th  of  May,  1780,  the  city  was  surrendered  to 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  by  General  Lincoln,  the  corporation  and  principal  citizens 
refusing  to  co-operate  in  its  defence,  and  offering  to  acknowledge  the  sovreign- 
ty  of  Great  Britain.  The  British  held  it  till  May,  1782. 

It  is  also  the  largest  city  in  the  State.  It  is  built  on  a  peninsula,  or  tongue 
of  land,  between  the  Ashley  and  Cooper  rivers,  which  unite  below  the  town, 
and  form  a  spacious  harbor,  communicating  with  the  ocean  at  Sullivan's  Is- 
land, seven  miles  distant.  Both  harbor  and  city  somewhat  resemble  New 
York  and  its  bay,  in  miniature.  There  is,  however,  this  striking  difference  : 
that  the  portion  of  Charleston  called  the  Battery,  and  corresponding  to  our 
Battery  and  to  State  Street,  is  the  most  fashionable  part  of  the  city.  The 
city  is  regularly  built,  and  extends  nearly  two  miles  in  length,  and  a  mile 
and  a  half  in  breadth.  Some  of  the  streets  are  from  sixty  to  seventy  feet 
broad,  and  some  are  narrow — for  instance,  King  street,  the  Broadway  of 
Charleston.  The  streets  run  mostly  parallel  to  each  other,  running  across 
from  river  to  river,  and  intersected  longitudinally  nearly  at  right  angles. 
They  are  shaded  with  beautiful  trees.  Several  of  the  houses  are  embower- 
ed in  a  profusion  of  foliage  and  flowers.  Many  of  the  dwellings  have  piazzas 
and  are  ornamented  with  vines  and  creepers,  while  the  gardens  attached  to 
them  bloom  with  the  orange,  the  peach,  and  other  trees  and  shrubs  in  greaj 
variety. 


248  CAPTURE   OF  THE   CITY  OF  WILMINGTON. 

The  city  has,  of  course,  suffered  much  in  appearance  from  the  ravages  of 
war.  The  shells  which  have  been  almost  daily  thrown  into  the  city  from 
our  forts  on  Morris  Island,  have  much  injured  the  lower  part  of  the  city.  A 
correspondent  of  the  South  Carolina  Advocate  thus  describes  the  desolatiou 
of  the  city:  "Passing  through  the  lower  wards  of  the  city  you  would  be 
particularly  struck  with  the  sad  desolation.  The  elegant  mansions  and  fa- 
miliar thoroughfares,  once  rejoicing  in  wealth  and  refinement,  and  the  theatre 
of  busy  life — the  well  known  and  fondly  cherished  churches — some  of 
them  ancient  landmarks — where  large  assemblages  were  wont  to  bow  at 
holy  altars,  and  spacious  halls  that  once  blazed  with  light  and  rung  with 
festal  songs, — are  all  deserted,  sombre  and  cheerless ;  and  this  is  enhanced  by 
the  forbidding  aspect  of  that  vast  district  of  the  city  which  was  laid  in  ashes 
three  years  ago,  and  which  remaines  in  unmolested  ruins  as  the  monument 
of  Charleston's  long  and  dreary  pause  in  the  grand  march  of  improvement. 
Here  you  perceive  her  humiliation." 

It  appears  that  her  humiliation  was  in  reserve  for  the  day  when  her  valiant 
fire-eating  sons  should  abandon  her  without  a  fight. — New  York  Herald. 

CAPTURE  OF  THE  CITY  OF  WILMINGTON,  N.  C. 

The  fall  of  Columbia  the  Capital  of  South  Carolina,  and  Charleston  the- 
chief  commercial  city  of  that  state  was  followed  by  that  of  Wilmington, 
which  had  become  the  chief  port  of  entry  and  rendezvous  for  English 
blockade  runners,  and  British  rebel-privateers.  General  Schofield  who. 
had  been  so  successful  in  several  engagements  in  Tennesse,  had  com- 
mand of  the  army  ;  and  Rear  Admiral  Porter  of  the  navy.  On  the  day 
Sherman  captured  Columbia,  and  Hardee  evacuated  Charleston,  Schofield 
commenced  marching  from  Smithfield  on  Wilmington.  General  Butler 
and  Admiral  Porter  had  on  the  24th  and  25th  of  December  made  an  effort 
to  capture  Fort  Fisher,  commanding  the  entrance  to  the  harbor  ;  but 
from  some  strange  misunderstanding  about  time,  failed.  Two  months  had 
been  spent  in  preparing  for  this  important  movement,  but  General  Scho- 
field and  Admiral  Porter  now  had  determined  on  its  capture. 

Schofield  with  the  land  forces,  occupied  both  sides  of  the  Cape  Fear 
River  in  his  approach  to  the  city.  The  left  flank  was  under  the  direction 
of  General  Terry ,  that  of  the  right  under  General  Cox,  while  the  navy  un- 
der Porter  was  carefully  feeling  its  way  up  the  channel,  bombarding; 
and  shelling  fortifications,  and  removing  torpedoes,  while  thus  advancing. 
On  the  night  of  the  20th  of  February,  the  rebels  drew  out  into  the  stream 
over  two  hundred  torpedoes,  and  floated  them  down  the  river  to  meet  the- 
fleet.  In  the  encounter  several  of  the  vessels  were  injured,  but  this  did 
not  check  the  advance.  Fort  Anderson  had,  on  the  l$th.  been  captured 
by  the  land  forces,  and  the  rebel  troops  were  pressed  up  to  Eagle  Island  ; 


CAPTURE   OF  THE   CITY   OF  WILMINGTON.  249 

when  on  the  21st  the  Union  forces,  under  General  Cox,  came  in  sight  of 
the  city.  The  same  night  the  Union  troops  took  possession  of  the  rail- 
way leading  to  Charleston,  and  General  Casement  pushed  his  pickets 
down  the  river  bank  directly  opposite  the  city.  Cox's  troops  approach- 
ed through  a  swamp,  and  finally  crossed  the  Brunswick  River  in  flat- 
boats,  found  at,  or  near  the  crossing.  General  Terry  on  the  left  flank 
was  steadily  advancing.  The  rebels,  though  entrenched,  fled  before 
Ames's  and  Payne's  divisions.  Fort  St.  Phillip  was  evacuated  on  the 
night  of  the  21st,  and  the  rebel  General  Bragg,  who  was  entrusted  with 
the  defence  cf  the  city,  evacuated  it  the  same  night.  On  the  morning 
of  the  22d,  Washington's  birthday,  while  flags  were  everywhere  to  be 
seen  floating  on  the  buildings  in  token  of  surrender,  at  precisely  nine 
o'clock  General  Terry,  with  his  command,  entered  the  city,  and  received 
its  surrender  from  John  Dawson.  Major  Clement's,  and  Cox's  divisions 
soon  followed.  The  negroes  were  everywhere  jubilant.  Their  friendship 
here  as  well  as  at  all  other  points,  showed  them  constant  and  true,  will 
with  delight  when  first  meeting,  and  weeping  when  parting  with  the 
Union  army.  About  700  prisoners  and  30  cannon,  with  cotton  and  stores, 
were  captured  with  the  city. 

Camp  Lamb — rebels  have  mild  names  for  prisons !  This  was  located 
about  one  mile  from  the  city,  and  there  yet  remained  about  400  Union 
prisoners  starving  and  neglected,  blackened  with  pine  smoke,  without 
blankets  or  shoes,  almost  nude,  delirious,  hair  matted,  and  eyes  glossy, 
gnashing  their  teeth,  and  clenching  their  hands, — many  had  forgotton 
their  own  names.  They  had  not  had  a  mouthful  to  eat  for  three  days,  when 
the  Union  soldiers  gave  them  bread.  They  raised  their  brows  to  Heaven 
as  in  devotion  ;  then  again,  looking  at  the  gift  as  though  puzzled  to  deter- 
mine from  where  it  came,  or  what  to  do  with  it.  A  black  woman  (God 
bless  her)  was  the  only  person  administering  to  their  grief.  She  was 
there  as  an  angel  gently  smoothing  their  passage  to  the  grave. 

Oh,  these  rebel  prison  pens  !  these  inquisitions  of  the  South  !  tongue 
can  not  utter,  nor  pen  describe,  the  crimes  of  their  keepers,  or  the  suf- 
ferings of  their  inmates. 

Ex-rebel  Senator  Foote,  who  was  a  member  of  the  committee  appoint- 
ed by  the  rebel  senate  to  examine  into  the  treatment  of  Union  prisoners 
and  reports  of  starvation,  asserts  that  the  investigations  showed,  that  it 
was  decided  in  Cabinet  meetings  to  reduce  the  rations  served  out  to  the 
prisoners,  so  as  to  weaken  and  destroy  their  constitutions,  that  when  ex- 
changed they  would  forever  be  useless  again  to  serve  as  soldiers.  Foote 
desired  to  report  these  facts  to  the  rebel  senate,  but  the  balance  of  the 
committee  overruled  him  and  had  them  suppressed. 

D.  J.  A.  Davis  of  Chicago,  a  prominent  physician,  states  that  a  rebel 
surgeon,  who  had  for  four  years  occupied  the  position  of  Assistant  Med- 


250  CAPTURE   OF  THE   CITY  OF  WILMINGTON. 

ical  Director  of  the  army  of  Northern  Virginia,  told  him  that  Union  pris- 
oners in  the  Rebel  hospitals  had  been  vacinated  with  venereal  matter, 
and  that  this  accounted  for  the  frightful  sores  of  the  bodies  of  so  many  of 
them. 

North  Carolina  furnished  one  hundred  and  ten  thousand  men  for  the 
rebel  army.  Not  more  than  ten  thousand  of  this  vast  number  held  slaves 
or  had  any  interest  in  the  dying  institution.  The  rebel  leaders  always 
distrusted  their  fidelity  to  the  cause  of  treason.  They  had  an  idea  that 
the  non-slaveholding  whites  of  the  old  North  State  were  instinctively 
loyal  to  the  Federal  union  for  being  thus  suspected.  Regiments  from  the 
state  were  always  placed  by  rebel  commanders  in  front  of  battle,  and  its 
soldiers  were  the  first  to  fall.  The  Ruffin's,  the  Steel's,  Caldwell,  Bur- 
ton, Craig,  and  Clingman;  the  Johnson's,  the  Edward's,  Asa  Briggs,  and 
Bragg;  the  Rodger's,  the  Saunder's,  John  W.  Ellis,  T.  B.  Vance,  and 
Wm.  A.  Graham ;  the  SpurrilPs,  Dr.  Holt,  Avery,  John  M.  Moorhead, 
&c.  These  and  other  hardened  slave-holders  carried  the  state  out  of  the 
Union  by  fraud,  and  should  be  allowed  no  part  in  the  future  history  and 
glory  of  this  country.  Clothed  in  garments  stained  with  blood,  and 
drenched  in  the  tears  of  North  Carolina's  widows  and  orphans,  their 
names  should  no  longer  be  mentioned  side  by  side  with  even  Benedict 
Arnold's. 


LIETTTENANT-fJENERAL,  TTLYSSES   SIMPSON  GRAXT.  IT.  H.  A. 
(Engraved  for  the  History  of  the  Plots  and  Crimes.) 


LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

HIS  EARLY  HISTORY. 
SIEZFLATTOIES  IDST  IMIIEJSZEOO 

AND 

HIS  MIGHTY  ACHIEVEMENTS  IN  OVERTHROWING 

THE  GREAT  SLAVEHOLDERS'  REBELLION 

AGAINST  THE  AMERICAN  UNION. 

/ 

In  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century  two  brothers  emigrated  from 
Scotland  to  America — one  settled  in  Connecticut,  and  the  other  in  New  Jer- 
sey. From  the  one  who  had  chosen  Connecticut  as  his  home,  sprang  the 
family  of  which  Gen.  Ulysses  Simpson  Grant  is  a  descendant.  It  appears 
that  some  of  the  descendants  of  this  Connecticut  brother  wandered  off  into 
Pennsylvania.  Jesse  R.  Grant,  the  father  of  the  illustrious  chief,  was  born 
in  Westmorland  county,  of  that  State.  In  1794,  Jesse  R.  Grant  moved  from 
Pennsylvania  into  Ohio,  and  was  engaged  in  carrying  on  a  tannery.  John 
Simpson,  heretofore  residing  in  Montgomery  county,  Pennsylvania,  in  1818, 
with  his  family,  moved  to  Clearmont  county,  Ohio.  Miss  Hannah,  daughter 
of  Mr.  John  Simpson,  having  for  some  months  received  the  attention  of  the 
tanner,  in  June  1821,  consented  to  become  Mrs.  Jesse  R.  Grant. 

While  thus  newly  married,  they  settled  at  Point  Pleasant,  about  twenty- 
five  miles  above  Cincinnati,  Ohio.  Here,  on  the  seventh  day  of  April,  1822, 
U.  S.  Grant  was  born. 

From  here,  Mr.  Grant,  with  his  family,  moved  to  Georgetown,  the  capital 
of  Brown  county,  Ohio,  and  it  was  in  this  place  that  young  Ulysses  began 
to  receive  the  rudiments  of  his  early  education.  His  intellect,  like  most  great 
minds,  was  slow  to  develop ;  he  was  remarkable  for  his  perseverance,  but 
otherwise  he  was  not  considered  bright. 

On  one  occasion  his  teacher  had  given  him  a  task  to  perform,  in  mas- 
tering which  he  experienced  more  than  usual  difficulty.  A  schoolmate, 
noticing  his  trouble,  remarked  :  "You  can't  master  that  task."  The  per- 
severing lad  replied  that  he  did  not  know  the  meaning  of  the  word  "can't," 
and  would  refer  to  the  dictionary,  and  ascertain  its  signification.  Not  find- 


252  LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

ing  it  in  the  book  he  referred  the  matter  to  the  teacher,  who  explained  the 
origin  of  the  word,  and  was  so  much  pleased  with  the  pupil's  action  in  the 
case,  that  he  related  the  anecdote  to  the  entire  school,  and  impressed  upon 
them  the  importance  of  accomplishing  whatever  they  might  undertake,  and 
always  to  remember  that  there  is  no  such  word  as  can't. 

The  boy,  even  at  that  early  age,  had  a  great  reverence  for  Washington. 
While  at  school  at  Georgetown,  a  cousin  of  his,  whose  parents  had  settled 
in  Canada,  and  entertained  strong  distaste  for  everything  American — even 
Washington  was  the  butt  of  ridicule.  John,  for  that  was  his  cousin's  name, 
was  in  Ohio  going  to  the  same  school,  having  imbibed  these  Anti- American 
notions  from  his  parents,  began  to  speak  disrespectfully  of  Washington. 
Ulysses  finally  got  tired  of  listening  to  that  kind  of  slang,  and  gave  John  a 
severe  thrashing.  His  mother,  being  a  Christian  woman,  was  about  to  chastise 
her  son  for  whipping  his  cousin,  but  his  father  took  a  very  different  view  of 
the  matter,  remarking,  "  A  boy  that  will  fight  for  the  honor  and  integrity  of 
the  name  of  Washington,  will,  in  the  future,  make  a  brave  and  useful  man," 
and  prevented  the  chastisement. 

This  little  incident  created  a  patriotic  pride  and  hope  in  the  father's  heart. 
Although  unseen  and  unappreciated  by  the  outside  world,  yet  to  him  the 
bow  of  promise  and  distinction  seemed  encircling  his  youthful  head. 

From  this  time  forward  the  hopeful  parent  was  determined  to  procure  a 
West  Point  military  education  for  his  son.  For  this  purpose  he  applied  to 
Senator  Morris ;  but  this  senator  had  parted  with  his  right  to  recommend  a 
cadet.  Representative  Thomas  L.  Hamer  was  then  applied  to,  and  through 
his  influence  U.  S.  Grant,  then  in  his  seventeenth  year,  entered  the  West 
Point  school  July  1st,  1839.  While  in  the  fourth  class  he  became  the  sub- 
ject of  jest  and  sport  to  those  who  had  passed  the  same  ordeal.  These 
youths,  who  had  been  poking  their  fun  at  him,  were  hi  a  higher  class.  While 
on  parade  one  day,  the  thing  ran  so  high  that  young  Grant  had  a  set-to 
with  the  captain,  whipping  him.  He  then  turned  to  the  Lieutenant,  and 
enquired  if  he  wanted  to  continue  the  sport. 

"  Yes,"  says  the  lieutenant,  "  I  am  ready." 

It  took  young  Grant,  who  then  had  his  hand  in  at  that  kind  of  work,  but 
a  short  time  to  drub  the  lieutenant.     After  he  had  finished  the  good  work, 
Grant  stepped  out  in  front  of  the  company  and  said:     "I  ask  peace,  and,  if 
necessary,  will  fight  the  company,  one  by  one,  to  gain  it." 

From  being  the  subject  of  sport,  he  from  this  time  on  became  the  object  of 
admiration ;  being  always  known  afterwards  as  "  Company  Grant."  In  1840 
he  advanced  into  the  third  class,  ranking  as  corporal  in  the  cadet  battalion. 
In  1841  he  entered  the  second  class,  ranking  as  sergeant,  and  in  1842  he  en- 
tered the  first,  becoming  a  commissioned  officer  of  the  academy.  On  the 
13th  of  June,  1843,  he  graduated  number  twenty-one  in  a  class  of  thirty- 
nine.  Jn  July,  1843,  he  entered  the  United  States  Army  as  a  brevet  second 


SERVICE?   IN   MEXICO.  253 

lieutenant  of  infantry.  He  now  became  a  member  of  the  fourth  regiment  of 
regular  infantry,  stationed  at  Jefferson  barracks,  Missouri. 

He  was  ordered,  in  the  summer  of  1844,  to  repair  to  Nachitoches,  Louis- 
iana, to  form  part  of  the  command  then  organizing  under  Gen.  Taylor,  in 
anticipation  of  trouble  with  Mexico.  In  1845  he  was  ordered  to  Corpus 
Christi,  Mexico,  and  on  September  30th,  was  made  second  lieutenant  of  the 
seventh  infanty.  His  old  comrades  joined  him  in  a  request  to  the  War  De- 
partment, that  he  should  be  permitted  to  remain  with  his  old  friends  of  the 
fourth.  The  request  was  granted  by  the  war  department,  and  he  received  a 
second  lieutenant's  commission  in  the  fourth  regiment  regular  infantry. 

In  the  Mexican  war,  in  the  battles  of  Palo  Alto,  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma, 
he  behaved  with  great  bravery.  At  Monterey  and  Vera  Cruz  he  also  dis- 
tinguished himself  for  gallant  conduct.  At  the  battle  of  Molino  del  Rey  he 
was  promoted  to  first  lieutenant.  At  Chepultepec,  Major  Francis  Lee,  com- 
manding the  fourth  infantry,  remarks,  "  Lieutenant  Grant  behaved  with  dis- 
tinguished gallantry  on  the  13th  and  14th."  Col.  John  Garland,  command- 
ing the  first  brigade,  in  his  report  of  the  battle  of  Chepultepec,  speaks  in  the 
highest  terms :  "  Lieutenant  Grant  of  the  fourth  infantry  acquitted  himself 
most  nobly  upon  several  occasions  under  my  own  observation." 

General  Worth  also  in  his  report  of  September  16th,  1847,  bears  the 
same  testimony.  Lieutenant  Grant  was  again  promoted  for  gal- 
lantry ;  his  commission,  brevet  of  captain,  dated  September  13th,  1847, 
the  same  day  the  battle  of  Chepultepec  was  fought.  Soon  after  his  re- 
turn from  Mexico  he  married  Miss  Julia  Dent,  a  daughter  of  Frederick 
Dent,  and  a  lady  of  refinement.  Mr.  Dent  resided  atGravois,  near  St. 
Louis,  Missouri.  In  1852  the  fourth  was  ordered  to  the  Pacific  ;  their 
headquarters  to  be  at  Fort  Dallas,  Oregon  Territory.  In  August  1853,  he 
was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain,  being  then  in  the  interior  of  Cali- 
fornia, about  400  miles  from  the  coast. 

July  31st,  1854,  he  resigned  his  commission  in  the  service,  and  took  up 
his  residence  with  his  father-in-law  near  St.  Louis  ;  a  portion  of  his  time 
was  here  employed  as  a  collector  and  real  estate  agent,  and  dealer  in 
wood.  A  writer  says  of  him  : 

"  General  Grant  occupied  a  little  farm  to  the  southwest  of  St.  Louis, 
whence  he  was  in  the  habit  of  cutting  the  wood  and  drawing  it  to  Caron- 
delet,  and  selling  it  in  the  market  there.  Many  of  his  wood  purchasers 
are  now  calling  to  mind  that  they  had  a  cord  of  wood  delivered  in  person 
by  the  great  General  Grant.  When  he  came  into  the  wood  market,  he 
was  usually  dressed  in  an  old  felt  hat,  with  a  blouse  coat,  and  his  pants 
tucked  in  the  tops  of  his  boots.  In  truth,  he  bore  the  appearance  of  a 
sturdy,  honest  woodsman.  This  was  his  winter's  work.  In  the  summer 
he  turned  a  collector  of  debts  ;  but  for  this  he  was  not  qualified.  Ho  had 
a  noble  and  truthful  soul ;  so  when  he  was  told  that  the  debtor  had  no 


254  LIEUTENANT  GENEBAL  GRANT. 

money,  he  believed  him,  and  would  not  trouble  the  debtor  again.  One 
of  the  leading  merchants  of  St.  Louis  mentioned  this  circumstance  to  me. 
From  all  I  can  learn  of  his  history  here,  he  was  honest,  truthful,  inde- 
fatigable— always  at  work  at  something ;  but  he  did  not  possess  the 
knack  of  making  money.  He  was  honorable,  for  he  always  repaid  bor- 
rowed money.  His  habits  of  life  were  hardy,  inexpensive,  and  simple." 

He  now,  in  1859,  removed  to  Galena,  Illinois,  where  his  father,  Jesse  R. 
Grant,  then  a  man  of  sixty-five  years  of  age,  was  engaged  in  the  leather 
trade.  Ulysses  became  partner  in  the  business  with  his  father.  It  was 
here  in  Galena,  thus  occupied  in  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  civil  life,  that 
Ulysses  Simpson  Grant  in  1861  resided,  when  the  storm  of  the  rebellion 
burst  with  all  it»  fury. 

When  Sumter  had  been  fired  upon,  Grant  believing  the  Government 
required  his  services,  raised  a  company  in^  Galena,  and  proceeded  at  once 
with  it  to  Springfield,  Illinois.  Governor  Yates  was  commencing  to  organ- 
ize troops  for  the  aid  of  the  General  Government,  and  he  was  ready  to 
procure  the  assistance  of  a  West-pointer,  giving  him  a  position  as  aid  on 
his  staff.  After  several  months  of  arduous  duty  in  this  position,  Grant 
requested  the  Governor  to  give  him  an  appointment  in  one  of  the  three 
years  regiments  then  being  organized.  In  the  middle  of  June  he  resigned 
his  position  as  mustering  officer,  and  was  appointed  Colonel  of  the  21st 
Regiment  of  Illinois  Volunteers,  organized  at  Mattoon  in  that  state.  From 
here  he  removed  his  camp  to  Casey ville,  and  after  drilling  his  regiment 
about  four  weeks,  he  was  ordered  to  Missouri  to  guard  the  Hanibal  and 
Hudson  railroad  in  the  north  part  of  the  state.  He  was  here  made  acting 
brigadier  general,  and  placed  in  command  of  all  the  troops  in  the  district 
known  as  North  Missouri.  In  August,  his  regiment  was  ordered  to 
Pilot  Knob,  then  to  Feonton,  then  to  Marble  Creek.  It  was  while  Grant 
was  shifting  from  position  to  position  with  his  regiment,  that  the  Gov- 
ernment made  the  hapy  hit  of  appointing  him  brigadier  general  of  volun- 
teers, rank  and  commission  dating  from  17th  of  May,  1861.  About  thirty- 
one  distinguished  military  men  received  appointments  to  similar  posi- 
tions at  the  same  time.  Among  those  appointed  at  that  time  were  Will- 
iam T.  Sherman,  and  Cox  of  Ohio,  Hooker  of  California,  McClearnand  of 
Illinois,  Franz  Siegel  of  Missouri,  S.  R.  Curtis  of  Iowa,  Heintzleman  and 
Franklin  of  Pennsylvania,  John  W.  Phelps  of  Vermont,  and  over  twenty 
other  illustrious  names.  Some  have  fallen  in  battle  nobly  leading  on 
their  divisions,  while  many  of  them  yet  hold  positions  high  in  the  confi- 
dence of  the  Government.  Soon  after  General  Grant  was  appointed,  he 
was  placed  in  command  of  the  district  composed  of  Southeast  Missouri, 
and  Southern  Illinois,  headquarters  at  Cairo,  located  at  the  junction  of 
the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi  rivers. 

From  this  position,  with  only  two  Illinois  regiments,  four  pieces  of 


BATTLES  OP  FREDERICKTOWN  AND  BELMONT.  255 

artillery,  and  two  gunboats,  by  a  strategic  movement  on  the  6th  of  Sep- 
tember 1861,  he  advanced  up  to  the  mouth  of  the  Tennessee  river,  and 
occupied  Paducah  ;  he  sent  on  the  same  day  the  gunboat  Conestoga  up 
the  Tennessee  river,  capturing  three  rebel  steamers  ;  and  on  the  25th  of 
the  same  month,  by  the  same  sagacity  and  foresight,  Smithland,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Cumberland  was  captured,  and  both  rivers  blockaded.  This 
was  the  first  development  of  military  ability,  coupled  with  success,  made 
in  the  West. 

From  Cairo  General  Grant  sent  out  expeditions  in  different  directions. 
About  the  middle  of  October  1861,  Colonel  Plummer,  commanding  the 
llth  Missouri  Volunteers,  went  towards  Cape  Girardeau  in  pursuit  of 
Jeff.  Thompson,  who  was  reported  to  be  at  Fredricktown ;  here  a  little 
beyond  the  town,  the  rebels  were  found  drawn  up  in  line  of  battle.  With 
the  assistance  of  Colonel  Carlins,  Plummer  fought  the  battle  of  Frederick- 
town,  defeating  the  rebels,  capturing  one  piece  of  artillery,  and  a  num- 
ber of  prisoners. 

Cairo  now  became  an  important  position.  The  expedition  against  Bel- 
mont  and  Columbus  was  followed  up  early  in  November  1861.  At  the 
battle  of  Belmont,  General  Grant  had  his  horse  shot  under  him  ;  he 
was  amid  all  the  scenes  of  danger,  riding  from  point  to  point,  cheering 
on  his  men.  The  bravery  displayed  by  all  on  that  occasion,  will  be  seen 
by  the  following,  read  to  the  troops  on  their  return  to  Cairo  : 

"HEAD-QUARTERS,  DISTRICT  S.  E.  Mo. 

"  CAIRO,  November  8th,  1861. 

"  The  General  commanding  this  military  district  returns  his  thanks  to 
the  troops  under  his  command  at  the  battle  of  Belmont  on  yesterday. 

' '  It  has  been  his  fortune  to  have  been  in  all  the  battles  fought  in  Mexi- 
co by  Generals  Scott  and  Taylor,  save  Buena  Vista,  and  he  never  saw  one 
more  hotly  contested  or  where  troops  behaved  with  more  gallantry. 

"  Such  courage  will  insure  victory  wherever  our  flag  may  be  borne  and 
protected  by  such  a  class  of  men. 

"  To  the  brave  who  fell,  the  sympathy  of  the  country  is  due,  and  will 
be  manifested  in  a  manner  unmistakable. 

"U.  S.  GRANT, 
"  Brigadier- General  Commanding," 

On  the  20th  of  December,  1861,  General  Grant  was  appointed  by  Gen- 
eral Halleck,  who  was  in  charge  of  the  department  of  the  Missouri,  to 
take  charge  of  that  district,  with  new  and  extended  lines,  then  known  as 
the  "  District  of  Cairo." 

General  McClernand  with  about  five  thousand  men,  under  the  convoy 
of  the  gunboats  Essex  and  St,  Louis,  with  a  supply  of  five  days  cooked 


256  LIEUTENANT   GENERAL  GRANT. 

rations,  steamed  down  the  Mississippi.  Three  rebel  gunboats  made  an 
attack  on  the  Union  convoys,  but  after  an  hour's  engagement  were  forced 
to  retire  behind  the  batteries  at  Columbus,  about  eight  miles  below  Cairo. 
Generals  Paine,  and  C.  F.  Smith  were  also  on  the  march  to  ascertain  ex- 
actly the  enemy's  position  and  numbers.  After  a  week's  absence  each 
commander  returned  to  his  former  post. 

The  time  had  now  come  for  an  advance  into  oome  of  the  strongholds 
of  the  enemy.  Fort  Henry  on  the  Tennessee  river,  near  the  boundary 
line  between  that  state  and  Kentucky,  the  expedition  arriving  near  the 
mouth,  on  the  5th  of  February,  1862,  General  Grant  issued  his  order 
directing  his  mode  of  attack. 

Towards  noon  of  the  6th,  the  troops  commenced,  according  to  instruc- 
tions, their  advance  upon  the  works.  'After  a  little  over  an  houi  's  engage- 
ment the  enemy  lowered  his  colors  and  surrendered  to  Flag  Officer  Foote, 
who  soon  after  passed  the  captured  fortifications,  including  General 
Lloyd  Tilghman,  audits  guns,  to  General  Grant. 

Fort  Donaldson,  a  very  strong  rebel  position  on  the  Cumberland  river, 
was  General  Grant's  next  move  ;  and  on  the  llth  of  February,  he  issued 
an  order,  having  sent  back  to  Cairo  for  some  reinforcements.  On  the 
12th,  General  McClernand,  C.  F.  Smith,  and  Lew  Wallace,  with  their 
troops  commenced  the  advance.  At  noon  on  that  day  the  enemy's  pick- 
ets were  driven  in.  The  next  day,  the  13th,  was  occupied  principally  by 
getting  into  position  and  waiting  for  the  gunboats  to  arrive  from  Cairo 
with  reinforcements.  The  gunboats  had  an  important  part  to  play  in 
making  the  assault ;  at  two  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  the  14th,  the 
gunboats  and  reinforcements  having  arrived,  the  Carondelet  had  been 
attacking  the  Fort  for  about  two  hours  on  the  13th,  but  was  compelled 
to  withdraw  for  repairs.  Six  of  the  arrived  vessels  now  moved  up  the 
river,  receiving  the  fire  of  the  lower  batteries  of  the  enemy.  At 
seven  minutes  to  three  on  the  14th,  the  St.  Louis  opened  fire,  and  kept  it 
up  with  great  spirit  until  about  half  past  four  o'clock.  The  ironclads 
took  up  position  within  three  hundred  yards,  and  silenced  the  water  bat- 
teries, and  drove  the  rebel  gunners  from  their  posts,  a  shot  having  en- 
tered the  pilot  house  of  the  St.  Louis  and  shattered  her  wheel,  other 
vessels  having  received  severe  damage — Flag  Officer  Foote  ordered  the 
squadron  to  drop  down  the  river.  On  the  morning  of  the  15th,  the  right 
of  the  Union  line  near  the  river  below  the  Fort  w.i8  furiously  attacked  by 
the  rebels.  The  Eighth  and  Forty-first  Illinois  Regiments  were  the  most 
exposed,  and  maintained  their  position  with  great  bravery,  until  the 
rebels  were  reinforced  at  this  point,  when  two  of  our  batteries  were 
also  attacked  and  captured.  The  18th,  29th,  30th,  and  31st  Illinois  were 
quickly  brought  up ;  when  a  desperate  struggle  ensued.  The  Union 
troops  recovered  all  except  three  of  the  captured  pieces.  At  length, 


CAPTURE  OF  POET  DONALDSON.  257 

overpowered  by  numbers,  the  Union  forces  were  forced  to  fall  back. 
The  enemy  grew  bold  at  his  seeming  success.  The  Union  regiments 
under  Colonel  Cruft,  and  Colonel  Wallace's  brigade  came  up,  but  the  en- 
emy was  so  elated  with  his  expected  victory,  thdt  he  made  a  des- 
perate charge  which  caused  the  Union  troops  to  give  way  for  the  mo- 
ment, although  at  another  point  of  attack  the  enemy  were  being  driven 
in.  General  Grant  saw  the  position  here,  and  hastened  to  meet  it.  Gen- 
eral Smith  was  ordered  to  assault  the  left  of  the  line,  and  carry  the  posi- 
tion at  all  hazards,  while  vigorous  preparations  were  made  to  renew  the 
contest  on  the  right,  and  recover  the  ground  lost  in  the  morning.  Gener- 
al Smith  ordered  the  Third  brigade  of  his  division,  embracing  the  7th, 
50th,  and  42d  Illinois  ;  the  12th  Iowa,  and  13th  Missouri,  to  move  against 
one  portion  of  the  enemy's  lines,  while  with  the  Fourth  brigade,  embra- 
cing the  2d,  7th,  and  14th  Iowa,  and  25th  Indiana  Regiments,  led  on  by 
him  in  person  against  another  part  of  the  works.  The  2d  Iowa  led,  fol- 
lowed by  the  52d  Indiana,  while  the  sharpshooters  were  deployed  on 
either  flank  as  skirmishers.  In  this  position  the  column  moved  on  with- 
out firing  a  gun,  carrying  the  position  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  This 
great  Union  success  gave  the  troops  new  courage  along  the  entire  lines. 
Soon  after  the  Fifth  brigade,  the  8th  Missouri,  and  llth  Indiana,  were 
thrown  by  Colonel  Smith  against  the  enemy's  position  on  the  extreme 
right  of  the  line  from  where  the  Union  troops  had  been  driven  in  the 
morning.  Colonel  Cruft  was  moved  to  his  support ;  the  assault  was  made 
in  two  columns,  and  the  hill  was  carried  by  storm.  This  was  the 
position  on  the  evening  of  the  15th.  On  the  morning  of  the  16th, 
the  enemy  displayed  a  white  flag,  proposing  to  surrender  the  Fort — but 
the  rebel  S.  B.  Buckner  requested  an  armistice  of  twelve  hours  to  agree 
on  the  terms  of  capitulation.  General  Grant's  reply  was  :  "No  terms 
other  than  an  unconditional  and  immediate  surrender  can  be  accepted. 
I  propose  to  move  immediately  upon  your  works." 

U.  S.  GBANT. 

Buckner  acceeded  to  the  terms,  and  the  capture  of  Fort  Donaldson  was 
made  complete.  Union  loss  in  the  engagement  was  446  killed,  1735  wound- 
ed, and  150  prisoners.  Rebel  loss  231  killed,  1700  wounded,  and  nearly 
14,000  prisoners,  including  Buckner,  48  cannon,  and  17  heavy  guns  ; 
20,000  stand  of  arms,  3000  horses,  and  any  quantity  of  commissary  stores. 
The  next  day  two  regiments  of  Tennessee  troops,  ignorant  of  its  capture, 
were  permitted  to  march  into  the  fort,  making  in  all  about  16,000  prison- 
ers. This  is  the  largest  number  of  prisoners  of  war  up  to  this  date  ever 
taken  on  this  continent.  General  Grant  was  now  again  promoted — to 
the  rank  of  Major  General  of  Volunteers,  his  commission  dating  February 
16th,  1862,  the  day  of  the  surrender  of  Fort  Donaldson. 

17 


258  LIEUTENANT  GENEEAL  GKANT. 

General  Halleck  at  this  time  issued  an  order  creating  the  new  district 
of  West  Tennessee,  embracing  the  country  between  the  Tennessee  and 
Mississippi  rivers  to  the  Mississippi  State  line  and  Cairo.  On  the  17th 
February,  1862,  General  Grant  issued  his  order  taking  command.  After 
the  occupation  of  Nashville  by  General  Nelson  on  February  24th,  General 
Grant  moved  his  headquarters  to  Fort  Henry  where  he  spent  some  days 
in  fitting  out  another  expedition.  Although  great  and  important  events 
had  jus.t  taken  place  on  the  Tennessee  and  Cumberland,  yet  a  mightier  was 
at  hand.  The  capture  of  the  two  strong  outposts,  Henry  and  Donaldson,  on 
the  border,  served  to  rouse  and  call  the  more  desperate  and  confident 
foe  from  his  hiding-place  in  the  interior.  General  Beauregard  had  as- 
sembled a  strong  rebel  force  at  Corinth,  92  miles  east  of  Memphis  at  the 
junction  of  the  Mobile  and  Ohio,  and  Memphis  and  Charleston  railroads. 
General  Johnston  who  was  at  Murfreesboro,  immediately  started  for  Cor- 
inth and  joined  Beauregard.  On  April  the  1st,  here  was  assembled  the 
strongest  force  the  South  had  yet  gathered  on  any  battle-field.  The 
South  dreaded  an  invasion  from  the  Union  army  victorious,  and  then 
resting  in  West  Tennessee,  and  to  prevent  it,  gathered  an  army  of  near 
60,000  men,  under  the  command  of  Albert  Sidney  Johnston.  Johnston 
drew  to  his  assistance  such  men  as  Beauregard,  Polk,  Bragg,  Hardee, 
Crittenden,  and  Breckenridge.  With  such  an  array  of  rebel  comman- 
ders, urged  on  by  the  desperate  emergency  of  the  occasion,  being 
sent  there  to  prevent  the  invasion  of  the  cotton  States  and  to  meet  this 
great  array  of  ability  and  strength,  Major  General  Grant  had  about  38,000 
men,  with  McClearnand,  W.  H.  S.  Wallace,  Lewis  Wallace,  Hurlburt, 
W.  T.  Sherman,  as  division  commanders,  and  the  gunboats  Tyler,  Cap- 
tain Gwin,  and  Lexington,  Captain  Shirk  commanding.  This  was  the 
status  on  the  third  of  April.  Johnston  had  postponed  the  attack  until  the 
5th,  waiting  till  the  arrival  of  additional  reinforcements. 

General  BuelPs  forces  had  beeu  ordered  from  Nashville  to  assist  the 
Union  army,  and  were  hastening  up,  but  before  they  arrived,  Johnston  at 
six  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  April,  pushed  his  advanced  guard 
up  to  the  25th  Missouri  regiment,  under  Prentiss.  They  supposing  the 
advance  to  be  the  enemy's  pickets,  commenced  to  drive  them  back.  The 
rebels  being  ready,  soon  advanced  in  great  force  against  the  left  wing, 
pouring  the  grape  and  cannister  and  shell  into  the  Union  camp.  The  boys 
soon  organized  and  commenced  to  return  the  compliment,  when  the 
rebel  force  became  directed  against  the  left  centre,  Sherman's  division 
driving  the  men  back  from  their  camps.  The  rebels  now  with  a  fresh 
force  opened  fire  on  the  left  wing,  under  General  McClearnand.  The 
fire  was  returned  with  great  bravery  and  deadly  effect  by  both  artillery 
and  infantry  along  the  whole  line — a  distance  of  about  four  miles. 

General  Hurlburt's  division  was  thrown  forward  to  support  the  centre, 


BATTLE  OF  COEINTH.  259 

when  a  desperate  conflict  ensued.  The  rebels  were  driven  back  with 
terrible  slaughter,  when  they  rallied  and  in  turn  drove  our  men  back. 
The  contest  raged  fearfully,  the  rebel  commanders  hurling  their  forces  at 
one  time  against  the  extreme  left,  then  against  the  right,  and  then  with 
renewed  ferocity  against  the  centre.  Major  Taylor's  Chicago  artillery 
raked  the  rebels  down  by  scores,  but  the  smoke  no  sooner  cleared 
away  than  the  breach  would  be  again  filled.  Late  in  the  afternoon 
the  rebels  saw  General  Buell  approaching  with  18,000  fresh  troops. 
He  was  yet  on  the  opposite  side  of  tho  Tennessee  river,  and  they  knew 
their  chances  of  success  were  extremely  doubtful  if  his  troops  effected  a 
crossing.  General  Wallace  was  only  about  six  miles  down  the  river  at 
Camp  Landing  ;  although  the  boats  were  sent  to  bring  him  and  his  com- 
mand up,  yet  he  had  not  arrived  at  five  o'clock.  The  rebel  commanders 
comprehending  the  position,  made  a  furious  attack  on  the  left  wing, 
driving  it  back  so  as  to  occupy  over  two-thirds  of  its  camp,  and  were 
fighting  with  a  dreadful  degree  of  confidence  in  driving  the  Union  army 
back  into  the  river.  At  the  same  time  they  were  heavily  engaging  our 
right.  In  the  meantime  General  Buell' s  forces  were  on  the  opposite  bank 
of  the  river  anxious  to  take  part  in  the  struggle  ;  but  the  principal  part 
of  the  transport  boats  having  been  sent  to  Savannah  there  was  no  moans 
at  his  command  by  which  he  could  cross  the  river  during  that  day's  en- 
gagement. 

General  Grant,  with  his  staff  who  had  been  recklessly  riding  along  the 
lines  during  the  entire  day  amid  the  unceasing  storm  of  bullets,  grape, 
and  shell,  now  late  in  the  evening  rode  from  right  to  left  urging  the  men 
to  stand  firm  until  reinforcement  could  be  got  across  the  river.  Just  be- 
fore night  closed  in,  a  general  cannonading  was  opened  upon  the  enemy 
upon  our  whole  line.  Such  a  roar  of  artillery  had  then  never  been  heard 
on  this  continent.  As  the  evening  grew  dark  the  reply  of  the  rebels  be- 
came less  frequent.  The  gunboats  Lexington  and  Tyler  had  been  raining 
shell  on  the  rebel  hordes.  This  last  effort  was  too  much  for  them 
to  stand,  and  about  dark  their  firing  had  nearly  ceased.  Thus  ended  the 
conflict  on  the  evening  of  the  6th.  The  rebels  had  spent  their  fury  in 
order  to  destroy  Grant's  army  before  the  reinforcements  under  Generals 
Buell  and  Wallace  which  they  knew  were  coming  and  already  now  ad- 
vancing, could  arrive.  But  they  failed  to  accomplish  it. 

At  half  past  two  o'clock  General  Johnston  command er-in-chief  of  the 
rebel  army,  while  leading  a  charge,  was  mortally  wounded.  He  was  hit 
with  a  musket  ball  on  the  calf  of  the  right  leg  ;  believing  it  only  a  flesh 
wound  he  continued  in  the  saddle,  giving  orders  until  he  became  ex- 
hausted from  the  loss  of  blood.  Fainting,  with  extended  arms,  he  was 
caught  by  the  rebel  Governor  Harris  as  he  fell  from  his  horse,  and  amid 
the  roar  of  artillery  and  excitement  of  battle  breathed  his  last.  News  of 


260  LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

his  death  was  kept  from  the  rebel  army  during  the  entire  day.  John- 
ston was  a  graduate  of  West  Point  in  1820  ;  was  in  the  Black  Hawk  war ; 
left  the  United  States  army  in  1836  and  emigrated  to  Texas,  arriving  shortly 
after  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  and  entered  the  Texan  army  as  a  private, 
but  was  soon  promoted  to  succeed  General  Felix  Houston  in  the  chief 
command,  after  which  Houston  and  him  fought  a  duel,  Johnston  being 
wounded.  He  was  then  appointed  Secretary  of  War,  and  in  1839  led  an 
expedition  against  the  Cherokees,  fighting  the  battle  of  the  Neches,  was 
an  ardent  advocate  of  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States  in  1846. 
He  took  the  field  as  commander  of  the  Volunteer  Texas  Rifle  Regiment, 
under  General  Taylor,  against  Mexico,  after  which  he  conducted  the 
military  expedition  sent  to  Salt  Lake  in  1857.  He  had  command  of  the 
Military  District  of  Utah  when  the  rebellion  commenced.  He  was  six 
feet  high,  strongly  arid  powerfully  framed,  of  Scotch  lineage,  naturally 
fair  complexion,  and  was  sixty  years  old  when  he  died.  Loss  of  the  Con- 
federates in  the  two  days  battle  was,  killed,  1,728 ;  wounded,  8,012 ; 
missing,  959. 

Night  closed  the  day's  combat,  and  both  armies  rested  from  their  aw- 
ful work  of  death  and  carnage. 

The  Union  forces  rested  on  their  arms  in  the  position  they  held  when 
darkness  set  in.  During  Sunday  night  the  reinforcements  of  Buell  and 
Wallace  were  taken  to  important  positions  on  the  battle  ground, 
General  Buell  himself  having  arrived  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  on 
the  evening  of  the  6th. 

At  daylight  on  the  morning  of  the  7th  General  Grant  became  the  -as- 
saulting party.  General  Nelson's  division  of  Buell's  army  occupied  the 
advance  on  the  left  wing.  Advancing,  they  opened  a  galling  fire,  the 
rebels  falling  back.  At  the  same  time  Major  General  Wallace  with  his 
division  opened  on  the  right,  and  the  fire  soon  became  general  along  the 
whole  line.  Generals  McClernand,  Sherman,  Hurlburt,  with  their  troops 
jaded  from  the  previous  days  hard  fighting,  maintained  throughout  the 
second  day's  conflict  the  same  vigor  and  unyielding  bravery. 

The  hopes  of  the  rebel  commanders  the  previous  day  (that  of  destroy- 
ing Grant's  army  before  Buell  and  Wallace  arrived)  had  now  proved  de- 
lusive, and  they  entered  the  conflict  on  the  morning  of  the  7th  with  re- 
venge deepened  from  disappointment ;  with  this  feeling  they  urged  their 
men  on  right  up  into  the  jaws  of  death.  At  every  appearance  of  success 
on  the  right,  when  they  were  making  a  last  desperate  effort  to  flank  the 
Union  army,  they  cheered  like  savages  ;  but  instead  of  flanking  us  on  the 
right,  about  11  o'clock  in  the  day,  General  Nelson  flanked  them  on  the 
left,  and  captured  their  batteries  of  artillery. 

They  again  rallied  on  the  left  and  made  another  desperate  effort,  but 
reinforcements  from  Generals  Wood  and  Thomas  came  to  Buell's  aid,  and 


CAPTURE  OP  MEMPHIS.  261 

he  again  commenced  to  drive  the  enemy.  About  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  General  Grant  rode  to  the  left,  where  he  had  ordered  fresh  regi- 
ments, finding  the  rebels  wavering,  sent  a  portion  of  his  bodyguard  to 
the  head  of  each  of  five  regiments,  then  ordered  a  charge  across  the  field, 
himself  leading  and  far  in  the  advance  brandishing  his  sword,  waved  them  on 
to  the  crowning  victory,  the  cannon  balls  falling  like  hail  around  him. 

His  men  followed  with  a  shout  that  rose  above  the  roar  and  din  of 
artillery,  the  rebels  fleeing  in  dismay  as  from  a  destroying  avalanche, 
and  never  made  another  stand.  By  five  o'clock  the  entire  rebel  army 
was  in  full  retreat  to  Corinth,  with  our  army  in  hot  pursuit. 

Some  have  supposed  that  Grant's  battle-ground  was  not  well  chosen, 
with  the  Tennessee  river  in  his  rear.  General  Buell  said  to  him,  "  Sup- 
pose you  had  been  whipped,  you  had  transports  only  sufficient  to  cross 
over  about  10,000  men."  "  Well,"  says  the  great  chieftain,  "  if  I  had 
been  whipped,  that  would  have  been  abundant  for  all  that  would  have 
been  left  of  us." 

From  the  8th  to  the  13th  of  April,  the  army  under  command  of  General 
Halleck,  continued  to  pursue  the  enemy  to  Monterey,  Pea  Ridge,  Purdy, 
arriving  within  a  few  miles  of  Corinth  where  Beauregard  had  retreated 
and  concentrated  his  forces  to  make  another  stand.  The  Union  army 
was  now  reorganizing,  and  General  Grant  placed  second  in  command. 
The  army  of  the  Tennessee  (right)  under  General  Grant ;  the  army  of  the 
Mississippi  (left)  under  General  Pope  ;  and  the  army  of  the  Ohio  (centre) 
under  General  Buell.  About  this  time  an  effort  was  made  by  rival  mili- 
tary aspirants,  and  their  satelites,  to  bring  General  Grant  into  disrepute 
by  criticizing  his  military  capacity  and  charging  him  with  dissipation  ; 
but  a  timely  exposure  of  their  malicious  designs,  by  the  Hon.  E.  B.  Wash- 
burne,  of  Illinois,  in  an  able  speech  delivered  in  the  United  States  House 
of  Representatives  May  2d,  1862,  checkmated  their  game.  On  the  27th 
Sherman,  Thomas,  Buell,  and  Pope,  under  the  special  direction  of  Gen- 
eral Grant  made  a  reconnoisance  within  gunshot  of  the  rebel  works  at 
Corinth.  While  General  Grant  was  preparing  for  a  siege,  Beauregard  on 
the  30th  evacuated  the  place,  retreating  by  way  of  Baldwin  and  Tupelo. 
While  Beauregard  was  retreating  from  Corinth,  Memphis  on  the  Missis- 
sippi river  was  captured,  and  four  gunboats  sunk.  This  was  the  result 
of  a  naval  engagement  in  front  of  the  place  on  the  6th  day  of  June.  New 
Orleans,  Baton  Rouge,  Natchez,  and  Memphis  were  now  all  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Federal  forces. 

On  the  17th  of  July,  1862,  General  Halleck  took  leave  of  his  army  pre- 
paratory to  assuming  a  more  exalted  position.  The  department  was  now 
subdivided,  and  under  the  command  of  different  generals.  The  depart- 
ment of  West  Tennessee  was  assigned  to  General  Grant,  with  Corinth  as 
.  his  headquarters.  Very  little  was  done  in  a  military  way  except  a  few 


LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

skirmishes,  which  always  resulted  favorable  to  the  Union  troops,  until 
the  middle  of  September,  when  the  rebel  generals  were  organizing  at 
luka  and  other  points  to  break  through  the  Union  lines  and  retake  the 
conquered  territory.  Van  Dorn  was  to  remain  to  defend  Vicksburg. 
Breckenridge  was  to  make  his  way  into  Kentucky,  and  Price  to  go  to 
Tennessee. 

THB   BATTLE  OP   IUKA. 

General  Grant  says  :  "  On  the  16th  of  September  we  commenced  to 
collect  our  strength  to  move  upon  Price,  at  luka,  in  two  columns;  the 
one  to  the  right  of  the  railroad  commanded  by  Brigadier  General  (now 
Major-General)  W.  S.  Rosecrans  ;  the  one  to  the  left  commanded  by 
Major  General  E.  0.  C.  Ord.  On  the  night  of  the  18th,  the  latter  was  in 
position  to  bring  on  an  engagement  in  one  hour's  march.  The  former, 
from  having  a  greater  distance  to  march,  and,  through  the  fault  of  a 
guide,  was  twenty  miles  back.  On  the  19th,  by  making  a  rapid  march, 
hardy,  well-disciplined,  and  tried  troops  arrived  within  two  miles  of  tho 
place  to  be  attacked.  Unexpectedly  the  enemy  took  the  initiative  and 
became  -the  attacking  party.  The  ground  chosen  was  sttch  that  a  large 
force  on  our  side  could  not  be  brought  into  action  ;  but  the  bravery  and 
endurance  of  those  brought  in  was  such  that,  with  the  skill  and  presence 
of  mind  of  the  officer  commanding,  they  were  able  to  hold  their  ground 
till  night  closed  the  conflict.  During  the  night  the  enemy  fled,  leaving 
our  troops  in  possession  of  the  field,with  their  dead  to  bury  and  wounded 
to  care  for.  If  it  was  the  object  of  the  enemy  to  make  their  way  into 
Kentucky  :  they  were  defeated  in  that ;  if  to  hold  their  position  until  Van 
Dorn  could  come  up  on  the  southwest  of  Corinth,  and  make  a  simulta- 
neous attack,  they  were  defeated  in  that.  Our  only  defeat  was  in  not 
capturing  the  entire  army,  or  in  destroying  it,  as  I  had  hoped  to  do. 

*'  It  was  a  part  of  General  Hamilton's  command  that  did  the  fighting, 
directed  entirely  by  that  cool  and  deserving  officer.  I  commend  him  to 
the  President  for  acknowledgment  of  his  services." 

This  battle  of  luka  was  a  part  of  the  battle  of  Corinth.  The  rebel  Gen. 
Price  supposed  that  Gen.  Grant  would  have  been  compelled  to  with- 
draw his  forces  from  Corinth  on  the  19th  of  September,  to  assist  those 
who  were  collecting  at  luka.  The  rebel  Gen.  Van  Dorn  was  waiting  for 
the  move,  but  Gen.  Grant  understood  their  game,  and  sent  Gen.  Ord  to 
that  point. 

The  rebel  armies  of  Van  Dora  and  Price,  under  Gen.  Van  Dorn,  formed 
a  juncture  at  Ripley,  and  commenced  to  march  on  Corinth.  October 
the  2d  the  rebel  army  marched  from  Pocahontas  to  Chewalla,  on  the  Mem- 
phis and  Charleston  railroad,  thus  moving  from  the  west  on  Corinth. ' 


BATTLE  OF   CORINTH.  263 

Gen.  Grant,  aware  of  the  enemy's  movements  on  the  morning  of  Friday, 
October  3d,  had  sent  a  large  force  some  miles  in  front  of  his  intrenched 
works,  to  meet  him.  At  7  o'clock,  A.  M.,  the  rebel  Gen.  Lovell's  divis- 
ion, with  Gen.  Villipigue's  artillery,  opened  fire.  It  was  not  Gen. 
Grant's  plan  to  continue  the  struggle  so  far  from  his  fortifications,  there- 
fore the  Union  forces  fell  back  to  within  one  mile  of  their  entrenched 
works,  when,  at  half-past  nine  o'clock,  a  severe  engagement  took  place. 
The  Union  forces  were  now  ordered  to  fall  back  into  the  fortifications, 
which  they  did  handsomely,  and  brought  up  several  heavy  field  guns 
and  opened  a  galling  and  destructive  fire  on  the  enemy's  advance. 

This  retiring  behind  the  entrenchments  caused  the  rebel  Gen.  Van 
Dorn,  (who  little  understood  their  strength,)  to  dispatch  on  Triday  night 
to  Richmond  news  that  he  had  won  a  great  victory. 

On  the  morning  of  the  4th,  Van  Dorn  continued  in  supreme  command. 
Gen.  Price  commanded  the  left  wing,  and  Gen.  Lovell  the  right  wing, 
which  was  stationed  west  of  Corinth,  and  just  south  of  the  Memphis  and 
Charleston  railroad.  The  battle  was  commenced  by  Gen.  Price  half  an 
hour  before  daylight,  within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  the  Union  breast- 
works. Heavy  skirmishing  was  kept  up  along  the  line  until  10,  A.  M. 
About  this  time  one  portion  of  the  rebel  lines  broke,  running  pell-mell 
into  Corinth,  losing  all  semblance  of  order,  infantry  and  cavalry  being 
crowded  together  in  one  dense  mass,  wild  with  excitement. 

But  the  batteries,  under  the  orders  of  the  Union  general,  had  been 
so  placed  as  to  command  the  village,  as  well  as  the  approaches  to  it. 
All  the  Union  guns  now  opened  on  this  disorganized  rebel  mob,  who 
were  cut  down  by  thousands,  almost  swept  from  the  face  of  the  earth. 
Van  Dorn  here  began  to  understand  that  his  supposed  victory  would  re- 
sult in  disastrous  and  disgraceful  defeat.  A  lodgment  in  the  village  was 
out  of  the  question,  therefore  he  moved  in  single  columns,  eight  deep,  and 
moved  in  silence  to  assault  the  battery  on  College  Hill,  which  was  his 
forlorn  hope.  After  being  several  times  repulsed  by  the  brave  Union 
troops,  at  last  additional  guns  were  brought  to  bear,  and  a  murderous 
fire  opened  on  the  rebels  which  nothing  human  could  stand ;  the  few 
that  were  left  alive  became  confused/and  fled  in  wild  dismay  from  the 
vortex  of  death.  At  3  P.  M.,  the  rebel  army  had  fallen  back  in  great 
confusion.  The  rebel  loss,  in  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners,  was  over 
10,000  men,  4000  stand  of  arms,  and  two  pieces  of  artillery. 

Gen.  Grant  says : 

"  HEAD-QUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OF  WEST  TENS., 
"JACKSON,  TENN.,  October  1th,  18G2. 

"It  is  with  heartful  gratitude  the  General  Commanding  congratulates 
the  armies  of  the  West  for  another  great  victory  won  by  them  on  the  3d, 


264:  LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

4th,  and  5th  instants,  over  the  combined  armies  of  Van  Dorn,  Price, 
and  Lovell. 

"  The  enemy  chose  his  own  time  and  plan  of  attack,  and  knowing  the 
troops  of  the  West  as  he  does,  and  with  great  facilities  for  knowing  their 
numbers,  never  would  have  made  the  attempt  except  with  a  superior  force 
numerically.  But  for  the  undaunted  bravery  of  officers  and  soldiers, 
who  have  yet  to  learn  defeat,  the  efforts  of  the  enemy  must  have  proven 
successful. 

"  Whilst  one  division  of  the  army,  under  Major-General  Rosecrans, 
was  resisting  and  repelling  the  onslaught  of  the  rebel  hosts  at  Corinth, 
another  from  Bolivar,  under  Major-General  Hurlbut,  was  marching  upon 
the  enemy's  rear,  driving  in  their  pickets  and  cavalry,  and  attracting 
the  attention  of  a  large  force  of  infantry  and  artillery.  On  the  following 
day,  under  Major-General  Ord,  these  forces  advanced  with  unsurpassed 
gallantry,  driving  the  enemy  back  across  the  Hatchie,  over  ground 
where  it  is  almost  incredible  that  a  superior  force  should  be  driven  by 
an  inferior,  capturing  two  of  the  batteries  (eight  guns),  many  hundred 
small  arms,  and  several  hundred  prisoners. 

"  To  those  two  divisions  of  the  army  all  praise  is  due,  and  will  be 
awarded  by  a  grateful  country." 

The  rebel  army  retreated,  crossing  the  Hatchie  River,  and  halting  at 
a  point  a  little  north  of  Ripley.  On  the  16th  of  October,  1862,  General 
Grant's  department  was  extended  so  as  to  embrace  the  State  of  Missis- 
sipi  as  far  north  as  Vicksburg,  and  he  issued  an  order  to  that  effect  dated 
Jackson,  Tenn.,  October  25th,  1662.  Galveston,  Texas,  hal  been  cap- 
tured by  the  naval  force  on  the  9th  of  October ;  these,  with  defeats  in 
Tennessee,  began  to  tell  on  the  nervous  rebel  leaders  when  they  saw 
388  vessels  of  war,  mounting  3072,  nearly  nine  to  the  vessel,  and  among 
these,  thirty  iron  clads,  mounting  ninety  of  the  heavest  guns  in  the 
world,  each  weighing  42,240  pounds,  and  throwing  a  solid  shot  fifteen 
inches  in  diameter,  weighing  480  pounds.  All  eyes  were  now  turned  on 
East  Tennessee  and  Vicksburg,  as  the  next  important  positions.  The 
rebel  government  had  entrusted  Vicksburg  to  Gen.  Pemberton,  and  in- 
,  structed  Van  Dorn  and  Price  to  render  him  all  assistance  possible.  Gen. 
Grant  advanced  from  Jackson,  Tenn.,  to  Holly  Springs,  Miss.  It  was 
while  Gen.  Grant  was  here  making  arrangements  to  capture  Vicksburg, 
that  President  Lincoln  issued  his  famous  Emancipation  Proclamation. 
On  the  29th  of  January,  1863.  Grant  moved  his  headquarters  to  Milliken's 
Bend ;  from  this  position  he  intended  to  flank  the  works  xtpon  the  south 
side  of  the  city ;  an  effort  was  also  made  to  re-open  the  canal  across  the 
peninsula,  on  the  Louisiana  side  of  the  river,  first  commenced  by  Gen. 
Williams,  a  gallant  officer,  who  was  subsequently  killed  at  Baton  Rouge. 

Early  in  February,  the  ram  Queen  of  the  West,  under  command  of  CoL 


BATTLE  OF  VICKSBURG.  265 

Charles  R.  Ellet,  ran  past  the  batteries  at  Vicksburg,  and  after  proceed- 
ing up  Red  River  and  capturing  a  large  amount  of  valuable  stores,  and 
one  steamer,  coming  in  contact  with  three  rebel  armed  steamers,  the  pi-  . 
lot  of  the  Queen  ran  her  aground  in  easy  range  of  their  guns,  and  Col. 
Ellet  was  forced  to  abandon  her.  The  gunboat  Indianola  had  also  ran 
past  the  batteries,  but  on  the  night  of  the  24th  was  met  and  captured  by 
the  rebel  fleet,  but  she  sank  before  her  captors  could  get  possession  of  her. 

On  the  21st  of  March,  1863,  Admiral  Farragut's  flag -ship,  the  Hartford, 
which  with  the  Albatrose  (two  out  of  the  six  that  started ,)  had  succeeded 
in  running  past  the  batteries  at  Port  Hudson, — this  port  is  situated  about 
sixteen  miles  above  Baton  Rouge,  and  300  below  Vicksburg, — arrived 
below  Vicksburg,  and  the  Admiral  communicated  with  Gen.  Grant. 
Four  days  later  the  Union  rams  Lancaster  and  Switzerland  attempted  to 
pass  the  Vicksburg  batteries,  but  the  former  was  sunk,  and  the  latter 
disabled  by  the  rebel  guns.  On  the  29th  of  March  part  of  the  Union 
army  captured,  after  two  hours'  fighting,  the  town  of  Richmond,  La. 

Admiral  Porter,  with  a  number  of  gunboats  and  other  vessels,  began 
transporting  the  army  across  the  Mississippi.  On  the  night  of  the  16th  of 
April  the  vessels  succeeded  in  running  the  gauntlet,  and  one  week  after- 
wards the  transports,  loaded  with  troops,  also  made  the  perilous  trip. 
Colonel  .(now  General)  B.  H.  Grierson,  of  the  first  cavalry  brigade,  was 
detailed  by  Grant  to  cut  all  the  enemy's  communications  with  Vicksburg. 
Col.  Grierson  having  destroyed  bridges,  railroads,  locomotives,  and 
every  communication,  and  having  routed  the  enemy  wherever  encoun- 
ered,  arrived  at  Baton  Rouge  on  the  1st  of  May. 

It  was  Gen.  Grant's  intention  to  circumvent  the  defences  of  Vicksburg. 
First,  by  the  canal  across  the  isthmus  opposite  the  city  ;  second,  by  the 
effort  to  get  through  the  Yazoo  Pass  ;  third,  the  Lake  Providence  canal 
project.  It  was  his  aim  to  get  in  the  rear  or  below  Vicksburg,  but  the 
natural  difficulties  were  too  great  to  be  successfully  overcome.  The 
rebel  fortifications  at  Snyder's  Bluff,  on  the  Yazoo,  or  his  batteries  in 
front  of  the  city,  were  about  the  only  points  susceptible  of  assault. 

On  the  nights  of  the  16th  and  22d  of  April,  1863,  two  fleets  of  gun- 
boats and  transports  ran  past  the  rebel  batteries  at  Vicksburg  without 
receiving  material  damage.  From  the  22d  of  December,  1862,  the  cap- 
ture of  Vicksburg  became  a  necessity,  and  from  that  day  until' the  4th  of 
July,  1863,  its  entrenchments  and  garrison  had  little  rest ;  its  besieger 
knowing  no  such  word  as  fail,  applied  every  means  to  overcome  the  dif- 
ficulties that  nature  and  art  had  thrown  in  the  way  of  its  capture. 
Through  all  these  long,  dreary  months  Gen.  Grant  continued,  with  his 
brave  arm}7,  to  persevere,  and  every  obstacle  was  finally  overcome.  Up 
to  the  22d  of  May  all  the  combinations  were  so  arranged  as  to  carry  the 
place  by  assault,  but  the  developments  of  that  day's  fighting  convinced 


266  LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

the  commanding  General  that  that  mode  of  capture  would  be  attended 
with  too  great  a  waste  of  life.  From  that  day  Gen.  Grant  determined  to 
capture  the  place  by  a  regular  siege.  He  brought  on  more  troops,  which 
enabled  him  to  make  the  investment  more  complete,  and  give  him  a 
chance  to  keep  a  large  reserve  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  rebel  Gen. 
Johnston,  who  was  then  gathering  a  force  in  Grant's  rear,  threatening  to 
compel  him  to  raise  the  siege. 

"  On  the  afternoon  of  the  third  of  July  a  letter  was  received  from  Lieu- 
tenant-General  Pemberton,  commanding  the  confederate  forces  at  Vicks- 
burg,  proposing  an  armistice,  and  the  appointment  of  commissioners  to 
arrange  terms  for  the  capitulation  of  the  place.  The  correspondence, 
copies  of  which  are  herewith  transmitted,  resulted  in  the  surrender  of 
the  city  and  garrison  of  Vicksburg  at  ten  o'clock  A.  M.,  July  fourth,  1803, 
on  the  following  terms  ;  '  The  entire  garrison,  officers  and  men,  were  to 
be  paroled,  not  to  take  up  arms  against  the  United  States  until  exchanged 
by  the  proper  authorities  ;  officers  and  men  each  to  be  furnished  with  a 
parole,  signed  by  himself;  officers  to  be  allowed  their  side-arms  and 
private  baggage,  and  the  field,  staif,  and  cavalry  officers  one  horse  each  ; 
the  rank  and  file  to  be  allowed  all  their  clothing,  but  no  other  property  ; 
rations  from  their  own  stores  sufficient  to  last  them  beyond  our  lines  ;  the 
necessary  cooking  utensils  for  preparing  their  food  ;  and  thirty  wagons  to 
transport  such  articles  as  could  not  well  be  carried.  These  terms  I  re- 
garded more  favorable  to  the  Government  than  an  unconditional  surren- 
der. It  saved  us  the  transportation  of  them  North,  which  at  time  would 
have  been  very  difficult,  owing  to  the  limited  amount  of  river  transportation 
on  hand,  and  the  expense  of  subsisting  them.  It  left  our  army  free  to 
to  operate  against  Johnston,  who  threatened  us  from  the  direction  of 
Jackson  ;  and  our  river  transportation  to  be  used  for  the  movement  of 
troops  to  any  point  the  exigency  of  the  service  might  require. 

"  I  deem  it  proper  te  state  here,  in  order  that  the  correspondence  may 
be  fully  understood,  that  after  my  answer  to  General  Pemberton's  letter 
of  the  morning  of  the  third,  we  had  a  personal  interview  on  the  subject 
of  the  capitulation." 

"  The  result  of  this  campaign  has  been  the  defeat  of  the  enemy  in  five 
battles  outside  of  Vicksburg ;  the  occupation  of  Jackson,  the  capital  of 
the  State  of  Mississippi,  and  the  capture  of  Vicksburg  and  its  garrison 
and  munitions  of  war ;  a  loss  to  the  enemy  of  thirty-seven  thousand 
(37,000)  prisoners  ;  among  whom  were  fifteen  general  officers  ;  at  least 
ten  thousand  killed  and  wounded,  and  among  the  killed  Generals  Tracy, 
Tilghman,  and  Green,  and  hundreds  perhaps  thousands  of  stragglers,  who 
can  never  be  collected  and  reorganized.  Arms  and  munitions  of  war  for 
an  army  of  sixty  thousand  men  have  fallen  into  our  hands,  besides  a 
large  amount  of  other  public  property,  consisting  of  railroads,  locomo- 


BATTLE  OF  VICKSBUEG. 


26T* 


tivescars,  steam-boats,  cotton,  etc.,  and  much  was  destroyed  to  prevent 
our  capturing  it. 

'  '  Our  loss  in  the  series  of  battles  may  be  summed  up  as  follows  : 

Killed.  Wounded.  Missing. 

Port  Gibson  ............................  130....  118....  5 

Fourteen-  Mile  Creek  (skirmish)  ..........       4.  ...  24  ...... 

Raymond  .............  .................      69....  341....  32 

Jackson  ................................     40....  240....  6 

Champion's  Hill  ........................  426....  1,842....  189 

Big  Black  Railroad  Bridge  ..............     29  ----  242  ----  2 

Vicksburg  .............................  245  ____  3,688  ____  303 

"  Of  the  wounded,  many  were  but  slightly,  and  continued  on  duty; 
many  more  required  but  a  few  days  or  weeks  for  their  recovery.  Not 
more  than  one-half  of  the  wounded  were  permanently  disabled. 

"  My  personal  staffs  and  chiefs  of  departments  have  in  all  cases  rend- 
ered prompt  and  efficient  service." 

THR  INTERVIEW   BETWEEN   GENERAL   GRANT  AND   THE   REBEL   PEMBERTON. 

The  following  account  of  the  interview  between  the  generals  com- 
manding the  opposite  armies,  is  given  by  an  eye-witness  : 

"  At  three  o'clock  precisely,  one  gun,  the  pre-arranged  signal,  was 
fired,  and  immediately  replied  to  by  the  enemy.  General  Pemberton 
then  made  his  appearance  on  the  works  in  Me  Pherson's  front,  under  a 
white  flag,  considerably  on  the  left  of  what  is  known  as  Fort  Hill.  Gen- 
eral Grant  rode  through  our  trenches  until  he  came  to  an  outlet,  leading 
to  a  small  green  space,  which  had  not  been  trod  by  either  army. 
Here  he  dismounted,  and  advanced  to  meet  General  Pemberton,  with 
whom  he  shook  hands,  and  greeted  familiarly. 

"  It  was  beneath  the  outspreading  branches  of  a  gigantic  oak  that  the 
conference  of  the  generals  took  place.  Here  presented  the  only  space 
which  had  not  been  used  for  some  purpose  or  other  by  the  contending 
armies.  The  ground  was  covered  with  a  fresh  luxuriant  verdure  ;  here 
and  there  a  shrub  or  clump  of  bushes  could  be  seen  standing  out  from 
the  green  growth  on  the  surface,  while  several  oaks  filled  up  the  scene, 
and  gave  it  character.  Some  of  the  trees  in  their  tops  exhibited  the 
effects  of  flying  projectiles,  by  the  loss  of  limbs  or  torn  foliage,  and  in 
their  trunks  the  indentations  of  smaller  missiles  plainly  marked  the  oc- 
currences to  which  they  had  been  silent  witnesses. 

"  The  party  made  up  to  take  part  in  the  conference  was  composed  as 
follows  : 

«        "United  States  Officers. 

"  Major-General  U.  S.  Grant. 

"  Major-General  James  B.  McPherson, 

"  Brigadier  -General  A.  J.  Smith. 


268  LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

"  Rebel  Officers. 

"Lieutenant-General  John  C.  Pemberton. 

"  Major-General  Bowen. 

"  Colonel  Montgomery,  A.  A.-G.  to  General  Pemberton. 

"  When  Generals  Grant  and  Pemberton  met  they  shook  hands,  Colonel 
Montgomery  introducing  the  party.  A  short  silence  ensued,  at  the  ex- 
piration of  which  General  Pemberton  remarked  : 

"  '  General  Grant,  I  meet  you  in  order  to  arrange  terms  for  the  capit- 
ulation of  the  city  of  Vicksburg  and  its  garrison.  What  terms  do  you 
demand  ?' 

"  '  Unconditional  surrender,'  replied  General  Grant. 

"  '  Unconditional  surrender  !'  said  Pemberton.  '  Never,  so  long  as  I 
have  a  man  left  me  !  I  will  fight  rather.' 

"  '  Then  sir  you  can  continue  the  defence,'  cooly  said  General  Grant. 
My  army  has  never  been  in  a  better  condition  for  the  prosecution  of  a 
siege." 

"  During  the  passing  of  these  few  preliminaries,  General  Pemberton 
was  greatly  agitated,  quaking  from  head  to  foot,  while  Generak  Grant 
experienced  all  his  natural  self-possesaion,  and  evinced  not  the  least  sign 
of  embarrassment. 

"  After  a  short  conversation  standing,  by  a  kind  of  mutual  tendency 
the  two  general's  wandered  off  from  the  rest  of  the  party  and  seated 
themselves  on  the  grass,  in  a  cluster  of  bushes,  where  alone  they  talked 
over  the  important  events  then  pending.  General  Grant  could  be  seen, 
even  at  that  distance,  talking  cooly,  occasionally  giving  a  few  puffs  at  his 
favorite  companion — his  black  cigar.  General  Me  Pherson,  General  A.  J. 
Smith,  General  Bowen,  and  Colonel  Montgomery,  imitating  the  example 
of  the  commanding  generals,  seated  themselves  at  some  distance  off,  while 
the  respective  staffs  of  the  generals  formed  another  and  larger  group  in 
the  rear. 

"  After  a  lengthy  conversation  the  generals  separated.  General  Pem- 
berton did  not  come  to  any  conclusion  on  the  matter,  but  stated  his  in- 
tention to  submit  the  matter  to  a  council  of  general  officers  of  his  com- 
mand ;  and,  in  the  event  of  their  assent,  the  surrender  of  the  city  should 
be  made  in  the  morning.  Until  morning  was  given  him  to  consider,  to 
determine  upon  the  matter,  and  send  in  his  final  reply.  The  generals  now 
rode  to  their  respective  quarters." 

The  same  correspondent,  under  date  of  July  4th,  1863,  writes  as  fol- 
lows : 

"  Having  a  few  hours  leisure  this  morning,  prior  to  the  arrival  of  the 
despatch  from  General  Pemberton,  stating  he  was  ready  to  surrender,  I 
took  occasion  to  visit  General  Grant,  and  found  everybody  about  his 


BATTLE   OF  VICKSBURG.  269 

head-quarters  in  a  state  of  the  liveliest  satisfaction.  It  was  evident  the 
glorious  events  of  the  day  were  duly  appreciated. 

"  The  General  I  found  in  conversation  more  animated  than  I  have  ever 
known  him.  He  is  evidently  contented  with  the  manner  in  which  he  has 
acquitted  himself  of  the  responsible  task  which  has  for  more  than  five 
months  engrossed  his  mind  and  his  army.  The  consummation  is  one  of 
which  he  may  well  be  proud.  From  Bruinsburg  to  Vicksburg,  nineteen 
days,  presents  one  of  the  most  active  records  of  marches,  actions,  and 
victories  of  the  war.  All  the  combined  operations  of  our  armies,  for  a 
siiniliar  length  of  time,  can  not  equal  it.  It  is  unparalleled,  the  only 
campaign  of  the  war  which  has  involved  celerity  of  movement,  attack, 
victory,  pursuit,  and  the  annihilation  of  the  enemy." 

On  the  8th  of  July,  Port  Hudson  was  surrendered  to  General  Banks 
with  51  pieces  of  artillery,  5,000  stand  of  arms,  a  large  quantity  of  am- 
munition and  stores,  and  nearly  6  000  men  and  officers,  including  two 
Generals.  The  capture  of  Vicksburg  was  a  victory  fruitful  of  great  re- 
sults ;  it  opened  the  Mississippi  river,  and  its  navigation  has  continued  un- 
interrupted (except  by  a  few  guerillas)  along  the  e  itire  course  of  that 
stream  from  St.  Louis  to  its  mouth  until  the  present  time. 

General  Grant,  for  his  great  services,  was  now  October  16,  18G3,  ap- 
pointed Major  General  in  the  regular  army,  his  commission  to  date  July 
4th,  1863.  The  officers  under  his  command  also  presented  him  with  a 
magnificent  sword.  At  Memphis,  New  Orleans,  and  Indianapolis,  he  re- 
ceived the  congratulations  of  his  countrymen.  The  departments  of  the 
Ohio,  of  the  Cumberland,  and  of  the  Tennessee,  were  constituted  by 
order  of  President  Lincoln  into  one  military  division,  to  be  called  "  The 
Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi,  and  Major  General  Grant  appointed 
to  take  command  of  the  same.  This  new  command  embraced  the  states 
of  Michigan,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Ohio,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Mississippi, 
Northern  Alabama,  and  North-western  Georgia.  This  gave  the  com- 
manding general  four  large  armies,  that  with  which  he  conquered  Vicks- 
burg, the  army  of  the  Cumberland,  the  army  of  the  Ohio,  General  Hook- 
er's grand  division.  Sherman,  Thomas,  Burnside,  Hooker,  and  subse- 
quently Foster,  were  his  army  commanders. 

The  following  corps  were  also  embraced  in  the  command  :  The  Fourth 
army  corps,  General  Granger:  the  Ninth  army  corps,  General  Potter : 
the  Eleventh  army  corps,  General  Howard  ;  the  Twelfth  army  corps,  Gen- 
eral Slocum  ;  the  Fourteenth  army  corps,  General  Palmer  ;  the  Fifteenth 
army  corps,  General  J.  A.  Logan;  the  Sixteenth  army  corps,  General 
Hurlbut ;  the  Seventeenth  army  corps,  General  McPherson  ;  the  Twenty- 
third  army  corps,  General  Hanson. 

Large  as  was  the  command  thus  entrusted  to  General  Grant,  the 
strength  of  the  rebel  army  in  the  Southwest  was  but  little  less  stupen- 


270  LIEUTENANT  GENEBAL  GRANT. 

dous — troops  from  all  parts  of  the  rebellious  States,  where  their  absence 
from  other  fields  was  not  detrimental  to  their  infamous  cause,  having 
been  gathered  there  by  General  Bragg  to  thwart  the  plans  of  the  Union 
commander,  and  to  hold  Kentucky  and  Middle  Tennessee.  They  freely 
acknowledged  it  was  better  to  "  give  up  the  seacoast — better  to  give  up 
the  Southwest — better  to  give  up  Richmond  without  a  struggle,  than 
lose  the  golden  fields  whose  grain  and  wool  were  their  sole  hope." 

On  the  23d  of  October,  1863,  General  Grant  reached  Chattanooga  and 
assumed  command  of  the  army  of  the  Mississippi.  Reinforcements  now 
began  to  arrive,  and  preparations  made  for  the  new  campaign. 

Bragg  had  already  commenced  the  siege,  but  the  tactics  of  Grant  in 
opening  river  communication  with  the  base  of  supplies,  soon  convinced 
Bragg  that  the  garrison  could  not  be  starved  out ;  he  also  became  satis- 
fied that  Chattanooga  could  not  be  captured. 

Thus  Bragg  was  forced  to  undertake  the  capture  of  Knoxville.  Burn- 
side  was  holding  a  line  on  the  Teneessee  river,  extending  from  Loudon 
to  Kingston,  possessing  great  natural  advantages.  He  informed  Grant 
of  Longstreet's  approach,  and  also  stated  that  he  could  prevent  him  from 
crossing  the  Tennessee  river,  but  Grant  instructed  Burnside  to  make  no 
defence  of  the  line  but  to  fall  back  on  Knoxville  and  stand  a  siege,  prom- 
ising to  relieve  him  in  a  few  days.  This  strategy  told  Longstreet  on 
beyond  the  reach  of  supporting  Bragg.  This  divided  the  rebel  army  in 
two.  Bragg  hearing  of  the  approach  of  General  Sherman  to  Grant's  aid, 
attempted  on  November  22d,  1863,  to  abandon  his  strong  position  before 
Chattanooga  and  retire  for  safety  beyond  the  mountains.  Grant  was  not 
willing  to  let  Bragg  off  so  cheaply,  and  made  a  move  to  detain  him,  and 
by  commencing  his  operations  one  day  sooner  than  he  intended,  compelled 
the  rebel  leader  to  remain  in  his  rifle  pits  and  accept  battle.  This  was  no 
blind  uncertain  striking  that  won  the  Alma,  and  Magenta.  Grant  had  de- 
termined upon  it  six  days  before  it  was  executed,  and  spent  two  entire 
days  in  watching  from  the  very  point  of  the  line  for  the  moment  at  which 
to  attempt  it.  Grant  was  not  only  in  command  of  his  own  army,  but  the 
enemy's  movements  were  forced  upon  him.  Every  movement  of  the 
rebel  commander  may  be  said  to  be  ordered  by  Grant.  Bragg  in  the 
command  of  the  rebel  army  was  merely  his  mouth-piece.  Grant's  plan 
of  battle  contemplated  the  breaking  of  the  enemy's  center,  but  it  being 
strongly  posted  on  a  mountain  ridge  almost  inaccessible,  it  rendered 
success  only  possible.  Two  days  labor  attacking  the  flanks  weakened 
Bragg's  center  ;  this  was  what  Grant  worked  for,  and  when  the  golden 
moment  came,  Grant  instantly  ordered  the  assault  of  the  center,  which 
resulted  in  the  victory,  capturing  several  thousand  prisoners,  and  sixty 
pieces  of  artillery.  Burnside  about  the  same  time  defeated  Longstreet  at  1 
Knoxville  (Fort  Saunders) ,  while  Sherman  ^  ~as  advancing  to  his  relief. 


BATTLE    OF    CHATTANOOGA.  271 

The  rebels  abandoned  the  seige,  Longstreet  retreating  to  Virginia,  where 
he  joined  Lee  directly  after  the  battle  of  Fredricksburg. 

GENERAL   MEIGS's   REVIEW   OP   THE   BATTLES. 

Add  to  this  report  the  one  sent  to  the  Secretary  of  War  by  Quarter- 
master-General Meigs,  and  we  have  an  accurate  and  interesting  account 
of  the  great  battles. 

General  Meigs  wrote  as  follows  : 

"  HEAD-QUARTERS,  CHATTANOOGA,  Nov.  l&th,  1863. 
"  EDWIN  M.  ST ANTON,  Secretary  of  War : 

"  SIR  :  — On  the  twenty-third  instant,  at  half-past  eleven,  A.  M.,  General 
Grant  ordered  a  demonstration  against  Missionary  Ridge,  to  develop  the 
force  holding  it.  The  troops  marched  out,  formed  in  order ,"and  advanced 
in  line  of  battle  as  if  on  parade. 

"  The  rebels  watched  the  formation  and  movement  from  their  picket 
lines  and  rifle-pits,  and  from  the  summits  of  Missionary  Ridge,  five  hun- 
dred feet  above  us,  and  thought  it  was  a  review  and  drill,  so  openly  and 
deliberately,  so  regular  was  it  all  done. 

"  The  line  advanced,  preceded  by  skirmishers,  and  at  two  o'clock, 
p.  M.,  reached  our  picket  lines,  and  opened  a  rattling  volley  upon  the 
the  rebel  pickets,  who  replied  and  ran  into  their  advanced  line  of  rifle- 
pits.  After  them  went  our  skirmishers  and  into  them,  along  the  centre 
of  the  line  of  twenty-five  thousand  troops  which  General  Thomas  had  so 
quickly  displayed,  until  we  opened  fire.  Prisoners  assert  that  they 
thought  the  whole  movement  was  a  review  and  general  drill,  and  that  it 
was  too  late  to  send  to  their  camps  for  reinforcements,  and  that  they 
were  overwhelmed  by  force  of  numbers.  It  was  a  surprise  in  open  day- 
light. 

"  At  three,  p.  M.,  the  important  advanced  position  of  Orchard  Knob 
and  the  lines  right  and  left  were  in  our  possession,  and  arrangements 
were  ordered  for  holding  them  during  the  night. 

"  The  next  day  at  daylight,  General  Sherman  had  five  thousand  men 
across  the  Tennessee,  and  established  on  its  south  bank,  and  commenced 
the  construction  of  a  pontoon  bridge  about  six  miles  above  Chattanooga. 
The  rebel  steamer  Dunbar  Avas  repaired  at  the  right  moment,  and  render- 
ed effective  aid  in  this  crossing,  carrying  over  six  thousand  men. 

"  By  nightfall  General  Thomas  had  siezed  the  extremity  of  Missionary 
Ridge  nearest  the  river,  and  was  intrenching  himself.  General  Howard, 
with  a  brigade,  opened  communication  with  him  from  Chattanooga  on 
the  south  side  of  the  river.  Skirmishing  and  cannonading  continued  all 
day  on  the  left  and  centre.  General  Hooker  scaled  the  slopes  of  Look- 
out Mountain,  and  from  the  valley  of  Lookout  Creek  drove  the  rebels 


272  LIEUTENANT   GENERAL  GRANT. 

around  the  point.  He  captured  some  two  thousand  prisoners,  and  estab- 
lished himself  high  up  the  mountain-side,  in  full  view  of  Chattanooga. 
This  raised  the  blockade,  and  now  steamers  were  ordered  from  Bridge- 
port to  Chattanooga.  They  had  run  only  to  Kelly's  Ferry,  whence  ten 
miles  of  hauling  over  mountain  roads,  and  twice  across  the  Tennessee  on 
pontoon  bridges  brought  us  our  supplies. 

"  All  night  the  point  of  Missionary  Ridge  on  the  extreme  left  and  the 
side  of  Lookout  Mountain  on  the  extreme  right  blazed  with  the  camp- 
fires  of  loyal  troops. 

"  The  day  had  been  one  of  dense  mists  and  rains,  and  much  of  General 
Hooker's  battle  was  fought  above  the  clouds,  which  concealed  him  from 
our  view,  but  from  which  his  musketiy  was  heard. 

"  At  nightfall  the  sky  cleared,  and  the  full  moon — '  the  traitor's  doom' 
— shone  upon  the  beautiful  scene,  until  one,  A.  M.,  when  twinkling  sparks 
upon  the  mountain-side  showed  that  picket-skirmishing  was  going  on. 
Then  it  ceased.  A  brigade  sent  from  Chattanooga,  crossed  the  Chatta- 
nooga Creek  and  opened  communication  with  Hooker. 

"  General  Grant's  head-quarters  during  the  afternoon  of  the  twenty- 
third  and  the  day  of  the  twenty-fourth,  were  in  Wood's  redoubt,  except 
when  in  the  course  of  the  day  he  rode  along  the  advanced  line,  visiting 
the  head-quarters  of  the  several  commanders,  in  Chattanooga  valley. 

"  At  daylight,  on  the  twenty-fifth,  the  Stars  and  Stripes  were  descried 
on  the  peak  of  Lookout.  The  rebels  had  evacuated  the  mountain. 

"  Hooker  moved  to  descend  the  mountain,  striking  Missionary  Ridge 
at  the  Rossville  Gap,  to  sweep  both  sides  and  its  summit. 

"  The  rebel  troops  were  seen,  as  soon  as  it  was  light  enough,  streaming 
regiments  and  brigades  along  the  narrow  summit  of  Missionary  Ridge, 
either  concentrating  on  the  right  to  overwhelm  Sherman,  or  marching  for 
the  railroad  to  raise  the  seige. 

"  They  had  evacuated  the  valley  of  Chattanooga.  Would  they  aban- 
don that  of  Chickamauga  ? 

"  The  twenty-pounders  and  four-and-a-quarter-inch  rifles  of  Wood's 
redoubt  opened  on  Missionary  Ridge.  Orchard  Knob  sent  its  compli- 
ments to  the  ridge,  which,  with  rifled  parrots,  answered,  and  the  can- 
nonade thus  commenced,  continued  all  day.  Shot  and  shell  screamed 
from  Orchard  Knob  to  Missionary  Ridge,  and  from  Missionary  Ridge  to 
Orchard  Knob,  and  from  Wood's  redoubt,  over  the  heads  of  Generals 
Grant  and  Thomas  and  their  staffs,  Avho  were  with  us  in  this  favorable  posi- 
tion, from  whence  the  whole  battle  could  be  seen  as  in  an  amphitheatre. 
The  head-quarters  were  under  fire  all  day  long. 

"  Cannonading  and  musketry  were  heard  from  General  Sherman,  and 
General  Howard  marched  the  Eleventh  corps  to  join  him. 

"  General  Thomas  sent  out  skirmishers,  who  drove  in  the  rebel  pickets 


BATTLE  OP   CHATTANOOGA.  273 

and  chased  them  into  their  intrenchments  ;  and  at  the  foot  of  Missionary 
Ridge,  Sherman  made  an  assault  against  Bragg's  right,  intrenched  on  a 
high  knob  next  to  that  on  which  Sherman  himself  lay  fortified.  The 
assault  was  gallantly  made. 

"  Sherman  reached  the  edge,  of  the  crest,  and  held  his  ground  for  (it 
seemed  to  me)  an  hour,  but  was  bloodily  repulsed  by  reserves. 

"  A  general  advance  was  ordered,  and  a  strong  line  of  skirmishers  fol- 
lowed by  a  deployed  line  of  battle  some  two  miles  in  length.  At  the 
signal  of  leaden  shots  from  head-quarters  on  Orchard  Knob,  the  line 
moved  rapidly  and  orderly  forward.  The  rebel  pickets  discharged  their 
muskets  and  ran  into  their  rifle-pits.  Our  skirmishers  followed  on  their 
heels. 

"The  line  of  battle  was  not  far  behind,  and  we  saw  the  gray  rebels 
swarm  out  of  the  ledge  line  of  rifle-pits  and  over  the  base  of  the  hill  in 
numbers  which  surprised  us.  A  few  turned  and  fired  their  piec2S  ;  but 
the  greater  number  collected  into  the  many  roads  which  cross  obliquely 
up  its  steep  face,  and  went  on  to  the  top. 

"  Some  regiments  pressed  on  and  swarmed  up  the  steep  sides  of  the 
Ridge,  and  here  and  there  a  color  was  advanced  beyond  the  lines.  The 
attempt  appeared  most  dangerous  ;  but  the  advance  was  supported,  and 
the  whole  line  was  ordered  to  storm  the  heights,  upon  which  not  less 
than  forty  pieces  of  artillery,  and  no  one  knows  how  many  muskets,  stood 
ready  to  slaughter  the  assailants.  With  cheers  answering  to  cheers,  the 
men  swarmed  upward.  They  gathered  to  the  points  least  difficult  of  ac- 
cess, and  the  line  was  broken.  Color  after  color  was  planted  on  the 
summit,  while  musket  and  cannon  vomited  their  thunder  upon  them. 

"  A  well-directed  shot  from  Orchard  Knob  exploded  a  rebel  caisson  on 
the  summit  and  the  gun  was  seen  being  speedily  taken  to  the  right,  its 
driver  lashing  his  horses^  A  party  of  our  soldiers  intercepted  them,  and 
the  gun  was  captured,  with  cheers. 

"A  fierce  musketry  fight  broke  out  to  the  left,  where,  between 
Thomas  and  Sherman,  a  mile  or  two  of  the  ridge  was  still  occupied  by 
the  rebels. 

"  Bragg  left  the  house  in  which  he  had  held  his  head-quarters,  and 
rode  to  the  rear,  as  our  troops  crowded  the  hill  on  either  side  of  him. 

"  General  Grant  proceeded  to  the  summit,  and  then  only  did  we  know 
its  height. 

' '  Some  of  the  captured  artillery  was  put  into  position.  Artillerists 
were  sent  for  to  work  the  guns,  and  caissons  were  searched  for  ammu- 
nition. 

"  The  rebel  log-breastworks  were  torn  to  pieces  and  carried  to  the 
other  side  of  the  ridge  and  used  in  forming  barricades  across. 

"  A  strong  line  of  infantry  was  formed  in  the  rear  of  Baird's  line,  and 

18 


274  LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GEANT. 

engaged  in  a  musketry  contest  with  the  rebels  to  the  left,  and  a  se<nuie 
lodgment  was  soon  effected. 

"  The  other  assault  to  the  right  of  our  centre  gained  the  summit,  and 
the  rebels  threw  down  their  arms  and  fled. 

"  Hooker,  coming  into  favorable  position,  swept  the  right  of  the  ridge 
and  captured  many  prisoners. 

"  Bragg's  remaining  troops  left  early  in  the  night,  and  the  battle  of 
Chattanooga,  after  days  of  manoeuvering  and  fighting,  was  won.  The 
strength  of  the  rebellion  in  the  centre  is  broken.  Burnside  is  relieved 
from  danger,  in  East  Tennessee.  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  are  rescued. 
Georgia  and  the  Southeast  are  threatened  in  the  rear,  and  another  vic- 
tory is  added  to  the  chapter  of  '  Unconditional  Surrender  Grant. ' 

"  To-night  the  estimate  of  captures  is  several  thousand  prisoners  and 
thirty  pieces  of  artillery. 

"  Our  loss  for  so  great  a  victory  is  not  severe. 

"  Bragg  is  firing  the  railroad  as  he  retreats  towards  Dalton.  Sherman 
is  in  hot  pursuit. 

"  To-day  I  viewed  the  battle  field,  which  extends  for  six  miles  along 
Missionary  Ridge  and  for  several  miles  on  Lookoiit  Mountain. 

"  Probably  cot  so  well-directed,  so  well  ordered  a  battle  has  taken 
place  during  the  war.  But  one  assault  was  repulsed ;  but  that  assault, 
by  calling  to  that  point  the  rebel  reserves,  prevented  them  repulsing  any 
of  the  others. 

"  A  few  days  since  General  Bragg  sent  to  General  Grant  a  flag  of  truce, 
advising  him  that  it  would  be  prudent  to  remove  any  non-combatants 
who  might  be  still  in  Chattanooga.  No  reply  has  been  returned  ;  but 
the  combatants  having  removed  from  this  vicinity,  it  is  probable  that 
•non-combatants  can  remain  without  imprudence. 

"  M.  C.  MEIGS,  Quartermaster- General." 

Thus  was  the  great  victory  of  Chattanooga  won.  The  star  of  General 
Grant's  military  fame  now  rose  far  above  the  horizon.  He  had  cap- 
tured Forts  Henry  and  Donaldson,  and  opened  up  the  Tennessee  and  Cum- 
berland rivers ;  whipped  the  great  rebel  army  on  the  6th  and  7th  of 
April,  1862,  at  Pittsburg  Landing,  and  Shiloh,  killing  its  commander,  Al- 
bert Sidney  Johnson,  the  bravest  and  most  skillful  officer  among  the  in- 
surgents. Beauregard,  after  the  defeat  of  the  7th,  fell  back  with  the 
balance  of  the  rebel  troops  to  his  works  at  Corinth.  On  the  29th  of 
May,  General  Grant  forced  him  to  evacuate  that  stronghold.  At  luka, 
he  again  met  and  defeated  the  enemy  ;  Price  and  Van  Dorn,  with  a  large 
army,  made  up  mostly  of  Missourian,  Arkansian,  and  Texan  adventurers, 
about  50,000  strong,  under  command  of  General  Van  Dorn,  who  rr.ade  a 
desperate  effort  on  the  3d,  4th,  and  5th  of  October,  to  retake  Corinth,  and 


APPOINTED   LIEUTENANT  GENERAL.  275 

capture  the  Union  army,  as  he  had  before  defeated  Buckner,  Johnston, 
and  Beauregard.  He  now  almost  annihilates  the  new  combination  under 
Van  Dorn.*  Thus  far  he  had  baffled  and  defeated  all  the  plans  of  the 
rebel  commanders.  Pemberton,  by  holding  Vicksburg,  blockaded  the 
Mississippi  river.  This  great  river  had  to  be  opened  down  to  the  sea, 
and  in  order  to  do  it,  Vicksburg  had  to  be  taken.  All  the  rebel  troops 
that  could  be  spared  were  sent  to  Pemberton  to  assist  in  holding  the 
place.  But  after  a  few  months  of  incessant  toil,  hard  fighting,  and  dis- 
play of  generalship  the  world  had  never  seen,  this  great  stronghold 
was  captured.  Port  Hudson  fell  as  a  consequence,  and  the  great  Father 
of  Waters  now  became  open,  and  Uncle  Sam's  war-dogs  of  the  flood  (the 
gunboats)  everywhere  patroled  it,  defiantly  stopping  to  show  their  teeth 
to  angry-whipped  guerillas  that  lurked  on  its  shores ;  then  came  food 
by  vessels,  and  very  soon  it  became  the  highway  for  commerce  as  of 
old,  from  St  Louis  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

Then  the  great  battle  of  Chattanooga,  of  which  General  Halleck  re- 
marks :  "  Considering  the  strength  of  the  rebel  position  and  the  difficul- 
ty of  storming  his  entrenchments,  the  battle  of  Chattanooga  must  be  con- 
sidered the  most  remarkable  in  history.  For  General  Grant's  great  ser- 
vices he  received  a  vote  of  thanks  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
with  appropriations  for  a  gold  medal ;  and  President  Lincoln  approved 
the  resolution,  December  17th,  1863. 

This  medal  on  one  side  presents  a  profile  of  the  General,  surrounded  by 
a  laurel  wreath,  beneath  which  is  his  name,  and  the  dates  of  his  victories. 
On  the  obverse  is  the  figure  of  Fame  reclining  on  the  American  eagle, 
shielded  ;  Fame  holding  in  her  right  hand  a  trumpet,  and  in  her  left  a 
scroll  on  which  is  inscribed  "  VICKSBURG,  CORINTH,  MISSISSIPPI  RIVER, 
CHATTANOOGA;"  on  her  head  an  ornamented  helmet.  Beneath  all  are 
represented  sprigs  of  pine  and  palm  intertwined  ;  while  over  all  are  the 
words.  "  Proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  Land.'1 

While  at  Nashville,  Tenn.,  perfecting  some  arrangement  for  the  divis- 
ion of  the  Mississippi,  Gen.  Grant  issued  the  following  order  assuming 
command  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States  : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  OP  THE  ARMIES  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
"  NASHVILLE,  TENNESSEE,  March  17, 1864. 

"  In  pursuance  of  the  following  order  of  the  President : 

/ 

"  'EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  March  10,  1864. 
"  '  Under  the  authority  of  the  act  of  Congress  to  appoint  to  the  grade 

*  Dr.  Peters  of  Arkansas  afterwards  shot  Van  Dorn  for  seducing  his  wife, 
blowing  out  his  brains  instantly . 


276  LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

of  Lieutenant-General  in  the  army,  of  March  1st,  Lieutenant-General 
Ulysses  S.  Grant,  United  State  Army,  is  appointed  to  the  command  of 
the  armies  of  the  United  States.  "  '  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.' 

"  I  assume  command  of  the  Armies  of  the  United  States.  Heaquarters 
will  be  in  the  field,  and,  until  further  orders,  will  be  with  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac.  There  will  be  an  office  headquarters  in  Washington,  to 
which  all  official  communications  will  be  sent,  except  those  from  the 
Army  where  the  headquarters  are  at  the  date  of  their  address. 

U.  S.  GKANT,  Lieutenant-General.'1 

On  the  23  of  March,  1864,  General  Grant  again  arrived  at  Washington, 
accompanied  by  his  wife  and  son.  Brig.  Gen.  Rawlings,  Col.  Duff,  Maj. 
Rawley,  and  Capt.  Bedeau,  of  the  General's  staff,  were  with  him.  In  a 
few  days  he  had  established  his  headquarters  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
at  Culpepper  Court  House. 

On  the  24th  of  March,  1864,  a  re-organization  of  the  Army  of  the  Po- 
tomac was  effected.  The  number  of  army  corps  were  reduced  to  three  ; 
the  Second,  under  command  of  Major-General  Winfield  S.  Hancock  ;  the 
Fifth,  under  command  of  Major-General  G.  W.  Warren  ;  and  the  Sixth, 
under  command  of  General  Sedgwick.  On  the  fourth  of  April,  1864, 
Major-General  Sheridan  was  placed  in  command  of  the  cavalry  corps. 
Division  officers  were  also  re-assigned. 

The  plan  suggested  by  General  Scott,  and  adopted  by  McClellan,  and 
submitted  by  him  to  President  Lincoln  in  his  memorandum  of  August 
4th,  1861,  just  before  his  appointment  as  General  in  Chief,  was  the  crush- 
ing of  the  seceding  states  by  a  system  known  as  the  anaconda  strategy. 
This  plan  had  proved  a  grievous  failure,  besides  the  Young  Napoleon 
was  without  the  requisite  ability  to  discover  the  key-point  of  the  enemy's 
position.  Like  the  Athenian  General  Nicias,  before  Syracuse,  he  was 
feeble  and  vacillating,  and  looked  for  civilians  to  sympathize  with  his 
imbecility.  He  had  long  endeavored  to  cover  his  own  inefficiency  by 
creating  needless  difficulties  in  his  superior's  way  ;  and  after  a  weak  and 
sickly  existence  of  four  hundred  and  seventy  days,  his  frail  and  feeble 
military  life,  so  expensive  to  the  nation,  was  brought  to  a  close.  Dis- 
affected towards  his  superiors,  and  dissatisfied  with  himself,  he 
joined  the  Copparhead  faction,  and  entered  the  political  arena  and  be- 
came the  leader  of  all  the  sympathizers  with  the  rebel  cause  in  the 
free  states,  and  engaged  in  organizing  them  politically  to  make  a 
cowardly  charge  against  the  Administration,  hoping  to  prove  successful, 
and  thereby  retrieve  his  reputation  lost  in  the  field.  The  failure  of  his 
successors,  Pope,  Burnside,  and  Hooker,  to  become  more  successful, 
cast  a  shadow  over  the  policy  of  his  removal,  and  caused  a  doubt  in 


PREPARING  FOR  THE  CONFLICT.  277 

the  soldiers'  minds  whether  it  had  been  dictated  by  wisdom ;  from  a 
murmur  they  were  passing  into  discontent.  In  fact,  if  it  had  not  been  for 
General  Meade's  great  victory  at  Gettysburg,  which  convinced  the  Po- 
tomac army  that  others  could  lead  them  to  victory,  serious  consequences 
might  have  resulted  from  the  change,  although  three  years'  of  bitter 
warfare  had  accomplished  little  for  the  Union  cause  in  Virgina ; 
yet  Grant,  with  his  troops  had  driven  the  rebel  forces  back  from 
the  Ohio,  the  Tennessee,  and  opened  up  the  great  Mississippi.  The 
rebels  themselves  were  compelled  to  acknowledge  the  western  troops, 
equal  to  their  own,  and  now  Pickett's,  Wilson's,  and  Pettigrew's  rebel 
divisions,  who  made  the  charge  on  Meade's  centre  (McPherson's  heights), 
on  Friday,  July  3d,  1863,  were  satisfied  that  no  braver  men  ever  lived 
than  those  comprising  the  gallant  but  badly  managed  army  of  the  Poto- 
mac. Pickett's  division  lost  every  brigadier  officer,  and  out  of  twenty- 
four  regimental  officers,  only  two  remained  unhurt ;  the  other  two  divis- 
ions suffered  nearly  as  much.  This  great  victory  convinced  the  army  of 
the  Potomac  that  Lee  could  be  conquered.  Inspired  by  new  hope,  Mc- 
Clellan  and  defeat  passed  from  their  minds  together,  and  watching  they 
patiently  waited  for  the  coming  man.  While  this  victory  gave  confidence 
to  the  army  and  friends  of  the  government,  the  news  of  Lee's  defeat  and 
the  fall  of  Vicksburg  reached  the  rebel  capital  on  the  same  day;  and  like 
the  previous  fall  of  Fort  Donaldson  and  New  Orleans,  cast  a  dark  shadow 
over  the  rebel  cause,  while  McClellan  was  passing  into  oblivion.  The 
sword  that  Grant  wielded  over  Vicksburg  had  gained  him  the  position 
of  the  first  soldier  of  the  Union.  He  had  not  only  triumphed  over  great 
natural  difficulties  and  elaborate  defences,  but  his  strategic  march  on  the 
enemy's  rear,  and  his  after  patient  watching,  placed  in  the  military  horizon 
another  brilliant  star  ;  and  then  the  surprise  and  ford  of  the  river  near 
Bragg Js  centre  by  Smith,  and  the  manoauvring  by  which  the  confederate 
lines  were  forced  by  Grant,  a  month  later,  at  the  battle  of  Chattanooga,  are, 
as  tactical  achievements,  far  fitter  to  be  classed  with  the  best  feats  of 
Napoleon  and  Wellington,  than  any  advantage  won  by  any  European  Gen- 
eral since  the  days  of  those  giants  in  war. 

It  was  no  blind  stroke  such  as  won  the  Alma  and  Magenta,  but  simply 
a  judicious  use  of  the  means  at  command,  with  ardor  strong  enough  for  a 
soldier,  and  coolness  sufficient  for  a  general ;  he  watches  with  an  eagle- 
eye  the  progress  of  the  battle,  and  like  Miltiades,  on  the  plain  of 
Marathon,  or  the  great  Macedonian  at  Arbela,  is  prepared  to  strike 
the  decisive  blow  at  the  right  time.  Although  Grant  heretofore  had 
been  everywhere  successful  in  the  Southwest,  yet  he  had  never  meas- 
ured arms  with  Lee,  who  was  acknowledged  the  best  general  in  the  con- 
i'cdcrate  service,  and  his  troops  were  the  flower  of  the  rebel  army.  Mc- 
ClulLin,  Pope,  Burnside,  and  Hooker,  had  never  beenable  to  conquer  him, 


278  LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

and  the  country  was  held  in  breathless  suspense  dreading  that  their  hopes 
and  expectation  in  Grant's  success  might  never  be  realized.  One  of  the 
grandest  campaigns  on  record,  surpassing  any  thing  recorded  in  Persian, 
Macedonian,  or  Roman  history,  and  all  under  the  command  of  the  Lieu- 
nant-General  was  now  about  to  commence  ;  Sherman  to  pursue  Johnston 
in  Georgia,  Gen.  Banks  on  Red  River,  and  General  Steele  in  Arkansas, 
with  Butler  on  the  right  bank  of  the  James,  threatening  the  rebel  Capital. 

The  combinations  were  of  a  magnitude  hitherto  unknown  in  war. 
They  extended  over  a  vast  territory  from  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  on  the  At- 
lantic, to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  thence  northward  through  the  great  Indian 
Territory  to  the  upper  country  of  Missouri,  and  striking  eastward  includ- 
ed Tennessee  and  all  the  states  in  Rebellion.  Having  forwared  his  ord- 
ers to  his  Lieutenants  in  the  different  portions  of  the  vast  field  over 
which  he  was  master,  the  Lieutenant-General,  accompanied  by  several 
of  his  staff  officers,  made  a  tour  of  survey  of  all  the  Union  forces  in 
Virginia. 

By  orders  of  Gen.  Grant,  active  measures  were  taken  to  get  into  the 
field  all  recruits,  new  organizations  and  troops  that  could  be  spared. 
Reinforcements  were  constantly  pouring  into  the  army  of  the  Potomac. 
The  notes  of  military  preparation  all  over  the  country  indicated  the  near 
approach  of  a  vigorous  campaign.  Now  the  Lieutenat-General  is 
on  a  tour  of  inspection,  then  he  is  closeted  with  the  authorities  at  Wash- 
ington, until  the  close  of  April,  1864,  when  all  the  preliminaries  seemed 
to  have  been  settled.  Civilians  and  sutlers  are  ordered  out  of  the  lines, 
and  no  more  passes  are  granted  to  applicants  for  admission.  Meantime 
Lee  was  not  idle.  He  busied  himself  in  the  erection  of  additional  fortifi- 
cations along  the  south  bank  of  the  Rapidan,  in  anticipation  of  the  •com- 
ing contest.  But  Grant  was  not  disposed  to  wait  on  the  development  of 
Lee's  plans. 

He  had  well-digested  plans  of  his  own,  which  he  prepared  to  put  in 
execution,  and  until  the  early  part  of  May,  1864,  he  labored  incessantly, 
concentrating  his  valiant  troops  preliminary  to  the  grand  onward  move- 
ment. 

THE   GRAND   ADVANCE. 

On  the  3d  of  May,  1864,  General  Grant  advanced  from  Culpepper  Court 
House  to  the  Rapidan,  part  of  his  army  crossing  at  Ely's  Ford,  and  part 
at  Germania  Ford.  Lee  was  now  in  a  position  selected  by  himself,  and 
on  the  night  of  the  4th  was  engaged  in  preparing  for  battle.  The 
battle  ground  occupied  by  him  was  a  broken  table  land,  irregular 
in  its  conformation,  and  densely  covered  with  dwarf  timber  and  under- 
growth. The  rebels  had  taken  their  position  near  its  edge,  leaving  an 
open  country  at  the  back  of  Grant's  army.  It  was  well  known  to  Lee 
that  Grant  was  strong  in  artillery,  and  he  had  selected  this  position  ou 


BATTLE   OP  THE  WILDERNESS.  279 

account  of  the  knolly  character  of  the  ground,  in  conjunction  with  this 
timber,  to  prevent  him  from  using  it. 

After  some  delay  with  the  corps,  the  standard  of  the  army  of  the  Poto- 
mac, was  struck  in  the  earth  near  the  old  Wilderness  Tavern,  and  on 
Thursday  the  generals  began  to  gather  around  it.  The  brave  and  calcu- 
lating Meade,  the  hero  of  Gettysburg,  was  there  with  his  gray  beard, 
Hancock,  Warren,  Sedgwick,  and  many  other  generals,  examining  maps 
and  consulting  about  the  coming  fight.  At  last  Warren  gallopped  off  at  the 
head  of  his  column,  a  little  to  the  left  of  the  Wilderness  Tavern,  and  in  a 
short  time  his  army  was  in  line  of  battle,  passing  in  the  direction  of  Orange 
Court  House,  showing  Griffin's  division  in  line  of  battle  far  to  the  front.  The 
contest  soon  grew  from  picket -firing  to  skirmishing,  and  from  skirmishing 
to  battle,  and  by  twelve  o'clock,  meridian,  the  action  had  fairly  commenced. 
From  Warren's  lines  the  battle  spread  to  Sedgwick's  early  in  the  afternoon  ; 
this  heoric  officer  fought  the  ground  over,  pressing  the  rebels  back,  inch  by 
inch,  until  they  long  before  night  became  sick  of  the  sport,  and  the  action 
dwindled  into  a  skirmish.  On  the  left,  Hancock  gave  Longstreet  a  lesson 
in  the  art  of  war :  here  the  conflict  was  terrific.  As  the  evening  came  on 
the  contest  along  the  entire  lines  ceased,  only  an  occasional  shot  being  fired 
to  show  that  the  enemy  was  yet  in  his  well  chosen  position.  Grant  was  on 
the  field  during  the  day,  and  expressed  himself  well  satisfied  with  the  pro- 
gress that  had  been  made.  In  the  evening  he  perfected  his  plans  for  renew- 
ing the  battle  the  next  morning. 

Early  Friday  morning  the  contest  was  renewed  along  the  entire  line,  but 
fiercest  before  Hancock's  division.  Lee  had  determined  to  force*  his  lines, 
and  sent  Longstreet,  backed  with  heavy  reinforcements,  to  accomplish  the 
object.  Twice  Hancock  was  driven  back  to  his  breastworks,  and  once  the 
rebels  had  so  far  succeeded  as  to  plant  their  colors  on  his  field  works,  but 
the  stay  was  short.  The  conflict  was  now  terrific.  Such  fighting  as 
Hancock  did  that  day,  for  bravery,  could  never  have  been  surpassed.  Back 
and  forth — first  charged  and  then  charging — until  hundreds  of  the  dead 
bodies  of  Union  and  rebel  soldiers  lay  side  by  side  in  their  last  sleep. 

At  last,  Burnside  with  the  ninth  corps,  came  to  his  relief,  when  he  was 
allowed  a  breathing  spell.  Later  in  the  day,  Sedgwick's  hour  of  trial  came. 
In  the  forenoon  they  made  a  desperate  effort  to  turn  Grant's  left,  and 
now,  in  the  afternoon,  they  revived  the  effort  on  the  extreme  right. 
A.  P.  Hill  was  commanding  the  enemy,  and  two  of  the  Union  brigades,  on 
the  extreme  right,  commanded  by  Seymour  and  Staler,  were  swallowed  up 
by  the  impetuous  charge  of  the  yelling  rebels.  They  almost  caused  a  route 
in  this  part  of  the  army,  but  Sedgwick.  bold  and  ever  brave,  took  ad- 
vantage of  the  reflux,  which  always  follows  the  first  impetus  of  a  charge,  and 
formed  the  corps  and  drove  the  enemy  beyond  his  breastworks  and  plucked 
safety,  if  not  victory,  out  of  danger. 


280  LIEUTENANT  GENERAL   GRANT. 

The  teamsters  and  straggling  soldiers  who  had  been  watching  this 
fearful  conflict  from  a  safe  distance,  just  as  night  set  in  commenced  a 
stampede.  This  wild  scene  lasted  about  one  hour  and  a  half,  when  it 
was  checked  by  the  iron  hand  of  military  law.  The  rebels  still  impetuous 
made  a  night  attack  on  Warren's  line  ;  this  was  a  desperate  resort  of  Lee. 
How  differently  he  acted  from  Alexander  the  Great,  when  his  veteran 
general,  Parmenio,  came  and  proposed  a  night  attack  on  the  Persians. 
"  I  scorn  to  filch  a  victory  ;  Alexander  must  conquer  openly  and  fairly," 
was  the  reply  of  the  great  Macedonian. 

Notwithstanding  the  5th  corps  was  thrown  into  confusion  and  driven 
back  by  the  night  assault,  the  rebel  skirmishers  came  close  up  to  Meade 
and  Grant's  headquarters.  While  this  was  going  on  every  officer  and 
private  could  see  only  defeat.  But  the  great  chieftain  was  commencing 
a  flank  movement.  There  was  no  Boeotian  brigade  as  at  Syracuse,  to 
defeat  and  repel  the  night  attack  made  by  Demosthenes  ;  although  Grant 
did  not  succeed  like  Gylippus,  the  Spartan  general,  in  defeating  and 
capturing  the  enemy,  yet  his  flanking  movement  almost  turned  a  defeat 
into  a  victory.  His  right  had  been  turned  and  Germania  Ford  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  his  loss  in  the  battle  could  not  have 
been  less  than  15,000  ;  yet  by  daylight  nearly  all  the  trains  had  passed 
to  the  left  of  the  right  center,  but  no  one  could  even  guess  the  purport 
of  the  movement.  ..:! 

On  Saturday  Grant  had  possession  of  the  road  to  within  two  and  a  half 
miles  of  Spottsylvania  Court  House,  and  a  little  after  midnight  the  same 
day,  his  headquarters  were  at  Todd's  Tavern.  Some  skirmishing  had 
gone  on  during  this  movement  and  another  desperate  conflict  came 
off  on  Sabbath  evening,  General  Wright's  division  taking  the  lead. 
Mill's  brigade  and  the  Jersey  troops  were  once  more  in  the  thickest  of 
.the  fight.  Yet  Spottsylvania  Court  House  still  remained  that  night  in. 
the  hands  of  the  rebels.  On  Monday  General  Sedgwick  was  inspecting; 
the  pickets  in  front,  attended  by  two  of  his  staff,  when  a  ball  from  a 
rebel  sharp-shooter  struck  him  below  the  eye  passing  upwardly  through 
the  brain,  killing  him  instantly. 

On  the  same  day  a  train  of  ambulances  containing  some  thirteen  thou- 
sand wounded,  were  attacked  and  turned  back  at  Ely's  Ford.  They  fi- 
nally proceeded  to  Fredericksburg  where  every  house  was  converted  into 
a  hospital.  Hancock  changed  his  position  during  Monday  night,  so  a» 
to  be  in  line  of  battle  one  mile  and  a  half  ia  advance,  driving  the  enemy 
before  him.  At  ten  o'clock  Cutter's  division  of  the  Fifth  corps  advanced 
and  formed  in  line  of  battle  to  the  right  and  rear  of  Hancock's  left.  This 
division  was  within  musket  range  of  a  piece  of  woods  filled  with  rebels 
and  maintained  their  position  nearly  the  entire  day,  subject  to  terrible 
artillery  and  musketry  fire  of  the  enemy,  which  they  returned  with  great 


BATTLE  OP  THE  WILDERNESS.         281 

effect.  A  portion  of  Griffin's  division  were  sent  to  drive  the  rebels  out 
of  the  woods  held  by  them  on  the  right  of  the  Fifth  corps.  They  en- 
tered the  woods  by  brigades  which  were  relieved  alternately,  and  for 
hours  the  deadly  and  determined  fight  continued.  Batteries  D  and  H  of 
the  First  New  York  Artillery  did  fine  execution  from  their  position  on 
the  left  of  these  woods.  Cooper's  First  Pennsylvania  Battery  was  held 
in  reserve  on  the  brow  of  a  hill  ready  to  cover  any  reverse  our  men 
who  were  fighting  so  desperately  in  the  woods  in  front  might  sustain. 
At  twelve  o'clock  General  Rice,  who  was  gallantly  leading  the  Fourth  di- 
vision of  the  Fifth  corps  into  action,  was  struck  in  the  knee  with  a  rebel 
musket  ball  was  carried  to  the  rear  and  died  that  afternoon.  His  divi- 
sion was  constantly  engaged  during  the  day  and  for  three  hours  without 
intermission,  was  subject  to  a  murderous  and  galling  fire  from  different 
directions  of  the  enemy.  From  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  until 
night  set  in,  the  battle  raged  with  fury.  Division  after  division  went 
into  the  woods  and  pressed  steadily  forward.  No  column  returned  ex- 
cept to  take  a  rest  at  the  edge  of  the  woods  while  being  relieved  by 
others.  The  roar  of  art.llery,  the  sharp  rolling  of  musketry,  and  burst- 
ing of  shells,  was  absolutely  fearful.  Two  divisions  of  Hancock's  corps 
changed  positions  early  in  the  afternoon,  and  after  a  little  rest  went  into 
the  woods  with  great  spirit  engaging  the  enemy.  Wright's  corps  during 
the  morning  was  engaged  in  shelling  the  woods  to  the  right  which  were 
filled  with  rebels.  Early  in  the  afternoon  the  rebels  retired  to  a  safer 
position.  '  About  dark  the  general  headquarters  was  removed  a  mile 
nearer  the  front,  affording  General  Grant  and  Meade  a  fine  view  of  the 
operations  of  the  enemy.  About  this  time  a  line  of  rebel  intrenchments 
was  assaulted  and  carried,  our  men  actually  crawling  over  them  on  their 
hands  and  knees  and  precipitating  themselves  on  the  other  side.  Upton's 
brigade  of  the  Sixth  corps  was  attacked  by  a  large  body  of  confederates, 
some  of  whom  got  in  their  rear,  but  before  this  engagement  was  over 
two  thousand  of  the  rebels  and  several  pieces  of  artillery  were  cap- 
tured. During  this  days  engagement  Lee  moved  a  large  body  of  troops 
in  front  of  Grant's  center,  for  the  purpose  of  breaking  his  lines  and  as  a 
ruse  sent  two  brigades  of  infantry  to  make  a  demonstration  on  the  right. 
Grant  was  the  last  to  be  deceived  and  commenced  to  make  his  center 
doubly  strong.  When  Lee  began  to  assault  the  center  he  soon  dis- 
covered that  his  feint  on  Grant's  right  did  not  have  the  desired  effect. 
His  new  adversary  had  concentrated  a  superior  force  in  the  right  place 
and  at  the  right  time.  The  only  result  of  this  movement  of  Lee,  was  to 
mass  troops  on  both  sides  and  when  he  made  the  assault,  to  his  great 
surprise,  he  found  Grant  ready. 

The  fighting  of  this  day  was  of  an  extraordinary  character  ;  many  thou- 
sands of  men  were  killed  and  a  large  number  of  officers.     The  old  veter- 


282  LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

ans  of  the  Potomac  army  said  it  surpassed  all  engagements  they  had  yet 
seen  on  the  Peninsula.  On  Wednesday  morning,  May  llth,  the  battle 
was  renewed  at  Spottsylvania,  Grant's  lines  being  somewhat  advanced. 
At  eleven  o'clock  A.  M.  Lee  sent  a  flag  asking  a  forty-eight  hour  truce 
that  he  might  have  time  to  bury  his  dead.  Grant's  reply  was  :  "  I  have 
no  time  to  bury  my  own  dead  but  propose  an  immediate  advance." 
With  this  reply  he  pushed  forward,  his  advanced  lines  shelling  the 
woods,  but  no  response  was  met  from  where  the  enemy's  center  had 
been  a  few  hours  before.  The  rebel  prisoners  captured  on  Tuesday  and 
Wednesday,  numbered  four  thousand,  and  the  dead  and  wounded  covered 
almost  every  foot  of  the  ground,  when  the  Union  troops  surged  forward 
and  the  rebels  gave  way.  The  slaughter  on  both  sides  was  appalling 
but  the  rebels  sufifered  the  most.  General  Grant  sent  the  following  tele- 
graph to  Secretary  Stanton : 

HEADQUARTERS  IN  THE  FIELD,  May  11,  1864,  8  A.  M. 
"  We  have  now  ended  the  sixth  day  of  very  heavy  fighting.     The  re- 
sult, to  this  time,  is  much  in  our  favor. 

' '  Our  losses  have  been  heavy  as  well  as  those  of  the  enemy.  I  think 
the  loss  of  the  enemy  must  be  greater. 

"  We  have  taken  over  five  thousand  prisoners  by  battle,  while  he  has 
taken  from  us  but  few,  except  stragglers. 

"  I  propose  to  fight  it  out  on  this  line  if  it  takes  all  summer.'' 

U.  S.  GRANT. 
"  Lieut. -General,  Commanding  the  Armies  of  the  United  States." 

General  Grant  must  have  felt  certain  that  victory  was  within  his  grasp 
when  he  sent  the  above  dispatch.  He  had  now  reached  the  key  of  the 
rebel  position,  for  the  same  evening  he  ordered  General  Hancock  to 
move  during  the  night  close  up  to  the  intrenchments,  held  by  the  rebel 
general  Swell's  corps.  Slowly  and  surely  Hancock's  men  crept  forward, 
and  at  dawn  they  were  close  upon  the  sleeping  and  unsuspecting  enemy. 
At  the  proper  moment  the  order  to  charge  was  given,  and  with  a  loud 
yell  Hancock's  men  leaped  over  the  rebel  intrenchments  and  with  the 
butts  of  their  muskets  (the  quarters  were  too  close  to  fire)  commenced  to 
slay  the  enemy  right  and  left.  They  were  surrounded,  cornered, and  dumb- 
founded, and  when  they  were  commanded  to  surrender  they  dropped 
their  arms  and  became  prisoners  of  war.  Even  the  artillery  had  not 
time  to  limber  up,  get  away,  or  fire  one  single  volley.  The  general  E. 
Johnston,  whose  headquarters  was  somewhat  to  the  rear,  had  no  time  to 
escape.  The  result  of  this  great  movement  was  the  capture  of  the 
commanding  general  with  nearly  his  entire  division  as  prisoners  of  war, 
and  nearly  twenty  pieces  of  artillery.  Hancock's  entire  corps  had  ad*- 


COLD   HARBOR  AND  GAINED  MILLS.  283 

vanced  during  the  morning,  the  rebels  contesting  every  point  with  great 
determination,  yet  the  gallant  corps  continued  to  advance,  and  before 
noon  the  entire  line  was  engaged  in  a  fierce  and  bloody  strife.  After 
seven  days  severe  fighting,  amid  drenching  rain,  volleys  of  musketry, 
and  roar  of  artillery,  wearied  but  not  disheartened,  the  gallant  heroes 
pressed  on  driving  the  remaining  part  of  the  enemy  back  nearly  four 
miles.  Lee  was  thus  forced  to  abandon  his  strong  position  on  the  Rap- 
idan  and  fall  back.  He  endeavored  to  stop  the  advance  of  the  Union 
army,  but  he  had  now  been  forced  to  abandon  his  last  entrenched  p.osi- 
tion  with  a  loss  of  eighteen  guns,  twenty  colors,  and  eight  thousand 
prisoners,  including  two  general  officers.  Thus,  the  enemy  sullenly  and 
reluctantly  was  driven  from  the  Rapidan.  During  the  eight  days  and 
nights  that  the  engagement  lasted,  many  thousands  went  to  their  long 
home.  The  victory,  though  dearly  bought,  was  gained,  and  Lee 
through  this  terrible  conflict  was  made  to  realize  the  coming  fate  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy.  During  this  eventful  time  General  Sherman  was 
making  his  famous  flank  movement  which  compelled  Johnston  to  evacu- 
ate Dalton,  Georgia,  and  General  Butler  was  defeating  the  rebels  on  the 
south  side  of  the  James.  Sheridan  with  his  cavalry  was  destroying  the 
railroad  bridge  over  the  Chickahominy  river,  fighting  a  battle  at  Yellow 
Tavern  with  the  rebel  general  Stewart,  and  charging  down  the  Brock 
Road  actually  capturing  the  first  line  of  the  enemy's  works  on  that  side 
of  Richmond. 

On  the  13th  of  May,  Burnside  with  the  ninth  corps  lay  across  the  pike 
leading  from  Spottsylvania  Court  House  to  Fredericksburg,  about  two 
miles  from  the  former  place  ;  here  he  had  a  severe  engagement  with  A. 
P.  Hill.  Although  Buraside  moved  early  to  the  attack,  he  found  the 
rebels  over  a  mile  in  front  of  their  breastworks  waiting  his  coming  ;  the 
fight  commenced  and  the  rebels  were  soon  pushed  back  into  their  first 
line  of  fortifications,  and  then  forced  to  take  refuge  in  their  m.ain  line  of 
entrenchments.  Burnside  renewed  the  attack  in  the  afternoon,  but  a 
flanking  brigade  of  rebels  captured  a  portion  of  the  Fifty-First  Pennsylva- 
nia, One  Hundred  and  Ninth  New  York,  and  the  Seventeenth  Michigan 
regiments.  Burnside  gained  a  better  position  than  he  had  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  fight,  but  with  a  loss  of  near  3,000  men.  The  roads 
were  very  bad,  and  it  was  difficult  to  move,  and  little  was  done  until  Lee 
weary  and  disheartened  showed  signs  of  attempting  a  retreat.  On  the 
18th  Grant  renewed  the  attack;  the  assault  was  commenced  early, 
but  the  rebels  were  not  again  to  be  found  napping  ;  by  this  move  Grant 
soon  discovered  the  enemy  strongly  posted  behind  breastworks.  On 
the  19th  Ewcll's  corps  made  an  attempt  to  turn  Grant's  right,  but  was 
severeiy  punished  by  Birney  and  Tyler's  divisions.  Grant  had  now  re- 
ceived about  25,000  splendid  fresh  troops  forwarded  to  him  to  make  up 


LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

his  losses  during  the  terrific  battles  on  the  Rapidan.  On  the  20th  of  May 
he  by  the  flanking  process  compelled  Lee  to  abandon  his  strong  works  at 
Spottsylvania  Court  House,  the  rebels  retreating  towards  Richmond  ; 
Grant's  army  in  pursuit.  Falling  behind  the  North  Anna  river,  Lee  took 
up  another  strong  position  by  marching  the  fifth  and  sixth  corps  by  way 
of  Harris's  Store  to  Jerrico  Ford  ;  the  sixth  corps  crossing,  Lee  was  again 
flanked,  and  compelled  to  abandon  his  strong  position  on  the  North 
Anna,  and  fell  back  to  the  South  Anna  river.  Here  Lee's  position  was 
discovered  to  be  one  of  great  strength,  and  Grantdeeming  it  only  a  waste 
of  life  to  make  an  assault,  recrossed  the  North  Anna  river,  moving 
his  army  in  the  direction  of  Hanover  Junction.  Thus  out  generating  and 
flanking  Lee's  position  on  the  South  Anna,  he  forced  him  again  to  abandon 
his  elaborately  constructed  fortifications.  By  these  master  strategic 
movements,  it  became  evident  to  all  the  corps  and  division  commanders 
in  Grant's  army  that  he  had  outrnanceuvered  Lee,  and  drove  him  from  all 
his  positions,  using  him  merely  as  his  mouthpiece,  as  he  had  previously 
used  Bragg  at  Chattanooga.  It  could  be  seen  by  all  that  it  was  Grant  and 
not  Lee  that  was  commanding  the  rebel  army.  General  Sheridan  with 
his  cavalry  had  taken  possession  of  the  Hanover  Ferry  and  all  points 
designated  for  bringing  the  army  over  the  Pamunkey  river,  and  by  the 
29th  Grant's  entire  force  was  across  and  encamped  in  a  fertile  country 
only  fifteen  miles  from  Richmond.  By  this  great  move  he  turned  all 
Lee's  works  on  the  Little  river  and  the  South  Anna,  avoiding  the 
hazard  of  crossing  these  strongly  defended  streams ;  by  this  strategy  he 
became  master  of  the  situation  with  regard  to  his  new  base  of  supplies, 
and  he  was  now  left  to  choose  his  own  rout  to  the  rebel  capital,  and  all 
this  had  been  accomplished  in  twenty-four  days  from  the  day  he  struck 
tents  at  Culpepper  Court  House, without  leaving,  as  previous  commanders 
did,  one  fourth  of  his  army  behind  for  the  defence  of  the  capital,— he  was 
now  master  of  the  peninsula  without  having  uncovered  Washington  for  a 
single  hour. 

It  was  the  same  strategy  that  made  the  march  from  Bruinsburg  to 
Vicksburg  one  unbroken  series  of  victories.  In  the  march  Grant  cut 
himself  loose  from  his  base,  but  he  always  fixed  a  point  to  open  a  new 
one.  Raymond  was  his  first,  Warrenton  just  below  Vicksburg  his  second, 
and  the  Yazoo  river  just  above  the  city  was  his  final  and  last,  until  Vicks- 
burg fell ;  this  last,  the  Yazoo  was  hit  upon  by  his  far  seeing  vision  at 
the  commencement.  Raymond  and  Warrenton  were  only  calculated  as 
auxiliaries  to  secure  it.  Just  so  he  moved  in  his  present  campaign 
against  Richmond.  In  his  new  base  he  could  open  communication  with 
General  Butler,  and  with  the  two  armies,  when  occasion  required  ;  and 
he  could  now  supply  his  troops  from  the  Pamunkey  or  the  James  at  his 
oj.tion. 


CROSSING  THE  JAMES.  285 

Such  mighty  achievements  can  only  be  done  by  a  master  in  the  art  of 
war,  and  as  he  made  the  month  of  May  1863,  ever  memorable  by  his  strategy 
in  his  campaign  of  the  SouLhwest ;  so  his  illustrious  achievements  in  May 
1864  on  the  Periinslua  will  be  cherished  and  remembered  as  long  as  re- 
turning spring  continues  to  deck  the  banks  of  the  Rapidan,  the  Anna, 
the  Pamunkey,  and  James  with  its  fragrant  flowers.  The  month  of  June 
opened  with  another  fight  with  the  rebels  at  Cold  Harbor,  on  Friday 
about  seven  P.M.  June  3d,  the  rebels  made  an  attack  on  Smith's  bri- 
gade of  Gibson's  division.  Fighting  around  Cold  Harbor  continued  for 
about  three  days.  At  last  Grant  commenced  gradually  drawing  the 
lines  around  them,  they  fought  desperately  as  usual ;  our  entire  loss 
killed  wounded  and  missing  during  the  three  days  engagements  was 
7,500  men.  Grant  was  extending  his  lines  to  the  Chickahominy,  and 
the  White  House  was  now  the  base  of  supplies  for  his  army.  On  the 
12th  of  June  he  commenced  his  great  flank  movement  from  Lee's  front 
at  Cold  Harbor  and  Game's  Mills.  Such  a  movement  is  the  most  dangerous 
in  the  art  of  war.  McClellan  in  changing  his  base  in  1862,  was  harrassed 
at  every  step,  his  army  had  occupied  both  sides  of  the  Chicahominy, 
by  doing  this  he  made  a  weak  and  dangerous  extension  of  his  lines,  the 
part  on  the  north  side  of  that  river  was  driven  on  the  26th  of  June 
across  to  the  south  side  of  the  stream.  McClellan  now  commenced  his 
retreat  to  Harrison's  Landing,  his  army  fighting  by  day  and  ictreating 
by  night,  so  when  the  army  on  the  seventh  day  reached  Harrison's  Land- 
ing, fifteen  thousand  men  who  had  been  with  him  on  the  Chickahominy, 
were  no  longer  in  the  ranks  ;  the  greater  part  were  lying  mangled  and 
bleeding  on  the  line  of  retreat,  or  sleeping  their  last  sleep.  But  how  dif- 
ferent the  ability  displayed  by  Grant,  who  withdrew  his  entire  army  to  the 
banks  of  the  James,  coming  out  at  Wilcox's  Warf,  and  crossing  at  Paw- 
hatan  Point ;  leaving  Cold  Harbor  Sunday  night,  the  troops  were  in  posi- 
tion for  crossing  the  James  river  in  thirty  hours,  and  in  six  hours  more 
the  entire  army  with  scarcely  the  loss  of  a  man  was  landed  on  the  south 
side  of  the  James  river.  On  Wednesday  General  Smith  commenced  an 
attack  on  Petersburg  ;  several  efforts  were  made  to  carry  the  place  by  as- 
sault,but  Grant  was  convinced  that  the  Cockade  City  could  only  be  captured 
by  a  protracted  siege.  General  Wilson  with  six  thousand  picked  troops 
was  sent  to  destroy  the  Weldon  and  South  Side  railroads ;  the  former 
was  struck  at  Reams  Station,  and  the  later  at  Ford's  Station,  and  some 
sixty  miles  of  track,  together  with  bridges,  cars,  and  locomotives  were 
destroyed.  General  Wright  with  the  6th  corps  cooperated  with  Wilson 
by  moving  on  the  Weldon  road  below  Petersburg,  and  destroying  about 
five  miles  of  track.  Lee  becoming  worried  and  disheartened,  thought  to 
divert  Grant  from  his  well  settled  purpose,  sent  Brockenridgc  on  a  raid 
against  Washington ;  but  Grant  could  not  be  induced  to  withdraw  nig 


286  LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

army  from  the  James.  Breckenridge  went  and  made  the  feint,  and  was 
defeated,  leaving  500  of  his  men  killed  and  wounded  under  the  guns  of 
Fort  Stephen. 

The  explosion  of  Burnside's  mine  under  one  of  the  largest  rebel  forts 
at  Petersburg,  blew  up  a  South  Carolina  regiment,  and  wrecked  the 
interior  of  the  work.  General  Burnside  in  the  assaulting  of  the  works 
after  the  explosion,  lost  over  two  thousand  men,  killed,  wounded,  and 
missing.  The  rebel  loss  was  about  1,200;  this  was  all  the  impor- 
tant action  that  occured  before  Petersburg  during  the  balance  of  the 
summer  of  1864.  But  the  mighty  chieftain  was  not  idle,  he  had  so  dis- 
tributed his  army  that  his  lieutenants  were  hammering  away  at  the  sea- 
ports of  the  rebellion  at  every  point  of  the  compass,  having  forced  Lee 
from  the  Rapidan,  and  compelled  him  to  coop  himself  up  behind  his 
Richmond  defences.  Sherman  was  also  showing  himself  to  be  master  of 
the  rebel  armies  of  the  Southwest  by  the  capture  of  Atlanta,  September  2d. 

GEN.  SHERIDAN'S  GREAT  VICTORY. 

BATTLE  OF  OEDAR  OKEEK,  VA.,  OCTOBER  19,  1864. 

THIS  able  commander  was  sent  to  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  to  take  com- 
mand of  the  forces,  in  the  latter  part  of  September,  and  prevent  the  advance 
of  the  rebels  into  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland. 

The  Richmond  authorities,  fearing  that  Grant  had  sent  him  for  the  pur- 
pose of  advancing  on  Richmond  from  that  direction,  sent  a  command  to  the 
rebel  Gen.  Early  to  drive  Sheridan  and  his  army  out  of  the  Valley. 

The  Union  general  had  been  at  Washington,  in  consultation  with  the  Sec- 
retary of  War ;  and,  with  other  commanders,  stopped  on  his  way  back  to 
his  camp  at  Winchester.  Early  took  advantage  of  the  fog  and  absence  of 
Sheridan,  to  make  a  desperate  attack  on  the  Union  army.  On  the  19th  of  Oc- 
tober, just  before  daylight  the  pickets  were  driven  in,  and  the  rebels,  hi 
hot  pursuit,  entered  the  Union  camp  at  the  same  time.  Such  a  large  body 
of  rebel  infantry  soon  threw  the  left  wing  of  Sheridan's  army  into  confusion. 
The  Fourteenth  Pennsylvania,  and  a  portion  of  the  regular  battery,  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  rebels.  The  confusion  almost  reached  a  panic.  Cook's 
corps  was  scarcely  allowed  time  to  form,  but  finally  succeeded,  and  was 
soon  joined  by  part  of  Thornburn's  division.  During  all  this  time  the  rebels 
were  pouring  an  incessant  fire  from  both  infantry  and  artillery.  All  this 
was  done  before  daylight,  and  following  up  their  success,  they  made  a 
charge  on  the  19th  corps,  Emery's  command,  taking  one  or  two  guns  of 
the  First  Maine  battery  and  some  of  Chase's.  The  rebels  had  got  the 
range  and  were  using  their  artillery  with  great  effect. 

The  gray  dawn  of  an  October  morning  was  the  first  to  reveal  the  desper- 
ate situation  of  the  left  wing  of  the  Union  army.  When  the  rebels  discov- 


BATTLE  OF  CEDAR  CREEK.  287 

ered  their  advantage,  they  began  to  bring  their  artillery  across  Cedar  Creek, 
and  press  hard  up.  The  entire  Union  army  was  concentrating  and  slowly 
falling  back.  Gen.  Sheridan,  as  we  before  stated,  was  at  Winchester 
hearing  the  booming  of  cannon,  while  it  was  yet  dark,  in  the  direction  of  . 
his  army.  He  started  at  half-past  seven  o'clock,  A.  M.,  and  in  two  hours 
arrived  at  the  scene  of  action.  On  his  way  he  met  a  great  number  of  teams, 
stragglers,  and  wounded  men,  going  to  the  rear.  Such  a  sight  would  have 
discouraged  most  men,  but  nothing  daunted  he  pushed  on  only  to  witness 
a  worse  condition  of  affairs  than  he  had  expected.  The  army  was  in 
confusion.  It  had  no  confidence  in  itself.  But  his  presence  inspired  all 
with  new  hope.  The  change  was  like  magic.  He  immediately  reorgan- 
ized his  forces  that  he  had  just  met  on  retreat,  putting  the  cavalry  on 
the  right,  the  Nineteenth  Corps  next  to  it,  the  Eighth  Corps  in  the  cen- 
tre, and  the  Sixth  Corps  with  Powell's  division  on  the  left.  Thus  organ- 
ized, a  furious  attack  was  made  on  the  rebel  army  about  one  o'clock, 
P.  M.  For  two  hours  the  fight  was  desperate,  but  at  three  o'clock  the 
rebels  gave  way.  Sheridan  was  everywhere  to  be  seen  urging  his  men 
to  press  on  after  the  retreating  foe,  which  had  become  a  rout.  The 
rebels  being  chased  through  the  streets  of  Middletown,  and  on  to  Mount 
Jackson,  over  2,000  broke  and  ran  down  the  mountain,  throwing  away 
arms,  knapsacks  and  blankets,  to  aid  in  securing  safety.  The  rebel  loss 
was  about  3,000  killed,  7,000  prisoners,  many  of  them  wounded,  55  can- 
non, a  great  number  of  small  arms,  ten  battle  flags,  and  over  300  wagons 
and  ambulances.  The  Union  officers  suffered  severely,  in  one  of  General 
Grovers  brigades,  every  field  officer  being  killed  or  disabled ;  in  another 
only  three  were  left.  The  Union  loss  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing, 
was  4086.  For  this  great  victory,  President  Lincoln  sent  Gen.  Sheridan 
the  following  letter : 

"  EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  Oct.  22,  1864. 
"  MAJOR-GENERAL  SHERIDAN — With  great  pleasure  I  tender  to  you  and 
your  brave  army  the  thanks  of  the  nation,  and  my  own  personal  admira- 
tion and  gratitude  for  the  month's  operations  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley, 
and  especially  for  the  splendid  work  of  October  19. 
Your  obedient  servant, 

"ABRAHAM  LINCOLN." 

General  Grant,  never  having  any  faith  in  the  anaconda  strategy,  al- 
ways believed  that  the  rebellion  was  more  like  an  empty  egg-shell,  and 
could  be  penetrated  almost  as  easy,  agreed  and  arranged  with  General 
Sherman  to  make  his  great  expedition  through  the  heart  of  the  confed- 
eracy, which  has  crowned  that  great  soldier's  name  with  immortality. 

Grant  had  now  got  Lee  in  a  position  that  he  could  -spare  no  troops 


288  LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

from  Virginia.  It  was  even  doubtful,  whether  he  could  long  protect  the 
rebel  capital, — Sherman  at  Savannah,  Hood's  army  captured,  and  Gen. 
Price  driven  out  of  Missouri,  Early  used  up  by  Sheridan  in  the  Shenan- 
doah,  Breckinridge  checkmated  in  East  Tennessee,  Canby  operating  effec- 
tually iu  Louisiana,  and  preparing  to  capture  Mobile,  and  Grant  at  Rich- 
mond holding  Lee  in  a  vice  from  which  there  was  no  escape, — these  were 
the  darkest  days  the  rebellion  had  yet  seen.  It  was  \*  ell  understood  the 
flower  of  its  youth  and  the  days  of  its  manhood  were  passed.  Its  greatest 
efforts,  all  its  heroic  achievements  were  forever  gone,  unanimated  and 
dying,  its  huge  form  lay  stretched  from  the  Potomac  to  the  Rio  Grande, 
unable  to  give  one  more  cheer,  or  do  another  defiant  deed. 

The  year  1865  opened  with  cheering  prospects  for  the  Union  cause. 
Sherman,  with  his  invincible  army,  had  left  Georgia  on  his  northward 
march.  The  principal  nests  of  treason,  Columbia  and  Charleston,  were 
captured,  and  all  the  rebel  strongholds  embraced  in  the  mighty  combi- 
nations on  the  seaboard  and  interior  of  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  including 
Fort  Fisher  and  Wilmington,  in  North  Carolina,  (the  latter  had  long  been 
the  rebel  inlet  to  British  pirates,  British  arms,  British  araunition,  Brit- 
ish goods,  and  British  treachery,)  all  these  had  been  captured  and  were 
now  being  held  by  the  grand  ^divisions  of  the  Union  army.  The  Great 
Campaign  commenced  in  March.  Canby  aided  by  the  fleet,  was  batter- 
ing away  at  Mobile  ;  Gen.  Wilson,  with  ten  thousand  picked  cavalry, 
started  from  Eastport  on  an  expedition  through  Alabama  ;  Sherman  and 
Scofield,  with  their  victorious  hosts,  approaching  the  Virginia  Slate  line. 
Johnston,  whom  the  rebel  press  had  boasted,  was  sent  to  annihilate  the 
insolent  foe,  failed  to  impede  or  check  their  victorious  march  there. 

The  rebel  chief  at  Richmond  saw  all  this,  but  he  was  apalled,  and 
helpless  and  could  only  watch  and  wait.  The  rebel  affairs  every  day  be- 
came more  critical.  The  rebel  commander  yet  had  an  army  of  50,000  tried 
men  filling,  and  being  protected  by,  the  strong  and  numerous  fortifications 
surrounding  the  doomed  capital.  Strategy  was  now  beyond  Lee's  reach, 
and  his  last  hope  was  that  Grant  would  attempt  an  assault  upon  these 
works.  But  as  he  had  never  before  done  what  Lee  desired  or  expected, 
he  had  little  ground  to  expect  it  now. 

Grant  had  time  to  watch,  but  Lee  could  not  afford  to  wait ;  his  only 
hope  was  in  prompt  and  immediate  action,  Thus  at  half-past  four,  A.  M., 
March  25th,  1865,  Lee  sent  Gordon,  at  the  head  of  three  rebel  divisions, 
to  attack  Fort  Steadman,  on  the  right  of  Grant's  line.  He  soon  over- 
powered the  garrison  and  seized  the  fort,  but  the  success  was  but  tem- 
porary, for  at  the  dawn  of  day  Gen.  Hartranft  charged  and  re-captured  it, 
killing  and  wounding  over  3,000  rebels,  and  taking  2, 700  prisoners.  The 
reason  of  the  great  slaughter  and  our  trifling  loss,  was  our  guns  at  the 
different  forts  ware  trained  on  the  ground  over  which  the  rebels  had  to 


PREPARING  FOR  THE  CONFLICT.  289 

pass  to  re-gain  their  own  line  ;  when  they  all  opened  fire,  the  slaughter 
was  terrific.  The  capture  of  Gordon's  men  gave  Grant  a  full  key  to  the 
mystery,  and  he  ordered  an  immediate  advance  upon  the  extreme  left  of 
Hatcher's  run,  which  point  Lee  had  weakened  by  the  withdrawal  of  Gor- 
don's forces.  Several  strong  positions  were  taken  by  the  advance,  and 
Grant's  lines  were  extended  to  near  the  South  Side  railroad.  The  Union 
loss  was  690  ;  the  rebel  loss,  killed,  wounded  and  captured  were  about 
1600.  The  Second  Corps  also  pushed  forward  and  captured  Fort  Fisher 
and  the  entrenched  picket  line  on  the  29th.  The  Second  Corps  left  their 
entrenchments  near  Hatcher's  Run,  and  advanced  out  along  the  Vaughn 
Road.  The  Fifth  Corps,  which  had  been  stationed  in  the  rear  of  the  Sec- 
ond, at  three  and  a  half  o'clock,  A.  M.,  started,  going  over  by-roads 
across  the  country,  so  as  to  reach  the  Vaughn  Road  at  a  point  beyond 
where  the  Second  Corps  was  to  march.  Up  to  this  time,  Gen.  Ayer's 
division  taking  the  lead,  one  brigade  under  Gen.  Gwin  was  posted  at 
Scott's  House  to  cover  the  Vaughn  Road,  while  the  remainder  of  the  di- 
vision was  held  in  reserve.  Griffin's  division  was  then  placed  in  advance. 
The  column  now  left  the  Vaughn  Road,  at  a  point  distant  about  four 
miles  from  Dinwiddie  Court  House,  and  advanced  up  the  Quaker  Road 
in  the  direction  of  Boydton  Plank  Road,  some  three  miles  distant.  A 
short  distance  from  here  the  troops  found  a  line  of  abandoned  rebel 
breastworks,  from  which  their  pickets  had  just  retired.  Skirmishers 
were  now  thrown  forward,  and  sharp  firing  commenced  ;  the  skirmish- 
ers crossing  an  open  plateau,  the  further  side  of  which  Bushrod  John- 
son's rebel  divisions  were  posted.  The  first  brigade  of  Grifiin's  division 
was  now  ordered  forward  to  support  the  skirmishers,  and  when  within 
rifle-shot  of  the  woods,  a  tremendous  volley  of  musketry  greeted  their 
advance,  causing  them  to  waver  and  fall  back.  The  second  brigade  now 
came  up  to  the  support  of  the  first,  which  caused  the  latter  to  rally  and 
stand  firm.  In  the  meantime,  battery  B,  of  the  First  United  States,  was 
got  into  position  and  commenced  firing  with  efiect.  While  the  fight  was 
in  progress,  Gen.  Warren  was  engaged  in  forming  his  line  of  battle  on 
the  right  and  left  of  the  Quaker  Road.  The  enemy  seeing  that  a  largo 
force  was  being  moved  against  them,  retired  to  a  point  further  back. 
Sheridan  was  on  the  extreme  left  at  Dinwiddie  Court  House  ;  Meade's 
headquarters  were  on  the  Vaughn  Road,  three  miles  beyond  Hatcher's 
Run,  and  Gen.  Grant's  about  a  mile  further  out. 

March  31  t,  in  the  morning,  the  rebels  commenced  an  attack  on  Grant's 
left,  near  Dabney's  House,  and  pressed  it  back  towards  Boydton 
Plank  Road  ;  here  their  advance  was  checked,  and  the  Union  troops  re- 
covering the  lost  ground ,  and  driving  the  enemy,  took  possession  of  the 
White  Oak  Road,  capturing  four  battle  flags. 

April  1st,  Gen.  Sheridan  fought  the  battle  of  Five  Forks,  doubling  up 

19 


290  LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

the  right  wing  of  the  rebel  army  on  the  centre ,  and  cutting  a  portion  of 
it  oflF.  His  triumph  over  Early,  in  the  Shenandoah,  was  great ;  and  hia 
victory  secured  over  Longstreet  this  day,  was  both  great  and  glorious  ; 
with  Carter,  Devons,  and  Davis  of  the  cavalry  corps,  and  Griffin,  Ayers, 
Crawford  and  Bartlett  of  the  Fifth  Corps,  he  succeeded  in  dividing  the 
rebel  army  under  Lee,  and  capturing  5700  prisoners,  and  three  batteries  of 
rebel  artillery.  Longstreet,  after  his  inglorious  defeat,  fled  first  north, 
then  westward,  hoping  to  effect  a  junction  with  Johnston  in  North  Caro- 
lina. Lee's  line  extended  from  Burgess'  Mill  to  the  Appomattox. 
Grant  believed  it  weak  everywhere  thus  extended,  but  if  massed  at  any 
one  point  might  yet  be  formidable.  Cannonading  was  kept  up  during 
all  Saturday  night,  and  he  had  determined  to  assault  the  line  that  had  re- 
mained defiant  so  long.  It  was  known  that  Longstreet  was  not  even 
making  an  effort  to  return  to  Petersburg.  Grant's  ever  powerful  etra- 
getic  mind  conceived  the  plan  of  making  an  assault  with  the  Ninth  Corps 
immediately  in  front  of  Petersburg,  in  order  to  induce  Lee  to  mass  his 
force  at  that  important  point  for  defence.  He  had  already  placed  the 
Sixth,  Twenty-fourth,  and  Second  Corps,  secretly  in  front  of  Lee's  right. 
Some  thought  that  he  intended  a  raid  on  to  Burksville,  others  to  the  South 
Side  road,  but  no  person  except  Meade  and  the  corps  commanders  ever 
dreamed  that  he  had  matured  all  his  plans  to  cut  in  two  and  annihilate 
the  rebel  army,  and  capture  Petersburg  and  Richmond.  Yet  it  was  all 
true,  and  a  few  hours  only  were  needed  to  bring  it  to  pass.  The 
star  of  American  glory  was  about  to  be  unveiled  ;  a  mightier  achieve- 
ment was  than  history  had  yet  recorded  about  to  take  place.  The  hearts 
of  millions  of  the  human  race,  unconscious  of  the  coming  hour,  were 
to  beat  with  gladness  ;  the  strife  would  soon  be  over  ;  our  last 'great 
victory  soon  be  won. 

SUNDAY  MORNING,    APRIL  20. 

Holy  day,  commemorative  of  the  Resurrection — momentous  time  !  It 
was  on  the  13th  of  Nisan  (April  2d,)  eighteen  hundred  and  thirty- two 
years  ago,  the  Saviour,  sorrowful  and  sad,  exposed  and  struggled  against 
the  treason  of  one  of  his  followers.  The  mighty  Ruler  of  events  has,  in 
his  own  wisdom,  coupled  the  treachery  of  Judas  with  our  slave-holders' 
treason,  there  to  moulder  and  blacken  on  the  desert  of  Time,  a  monument 
reared  to  commemorate  the  foulest  crimes  in  human  history.  As  he 
has  left  them,  we  leave  them,  so  mankind  in  future  ages  can  see  and 
remember  them  together. 

Sunday,  April  2d,  at  four  o'clock,  A.  M.,  the  time  for  action  had  now 

come.     General  Parke,  in  front  of  Petersburg,  was  pressing  close  up  to 

the  town.     His  divisions  were,  Wilcox  on  the  right  resting  on  the  Ap- 

;  pomattox ;  Hartranft  in  the  centre  ;  Potter,  with  the  second  division,  was 


CAPTURE   OF  PETERSBURG.  291 

on  the  left,  joining  Wheaten  of  the  Sixth  Corps.     The  plan  was  for  Wil- 
cox*  to  make  a  feint  upon  the  rebel  front  on  the  Appomattox.     It  was 
promptly  and  vigorously  made,  the  men  creeping  up  to  within  a  few  feet 
of  the  rebel  fort.     At  the  word  of  command,  the  gallant  First  division 
sprang  to  its  feet,  and,  with  a  yell,  rushed  on  the  work.     At  a  quarter 
past  four  o'clock  they  were  in  the  fort,  having  captured  the  garrison  of 
fifty  men  and  four  guns.    This  was  the  feint  of  Wilcox.     Hartranft  and 
Potter  advanced  about  the  same  time,  and  in  the  same  manner,  stealing 
up  under  cover  of  darkness,  they,  without  firing  a  gun,  sprang  forward, 
capturing  four  forts,  twenty-seven  guns,  and  hundreds  of  prisoners. 
Thus  at  daylight  Parke,  without  loss,  had  gained  possession  of  the  rebel 
line  in  his  front.     The  Sixth  Corps  had  simultaneously  begun  their  work. 
Wheaton  on  the  right,  Seymour  in  the  centre,  and  Getty  on  the  left, 
joining  at  Fort  Sampson  the  new  line  of  the  Twenty-fourth  Corps,  with 
Foster's  Division  on  the  right.     Wright's  Corps  had  to  sustain  a  volley 
in  their  advance,  but  they  carried  the  rebel  line,  and  not  five  minutes 
"elapsed  from  the  time  Wright  gave  the  signal  to  storm,  before  Gens. 
Seymour,  Wheaton,  and  Getty  were  over  the  line  and  in  possession  of 
all  the  rebel  guns.    All  the  regiments  did^their  duty.    In  the  first  charge 
Wheaton  took  twelve  pieces  of  artillery,  and  nearly  the  entire  Mississippi 
Brigade  of  Heth's  Division  ;  thus,  by  five  o'clock,  the  rebels  were  driven 
from  all  their  outer  works  on  the  south  and  west  of  Petersburg.     At 
seven  o'clock,  the  Second  and  Twenty-fourth  Corps  began  the  work  as- 
signed them.     Turner  and  Foster,  of  the  Twenty-fourth  Corps,  made  the 
assault  and  carried  the  rifle  lines  with  little  loss,  while  the  Second  Corps 
advanced  immediately  on  the  opposite  side  of  Hatcher's  Run.     The  ad- 
vance of  these  corps  was  a  gradual  ascent  all  the  way.    Colonel  Olmstead 
and  Colonel  Mclvor,  of  the  first  and  second  brigades,  rushed  into  the 
two  forts  before  them,  capturing  five  guns  and  a  large  number  of  pris- 
oners, with  the  loss  of  only  ten  men.     The  Nineteenth  Massachusetts 
and  the  Seventh  Michigan,  the  far  East  and  far  West,  join  hands  this 
Sunday  morning  in  the  "  last  ditch"  of  the  rebellion.     Other  forts  were 
taken  by  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  New  Jersey  troops.     Thus  by 
eight  o'clock  the  entire  rebel  line,  from  the  Appomattox  to  Burgess'  Mill, 
had  everywhere  been  broken,  and  the  Sixth  Corps  had  swung  round 
and  was  facing  Petersburg  from  the  west.     The  Twenty-fourth  Corps 
was  marching  from  Hatcher's  Run  east  inside  the  rebel  line,  and  the  Sec- 
ond Corps  in  the  same  direction  on  the  Boydton  Road.     Every  soldier 
looked  as  if  he  understood  the  mighty  events  taking  place.   The  smile  of 
triumph  was  on  every  lip,  the  sparkle  of  joy  in  every  eye. 

General  Grant  having  left  his  headquarters  at  Dabney  Mills  to  over- 
look the  work  yet  to  be  done,  came  riding  along  the  lines  on  a  trot,  cheer 
upon  cheer  everywhere  saluted  him,  and  nothing  ever  equaled  the 


292  LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

enthusiasm.  The  military  genius  of  Napoleon,  in  his  Italian  campaigns, 
was  now  growing  dim.  Few  things  in  the  annals  of  war  can  compete 
with  the  manifestations  of  military  genius  that  were  this  day  taking  place. 

The  three  outer  lines  of  fortifications,  which  consisted  of  isolated  forts, 
had  all  been  carried  ;  but  the  fourth,  and  last,  was  one  of  great  strength, 
and  looked  frowningly  down  from  the  slight  range  of  hills  upon  which  it 
was  located.  At  nine  o'clock,  Wheaton  still  on  the  right,  Seymour  having 
swung  to  the  left,  tearing  up  the  South  Side  railroad,  Getty  in  the  cen- 
tre, each  hour  was  eclipsing  the  other  in  scenes  of  indescribable  gran- 
deur. The  corps  were  all  forming  in  short  range  of  the  rebel  works  as 
leisurely  as  if  on  dress  parade.  The  Sixth  Corps  advanced  at  double- 
quick,  never  stopping  to  fire,  with  a  wild  yell  of  delight,  over  they 
went,  turning  the  heavy  guns  and  sending  the  iron  hail  after  the  flying 
foe.  Victory  was  now  traveling  with  the  Second  Corps,  for  Miles,  Mott, 
Smyth  and  Humphrey  were  there.  The  Sixth  Corps  was  also  at  work.  A 
large  number  of  houses  were  now  in  flames,  the  columns  of  smoke  rising 
from  them  in  heavy  clouds,  shrouding  the  scenes  for  the  moment,  but  soon 
lifted  by  the  wind,  with  it  floated  off  to  the  northeast. 

Grant  had  now  laid  out  a  programme.  Meade,  Wright,  and  Gibbons' 
commands  were  appointed  to  execute  it.  "The  forts  selected,  at  the 
sound  of  the  bugle,  were  soon  taken,  the  rebels  making  but  a  feeble  re- 
sistance. The  star  spangled  banner  could  now  be  seen  floating  above 
nearly  all  the  heretofore  strong  rebel  works.  The  Union  army  began  to 
be  assured  of  the  magnitude  of  its  triumphs  ;  deeds  of  daring,  and  hero- 
ism, were  everywhere  being  displayed  ;  to  mention  the  names  of  some 
would  be  doing  injustice  to  all — it  was  an  army  of  heroes. 

The  Second  and  Fifth  Corps  were  sent  to  a  point  to  intercept  the  antici- 
pated retreat  of  Lee  ;  this  somewhat  weakened  our  force  and  the  rebels 
made  a  more  vigorous  stand  against  the  Ninth  Corps.  Lee  was  there 
superintending,  and  for  a  time  advantage  seemed  on  the  rebel  side.  Our 
line  stood  firm,  fighting  like  heroes,  and  finally,  after  superhuman  effort, 
the  rebels  were  driven  back.  We  lost  one  fort.  Reinforcements  of  5000 
men  had  been  ordered  from  City  Point  to  supply,  as  far  as  possible,  tho 
deficiency  created  by  the  withdrawal  of  the  Second  and  Fifth  Corps,  which 
had  been  sent  to  a  point  to  cut  off  Lee's  retreat.  At  11  o'clock  Mcade, 
Wright,  and  Gibbon  were  still  at  work.  The  Sixth  Corps  was  now 
shifting  to  the  right  in  plain  view  and  easy  range  of  Lee's  interior  line. 
At  this  hour  all  was  still,  not  a  gun  or  a  shout  was  heard,  not  a  horse 
neighed,  not  a  drum  or  bugle  sounded  ;  the  field  was  still  as  death. 

Suddenly  a  gun  on  one  of  the  rebel  forts  to  the  left  belched  forth  a 
dull  report,  then  another  and  another  ;  the  rebel  chief  struggling  like  a 
child  in  the  hand  of  a  giant.  At  twelve  o'clock  it  was  discovered  that 
Lee  was  retreating  across  the  Appomattox  on  three  separate  pontoons. 


THE   FALL   OF  RICHMOND.  293 

Just  above  the  city  huge  fires  were  already  raging  in  the  town  ;  the  reb- 
els had  applied  the  torch  to  accelerate  their  own  ruin.  At  two  o'clock, 
the  Sixth  and  Twenty- fourth  Corps,  at  the  sound  of  the  bugle,  commenced 
to  assault  some  of  the  remaining  forts  still  making  a  show  of  resistance 
in  that  part  of  the  field.  They  were  so^n  carried,  and  the  starry  flag 
hoisted  over  them  ;  at  the  same  time  the  rebel  fort  that  had  been  taken 
from  us  was  again  recaptured.  Gen.  Collins,  from  City  Point,  headed  the 
charge;  the  rebels  poured  in  a  terrible  fire,  but  after  a  severe  struggle 
the  fort  was  captured,  and  at  half  past  three  o'clock  the  "  last  ditch"  of 
the  rebellion  was  reached.  Our  prisoners  were  now  like  the  sands  on 
the  sea  shore,  and  the  marines  and  sailors  from  Porter's  fleet  were 
brought  to  guard  them. 

The  rebel  rams,  Virginia  and  Rappahannock,  which  were  lying  on  the 
James,  some  distance  from  Howlett  House,  were  blown  up  about  mid- 
night on  the  second,  shaking  the  earth  like  a  volcano.  The  grandest 
scenes  of  history  were  now  taking  place  on  the  works  around  Rich- 
mond. The  rebels  were  engaged  in  making  a  great  show  through  the 
day,  and  all  their  engineering  was  brought  into  play  to  continue  the  de- 
ception up  to  twelve  o'clock  at  night.  Gen.  Weitzel  suspected  the  ob- 
ject of  the  grand  display,  and  when  he  saw  the  lurid  light  hanging  over 
the  rebel  Capital  it  told  him  that  the  hour  had  almost  come. 

Gen.  Weitzel  immediately  started,  and  entered  Richmond  at  8:15,  on  ther 
morning  of  the  3d  of  April,  1865,  Thus  the  great  Capital  of  treason  and 
rebellion,  which  had  defied  the  Union  army  for  four  years,  fell.  Rich- 
mond and  Petersburg  were  now  captured,  hundreds  of  guns  and  thous- 
ands of  prisoners  taken,  Lee's  army  demoralized,  shattered,  broken,  and 
driven  to  the  four  winds.  This  is  the  history  of  the  day.  How  can  it 
be  told  ?  what  pen  can  write  it?  or  who  comprehend  the  magnitude  of 
the  issues  decided  by  this  mighty  event  ?  Two  hundred  and  forty-five 
years  ago,  on  this  very  spot,  our  traffic  in  human  flesh  began.  During 
this  long  period  the  earnest  prayers  and  agonizing  groans  of  an  outraged 
people  had  been  ascending  to  the  throne  of  God.  They  have  not  been 
in  vain.  Let  it  forever  be  rernbered  that  Washington  gave  us  a  country, 
but  this  day's  victory  made  it  free. 

Gen.  Grant,  having  defeated  Lee  in  the  great  battle  of  the  2d,  was  de- 
termined that  he  should  not  have  an  opportunity  again  to  recruit  his 
shattered  army.  Lee's  retreat  exhibited  every  sign  of  a  rout,  the  path 
strewn  with  wagons,  ambulances,  dead  and  wounded  horses  and  mules, 
caissons,  boxes  of  ammunition  thrown  out  to  lighten  the  load,  mess  uten- 
eils,  arms,  accoutrements,  blankets,  clothing,  loose  cartridges,  and  simi- 
lar wrecks.  Lee  crossed  the  Mamozine  Creek,  destroying  the  bridge, 
then  on  to  Mamozine  Church,  then  across  the  Appornattox  on  to  Amelia 
Court  House,  forty-seven  miles  southwest  of  Richmond.  Gen.  Grant  was 


294  LIEUTENANT  GENERAL  GRANT. 

with  Gen.  Orel's  column  of  the  army  of  the  James.  On  the  night  of  the 
5th  the  Union  army  lay  in  line  of  battle,  stretching  across  three  or  four 
miles  of  country.  The  engagements  that  took  place  at  Jettersville 
and  Deatonsville,  and  Sheridan's  cavalry  now  at  Plainville  intercepting 
him  on  his  way  to  Lynchburg,  left  nothing  for  Lee  but  surrender. 
Grant,  on  the  7th,  sent  him  a  communication  that  further  resistance  would 
only  be  a  waste  of  human  life  to  no  purpose,  and  requested  him  to  save 
the  further  useless  effusion  of  blood  by  a  timely  surrender. 

THE   TERMS   AND   SURRENDER. 

APPOMATTOX  COURT  HOUSE,  April  9,  1865. 

GENERAL  R.  E.  LEE,  Commanding  C.  S.  A.  : 

In  accordance  with  the  substance  of  my  letter  to  you  of  the  eighth  in- 
stant. I  propose  to  receive  the  surrender  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Vir- 
ginia, on  the  following  terms,  to  wit : 

Rolls  of  all  the  officers  and  men  to  be  made  in  duplicate,  one  copy 
to  be  given  to  an  officer  designated  by  me,  the  other  to  be  retained  by 
such  officers  as  you  may  designate. 

The  officers  to  give  their  individual  paroles  not  to  take  up  arms  against 
the  United  States  until  properly  exchanged,  and  each  company  or  regi- 
mental commander  sign  a  like  parole  for  the  men  of  their  commands. 

The  arms,  artillery  and  public  property  to  be  packed  and  stacked,  and 
turned  over  to  the  officers  appointed  by  me  to  receive  them.  This  will 
not  embrace  the  side-arms  of  tibe  officers,  nor  their  private  horses  or 
baggage 

This  done,  each  officer  and  man  will  be  allowed  to  return  to  their 
homes,  not  to  be  disturbed  by  United  States  authority  so  long  as  they 
observe  their  parole  and  the  laws  in  force  where  they  may  reside. 
Very  respectfully, 

U.  S.  GRANT,  Lieut&wnt- General. 

SURRENDER. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  NORTHERN  VIRGINIA,  April  9,  1865. 
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL  U.  S.  GRANT,  Commanding  U.  S.  A. 

GENERAL  :  I  have  received  your  letter  of  this  date,  containing  the 
terms  of  surrender  of  the  array  of  Northern  Virginia,  as  proposed  by  you  ; 
as  they  are  substantially  the  same  as  those  expressed  in  your  letter  of 
the  eighth  instant,  they  are  accepted.  I  will  proceed  to  designate  the 
proper  officers  to  carry  the  stipulations  into  eft'ect. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

R.  E.  LEB,  General. 


SURRENDER  OF   LEE.  295 


LEE  S   ENTIRE  LOSS. 

In  the  battles  around  Petersburg  and  in  the  pursuit,  Lee  lost  over  ten 
thousand  men  killed  and  wounded,  and  twenty  thousand  men  in  prisoners 
and  deserters,  including  those  taken  in  battle,  and  those  picked  up  in 
pursuit ;  embracing  all  arms  of  the  service — teamsters,  hospital  force,  and 
everything — from  sixteen  to  eighteen  thousand  men  were  surrendered  by 
Lee.  As  only  fifteen  thousand  muskets  and  about  thirty  pieces  of  artil- 
lery were  surrendered,  the  available  fighting  force  could  hardly  have 
exceeded  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand  men.  Our  total  captures  of  artillery 
during  the  battles  and  pursuit,  and  at  the  surrender,  amounted  to 
about  one  hundred  and  seventy  guns.  Three  or  four  hundred  wagons 
were  handed  over. 

In  the  terms  of  surrender,  the  officers  gave  their  own  paroles,  and 
each  officer  gave  his  parole  for  the  men  within  his  command.  The  fol- 
lowing is  the  form  of  the  personal  parole  of  officers,  copied  from  the  orig- 
inal document  given  by  Lee  and  a  portion  of  his  staff: 

"  We,  the  undersigned  prisoners  of  war  belonging  to  the  army  of 
Northern  Virginia,  having  been  this  day  surrendered  by  General  R.  E. 
Lee,  commanding  said  army,  to  Lieutenant-General  Grant,  commanding 
the  armies  of  the  United  States,  do  hereby  give  our  solemn  parole  of 
honor  that  we  will  not  hereafter  serve  in  the  armies  of  the  Confederate 
States,  or  in  any  military  capacity  whatever,  against  the  United  States  of 
America,  or  render  aid  to  the  enemies  of  the  latter  until  properly  ex- 
changed in  such  manner  as  shall  be  mutually  approved  by  the  respective 
authorities. 

"  R.  E.  LEE,  General. 

"  W.  H.  TAYLOR,  Lieutenant-Colonel  and  A.  A.  G.      ' 
"  CHAS.  S.  YENABLE,  Lieutenant- Colonel  and  A,  A,  G, 
11  CHAS.  MARSHALL,  Lieutenant- Colonel  and  A,  A,  G, 
"  H.  E.  PKATON,  Lieutenant- Colonel  and  Ins.r  General, 
"  GILES  BROOKE,  Major  and  A.  A.  Surgeon*  General. 
"  H.  S.  YOUNG,  A.  A.  General. 

'  •  Done  at  Appomattox  Court  House,  Va.,tfiis  ninth  (9th)  day  of  April, 
1865." 

The  parole  is  the  same  given  by  all  officers,  and  is  countersigned  as 
follows : 

"  The  above-named  officers  will  not  be  disturbed  by  United  States  au- 
thorities as  long  as  they  observe  their  parole,  and  the  laws  in  force  where 
they  reside. 

"  GBORE  H.  SHARPS,  General  Assist.  Provost  Marshal.'' 


296  LIEUIENANT   GENERAL   GRANT. 

The  obligation  of  officers  for  the  subdivisions  under  their  command  is 
in  form  as  follows  : 

"  I,  the  undersigned,  commanding  officer  of •,  do,  for  the  within- 
named  prisoners  of  war,  belonging  to  the  army  of  Northern  Virginia, 
who  have  been  this  day  surrendered  by  General  Robert  E.  Lee,  Confed- 
erate States  Army,  commanding  said  army,  to  Lieutenant-General  Grant, 
commanding  the  armies  of  the  United  States,  hereby  give  my  solemn  pa- 
role of  honor  that  the  within-named  shall  not  hereafter  serve  in  the 
armies  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America,  or  in  military  or  any  ca- 
pacity whatever  against  the  United  States  of  America,  or  render  aid  to 
the  enemies  of  the  latter,  until  properly  exchanged  in  such  manner  as 
shall  be  mutually  approved  by  the  respective  authorities. 

"The  within-named  will  not  be  disturbed  by  the  United  States  authori- 
ties so  long  as  they  observe  their  parole  and  the  laws  in  force  where  they 
may  reside," 

The  surrender  of  Lee  was  followed  by  the  voluntary  surrender  of  most 
of  the  regular  troops  of  the  enemy  in  the  Shenandoah. 

THE  REBEL   FORCES   IN  ALABAMA,  MISSISSIPPI,  AND  EAST   LOUISIANA,  SURRENDER 
TO   GENERAL    CANBY. 

On  the  4th  of  May,  1865,  General  Richard  Taylor,  commanding  the 
rebel  forces  in  Alabama,  Mississippi,  and  East  Louisiana,  surrendered  to 
Major-General  Canby,  and  this  closed  up  our  account  with  the  rebels  east 
of  the  Mississippi  river. 

GENERAL  SHERIDAN  GOES  TO  NEW  ORLEANS. — SURRENDER  OF  KIRBY  SMITH. 

Beyond  the  Mississippi,  Kirby  Smith  showed  a  determination  to  hold 
out  and  prolong  the  war.  General  Grant  resolved  to  use  efficient  meas- 
ures to  bring  him  also  to  terms,  and  a  powerful  expedition  was  fitted  out 
at  Fortress  Monroe,  and  Major-General  Philip  Sheridan  was  assigned 
to  its  command.  The  General  proceeded  forthwith  by  way  of  the 
Mississippi  river  to  New  Orleans  ; — before  reaching  that  point,  Smith  had 
heard  of  the  surrender  of  Lee,  Johnston,  and  Taylor,  and  he  too  accepted 
the  terms  granted  to  Lee,  and  surrendered  the  forces  under  his  command. 

Thus  all  the  armies  of  the  rebellion  wore  captured,  conquered  and 
subdued,  and  the  arch  traitor  Davis  captured  while  endeavoring  to 
escape.  All  honor  to  General  Grant,  the  galant  officers  and  brave  men 
under  bis  command  ;  they  have  fought  the  good  fight,  and  their  victory 
is  won. 


ABKAHAM  LINCOLN,  SIXTEENTH  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

ASSASSINATED  APRIL  UTH— DIED  ON  THE  IOTH,  18C3, 

^Engraved  for  the  History  of  the  Plots*  and  Crimes.) 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

HIS   ANCESTORS,    HIS   BIRTH,    HIS   LIFE,    AND 
ASSASSINATION. 


THE  ancestors  of  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  like  those  of  General  Sherman, 
came  from  England.  Many  of  the  Israelites  think  his  name  Abraham 
peculiarly  significant  of  a  distant  Jewish  origin,  while  our  friends,  the 
Quakers,  claim  they  have  strong  evidence  that  they  emigrated  to  this 
country  with  the  founder  of  Pennsylvania  and  entertained  a  similar  reli- 
gious belief.  Raymond,  in  his  Life  of  Lincoln  remarks,  "  It  is  difficult 
to  trace  them  farther  back  than  to  their  place  of  residence  in  Berks  coun- 
ty, Pennsylvania.  As  the  territory  had  previously  been  settled  only  by 
the  Swedes  and  Finns,  there  is  a  strong  probability  that  Lincoln's  ances- 
tors came  to  this  country  with  the  colony  of  Friends  sent  out  by  William 
Penn  at  the  close  of  the  year  1681.  This  we  know  to  be  tradition  and 
have  no  doubt  of  its  truth.  In  1750  a  part  of  the  family  (it  had  then 
been  living  and  multiplying  in  that  region  for  near  seventy  years)  re- 
moved to  what  is  now  known  as  Rockingham  County,  Virginia,  where  old 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  born.  We  have  been  unable  to  learn  his  father's 
name.  Abraham  here  married  a  Virginia  woman.  About  three  years  after 
they  were  married,  and  when  their  son,  Thomas  Lincoln,  was  two  years 
old,  they  concluded  to  change  their  location  and  go  a  little  further  west. 
Thus  in  1780,  the  grandfather  of  our  late  President  left  Virginia,  and 
with  his  family  settled  on  Floyd's  Creek,  in  the  region  now  known  as 
Bullitt  County,  Kentucky.  Erecting  a  log  cabin  to  protect  his  little 
family  from  the  wet  and  cold,  he  soon  began  to  gather  around  him  the 
rude  and  indispensable  necessities  of  frontier  life.  He  was  perfectly 
satisfied  and  his  wife  contented  in  this  their  new  and  distant  home.  But 
in  1784  he  was  engaged  in  clearing  a  piece  of  land  about  four  miles  dis- 
tant from  his  house,  procuring  subsistence  for  his  family,  consisting  now 
of  his  wife  and  five  children,  three  sons  and  two  daughters. 

While  thus  engaged  in  honest  toil  the  strife  with  the  Indians  began, 
and  he  was  destined  to  be  a  victim.  He  was  murdered  by  an  Indian 
while  at  work  in  the  clearing  above  mentioned,  and  his  scalped  remains 


298  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

found  the  next  morning  near  where  he  had  been  working.  His  widow 
was  now  left  with  a  large  family  in  a  lonely  wilderness  and  with  but 
scanty  means  to  support  them.  Poverty  soon  made  it  necessary  that  the 
little  group  should  part.  All  except  the  second  son,  found  homes  in 
other  sections  of  Kentucky ;  he  secured  a  place  in  Indiana.  Thomas, 
who  was  the  oldest,  being  a  little  over  six  years,  remained  with  his 
mother  until  he  was  twelve  ;  he  then  left  for  a  short  time,  but  soon  after- 
wards returned  and  continued  to  live  with  and  support  her  until  he  was 
twenty-eight  years  of  age.  This  carries  us  to  the  year  1806,  when 
Thomas  Lincoln  concluded  to  take  to  himself  a  wife.  Like  his  father,  he 
chose  a  Virgin'a  woman  for  a  companion.  He  was  married  to  Miss  Nancy 
Hanks  in  the  latter  part  of  the  winter  of  1806,  and  their  first  child  was 
born  (a  girl)  in  the  month  of  March,  1807.  They  were  a  plain,  and  un- 
assuming couple.  He  had  received  no  education,  and  she  could  read  but 
could  not  write.  They  were  persons  of  strong  natural  abilities,  exem- 
plary in  their  private  life,  both  being  members  of  the  Baptist  Church. 
Soon  after  they  were  married  they  removed  and  settled  near  Elizabeth- 
town,  Hardin  county,  Kentucky,  and  there,  February  12th,  1809,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  the  illustrious  personage  and  subject  of  this  narrative  was  born. 
Two  years  afterwards  another  son  was  born,  but  he  died  in  infancy. 
The  daughter,  the  oldest  of  the  family  lived  to  years  of  womanhood, 
married,  but  subsequently  died  without  issue.  This,  we  believe,  is  all 
that  is  yet  authentically  known  about  the  ancestors  of  this  illustrious  man. 
The  Hon.  Robert  Dale  Owen,  we  understand,  is  engaged  in  getting  to- 
gether a  very  complete  and  elaborate  history  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  Perhaps 
he  may  be  able  to  throw  some  light  on  the  period  between  1681  and 
1750. 

We  ourselves  shall  wait  with  great  anxiety  to  receive  what  new  light 
his  extensive  research  and  eloquent  pen  can  give  on  this  important  and  in- 
teresting subject.  At  seven  years  old,  "  Little  Abe"  (as  he  was  famil- 
iarly called)  was  sent  to  school.  His  father  determined  as  far  as  possi- 
ble to  give  him  an  education.  A  Mr.  Hazel  who  kept  a  school,  and  Zach- 
ariah  Riney,  a  Roman  Catholic,  were  the  persons  that  first  gave  him  the 
rudiments  of  instruction.  Riney  was  some  way  connected  with  a  Catholic 
Institute  that  the  Trappists  had  founded  on  Pottinger's  Creek.  Be- 
coming annoyed  at  the  obstructions  slavery  was  placing  in  the  way  of 
industry  and  enterprise,  Thomas  Lincoln  concluded  to  leave  Kentucky, 
and  settle  in  free  territory.  Thus,  in  1817,  he  traded  his  home  in  Hardin 
county  for  about  three  hundred  dollars  worth  of  merchandize,  and  built  a 
flat-boat  on  the  Rolling  Fork  River,  placed  all  his  earthly  valuables  on 
board,  including  his  family,  and  floated  out  into  the  Ohio  and  made  for 
Thompson's  Ferry,  opposite  Spencer  county,  Indiana,  the  county  and  re- 
gion ho  had  previously  selected  for  his  new  and  future  home.  He  had 


ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  299 

with  him  three  horses  and  one  cow,  and  it  took  him  seven  days  to  get 
their  scanty  household  goods  eighteen  miles  back  from  the  river  bank, 
having  to  cut  his  way  through  the  woods,  some  days  only  advancing 
three  miles.  When  they  arrived  at  the  spot,  with  the  kind  assistance  of 
a  few  neighbors,  Thomas  Lincoln  soon  erected  a  nice  log  house  eighteen 
feet  square,  with  some  slabs  laid  across  the  logs  overhead,  forming  an  up- 
stairs which  was  got  to  by  a  rough  ladder  in  the  corner.  The  loft  was 
Abe's  bedroom  and  there  for  years  he  contentedly  slept  with  one  coarse 
blanket  for  his  mattress  and  another  for  his  covering.  What  a  future 
was  before  this  innocent  youth  as  he  sweetly  slept  in  his  rude  but  happy 
home.  If  he  had  been  told  he  could  not  have  comprehended  it,  and  the 
unbelieving  would  not  have  believed  it.  Dressed  in  a  suit  of  buckskin 
and  a  cap  made  from  a  raccoon  skin  he,  became  the  favorite  with  the  set- 
tlers, and  his  parents  were  devotedly  fond  of  him.  He  had  now  when 
nine  years  old  become  remarkably  fond  of  books,  reading  a  few  chapters 
in  the  Bible  daily  for  the  edification  of  his  mother,  but  she  could  not 
have  imagined  in  her  wildest  dreams  the  future  eminence  of  her  beloved 
son.  But  while  engaged  in  moulding  the  future  character  of  her  little 
boy,  the  faithful  mother  died.  This  sad  bereavement  occurred  when 
Abe  was  about  ten  years  old.  Ministers  of  the  gospel  were  seldom  to 
be  met  in  this  wild  region,  and  it  was  not  until  twelve  months  after  her 
death  that  Parson  Elkins  was  induced  by  a  kind  and  touching  letter  from 
her  little  son  to  come  and  preach  her  funeral  sermon.  In  his  sermon 
the  Parson  frequently  alluded  to  the  touching  eloquence  of  the  letter  he 
received,  which  afterwards  served  to  bring  Abraham's  pen  into  frequent 
employment  in  writing  letters  for  the  neighbors.  Two  years  after  Mrs. 
Lincoln's  death,  Mr.  Lincoln  married  Mrs.  Sally  Johnston,  a  widow  with 
three  children,  who  resided  at  Elizabethtown,  Kentucky.  Fortunatsly 
she  was  admirably  adapted  to  fill  the  vacancy  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  family, 
and  a  superior  woman  between  whom  and  Abe  a  most  devoted  attach- 
ment sprung  up,  and  continued  during  the  twelve  years  that  Thomas 
Lincoln  resided  in  Indiana.  He  continued  to  send  Abraham  to  school. 
A  Mr.  Dorsey,  who  a  few  months  ago,  was  still  living  in  Schuyler  Coun- 
ty, Illinois,  and  a  Mr.  Crawford  were  the  teachers.  Ramsay  and  Weem's 
Life  of  Washington  were  among  the  first,  then  came  Life  of  Henry  Clay, 
JSsop's  Fables,  and  Bunyan's  Pilgrim's  Progress  ;  all  these  he  eagerly 
perused,  and  we  have  no  doubt  the  latter  work  served  to  perfect  him  in 
a  great  measure,  in  that  style  which  was  in  after  years  so  peculiar  to  his 
pen.  After  he  left  school,  until  he  was  eighteen  years  old,  he  labored  in  the 
woods  cutting  down  trees,  clearing  the  ground,  and  splitting  rails. 
Abraham  had  now  lived  to  be  nineteen  years  old.  A  New  Orleans  trader 
resided  near  by,  and  his  son  in  the  spring  of  1828  was  about  to  make  a 
trip  on  a  flatboat  with  a  valuable  cargo  down  the  Mississippi  to  the  Cres- 


300  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

cent  City.  Abraham  hired  for  the  trip  at  ten  dollars  a  month.  On  their 
way  down,  a  band  of  robbers,  great  numbers  of  whom  infested  that 
stream  in  those  early  times,  attempted  to  seize  the  boat  with  all  its  valu- 
able cargo,  but  after  a  spirited  contest  with  the  boat's  crew,  were  re- 
pulsed and  driven  back.  The  Trader  and  Abraham  returned  from  their 
trip  to  New  Orleans  in  the  summer.  His  father,  Thomas  Lincoln,  had 
inherited  that  peculiar  distaste  that  all  frontiersmen  have  against  the  ad- 
vancing tide  of  civilization,  and  he  concluded  to  seek  a  new  home  ;  with 
him,  like  all  other  backwoodsmen, 

The  heaven  of  eternal  earthly  rest, 
Is  always  found  a  little  further  west. 

In  March,  1830,  Thomas  Lincoln  moved  his  family  to  Illinois.  After 
fifteen  days  travel  with  oxen,  (Abraham  driving  one  team)  he  came  to 
a  site  of  (ten  acres)  on  the  north  side  of  the  Sangamon  river,  ten  miles 
west  of  Dccatur,  Macon  county.  The  father  and  Abraham  soon  erected 
a  log  cabin,  and  the  latter  split  sufficient  rails  to  fence  their  new  farm. 
The  father  soon  became  tired  of  his  home  in  Macon  county,  and  resolved 
to  move  to  Coles  county,  about  seventy  miles  distant  away.  Abraham 
objected  to  his  father  again  moving,  and  in  the  spring  signified  his  in- 
tention of  leaving  home  and  seeking  his  fortune  among  strangers.  The 
tidings  were  received  by  his  parents  and  friends  with  the  most  profound 
sorrow.  But  he  went  westward  to  Menard  county  and  worked  on  a  farm 
for  Mr.  Armstrong-  in  the  vicinity  of  Petersburg,  during  the  ensuing 
summer  and  winter.  This  prevented  his  father  from  moving  to  Coles 
county  and  fre  settled  down  on  the  upper  waters  of  the  Kaskaskia  and 
Embarras,  where  he  died  in  his  seventy-third  year,  January  17th,  1851. 

In  1831,  Abraham  again  made  a  trip  to  New  Orleans  in  the  capacity  of  a 
flatboatman,  returning  that  summer.  His  employer  was  so  pleased  with 
him  he  gave  him  a  clerkship  in  his  mill  and  store  at  New  Salem,  about 
twenty  miles  from  Springfield.  He  was  a  most  dutiful  son,  devoting  the 
principal  part  of  his  earnings  to  keep  his  father's  family,  who  were  then 
very  poor.  In  1832,  Black  Hawk  was  concentrating  a  large  Indian  force 
on  the  Illinois  river.  Major  Stillman,  with  his  famous  two  hundred  and 
seventy  men,  had  previously  been  defeated  by  him,  on  the  14th  of 
May  at  Sangamon  Creek,  Black  Hawk  at  the  time  having  only  forty 
warriors  engaged  in  the  fight.  The  Governor  of  Illinois  was  now  calling 
for  troops  to  punish  the  Indians,  and  a  recruiting  office  being  opened  at 
New  Salem,  Abraham  Lincoln  was  the  first  to  put  down  his  name.  The 
company  was  soon  organized,  an  1  the  men  unanimously  chose  him  for 
their  captain.  They  marched  to  Beardstown,  and  from  there  to  the  seat 
of  war.  The  term  of  enlistment  being  out,  without  hesitation  he  re-enlisted 
in  another  company  as  a  private,  where  he  continued  until  its  term  of 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN1.  301 

enlistment  had  also  expired.  Like  most  Kentuckians  he  was  an  admirer 
and  supporter  of  Henry  Clay,  and  after  his  return  from  the  war  was  cho- 
sen by  the  Whig  party,  in  New  Salem,  as  a  candidate  for  the  legislature 
of  Illinois.  He  was  defeated  ;  but  out  of  the  284  votes  cast  in  the  town 
of  New  Salem,  he  received  177.  This  was  the  first  and  last  time  he  waa 
ever  beaten  before  the  people.  This  contest  over  (although  not  elected, 
his  opponent  only  led  him  a  few  votes)  he  purchased  a  store  and  stock 
of  goods  on  credit,  and  was  appointed  Postmaster  at  New  Salem  ;  but 
store-keeping  was  to  him  unprofitable,  and  he  sold  out,  and  for  a  year 
was  engaged  in  surveying.  John  Calhoun,  afterwards  president  of  the 
former  Lecompton  Constitutional  Convention  of  Kansas,  being  his  tutor, 
he  still  continued  to  act  as  postmaster  of  the  town.  Reverses  came  upon 
him,  and  his  surveying  implements  were  seized  for  debt  and  sold  by  the 
sheriff  of  the  county.  In  1834  he  was  again  nominated  for  the  legislature 
and  was  elected  by  a  very  large  majority.  I.i  1836,  1838,  and  1840,  was 
re-elected  to  the  same  office.  During  his  first  term  in  the  legislature  he 
conceived  the  idea  of  studying  law,  and  through  the  aid  oTHon.  John 
T.  Stuart,  who  placed  in  his  possession  the  necessary  books  ;  and  he  was 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1836  ;  and  on  April  15th,  1837,  ho  settled  perma- 
nently in  Springfield,  Sangamon  county,  where  he  entered  into  partner- 
ship with  John  T.  Stuart.  Many  thrilling  incidents  occurred  with  him 
during  his  legal  profession.  The  Mr.  Armstrong  whom  he  had  worked 
for  in  Menard  county,  after  he  first  lef.  his  father's  house,  had  died,  and 
his  oldest  son  had  been  arrested  for  murder  and  was  confined  in  the  jail 
of  that  county  awaiting  trial.  As  soon  as  Mr.  Lincol  i  heard  of  this 
sad  occurrence,  he  sent  a  letter  to  Mrs.  Armstrong,  offerVg  to  return 
her  kindness  to  him  during  the  time  he  lived  in  her  family,  by  volun- 
teering his  services  gratuitously  for  her  son's  defence.  They  were  glad- 
ly accepted,  and  by  a  discrepancy  in  the  testimony  of  the  main  witness 
against  the  boy,  who  swore  that  the  deed  was  committed  at  precisely 
half  past  nine  o'clock,  and  that  he  saw  it  plain,  for  the  moon  was  shining 
clearly.  Mr.  Lincoln  showed,  after  reviewing  all  the  other  evidence, 
that  the  moon  did  not  rise  until  an  hour  later  than  the  time  stated  by  the 
witness,  therefore  the  whole  testimony  was  a  base  fabrication  ;  the  jury 
ao  viewed  it,  and  returned  a  verdict  of  not  guilty.  At  this  moment  the 
widow  dropped  into  the  arms  of  her  son  who  lifted  her  up,  and  told  her 
to  look  on  him  as  before,  free  and  innocent.  Then  with  the  words, 
"  Where  is  Mr.  Lincoln?"  he  rushed  across  the  room  and  grasped  him 
by  the  hand,  while  his  heart  was  too  full  for  utterance.  Lincoln  turned 
his  eyes  to  the  west  where  the  sun  still  lingered  in  view,  and  then,  turn, 
ing  to  the  youth,  said,  "  It  is  not  yet  sundown  and  you  are  free."  Mr. 
Lincoln  loved  his  fellowmen  with  all  the  strength  of  his  good  nature,  and 
his  voice  touching,  and  always  cheerful  made  "his  presence  a  source  of 
joy  to  the  company. 


302  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

In  March,  1837,  on  account  of  a  series  of  resolutions  being  offered  by 
some  one  sustaining  the  ultra  southern  view  of  slavery  in  the  Illinois 
Legislature,  Mr.  Lincoln  offered  a  protest  against  slavery,  signed  by 
Daniel  Stone  and  himself,  Representatives  of  Sangamon  county,  Illinois. 
For  many  years  Mr.  Lincoln  lived  a  bachelor  in  the  family  of  Hon.  Wil- 
liam Butler  in  Springfield.  On  November  4th,  1842,  he  married  Miss  Mary 
Todd,  daughter  of  Hon.  Robert  S.  Todd  of  Lexington,  Kentucky.  In 
every  campaign  from  1836  to  1852,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  Whig  candidate  for 
Presidential  Elector,  and  in  1844  stumped  the  state  of  Illinois  for  Henry 
Clay.  In  1846,  he  was  elected  to  Congress  from  the  central  district  of 
Illinois.-  That  state  sent  seven  representatives  that  year,  and  all  were 
Democrats  except  Mr.  Lincoln.  On  the  question  of  the  Mexican  War  he 
never  could  be  induced  to  give  his  vote  in  Congress  that  the  war.had 
been  righteously  begun,  but  he  voted  for  every  act  brought  forward  to 
procure  money  to  pay,  or  give  land  warrants  to  the  soldiers.  His  votes 
in  Congress  were  uniformly  given  against  the  institution  of  slavery,  and 
he  voted  more  than  forty  different  times  in  favor  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso. 
In  1849  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  candidate  before  the  Legislature  of  Illinois 
for  U.  S.  Senator  ;  but  his  political  opponents  being  in  the  majority,  Gen- 
eral Shields  was  chosen.  He  was  subsequently  offered  the  nomination 
for  Governor  of  Illinois,  but  declined  it  in  favor  of  Mr.  Bissell.  In  June, 
1858,  the  Republican  Convention  assembled  at  Springfield,  and  nomin- 
ated him  as  their  candidate  for  the  United  States  Senate. 

The  contest  that  followed  was  the  most  remarkable  ever  witnessed  in 
the  country.  Mr.  Douglas,  his  opponent,  had  few,  if  any,  superiors  as 
a  political  debater.  From  county  to  county  they  both  traveled,  often  in 
the  same  car,  and  face  to  face.  These  great  champions  argued  the  im- 
portant points  before  thousands  of  their  fellow  citizens. 

During  the  campaign,  Mr.  Lincoln  paid  the  following  tribute  to  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence : 

"  These  communities,  (the  thirteen  colonies,)  by  their  representatives 
in  old  Independence  Hall,  said  to  the  world  of  men,  '  We  hold  these 
truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are  born  equal ;  that  they  are  en- 
dowed by  their  Creator  with  inalienable  rights  ;  that  among  these  are 
life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.'  This  was  their  majestic  in- 
terpretation of  the  economy  of  the  universe.  This  was  their  lofty,  and 
wise,  and  noble  understanding  of  the  justice  of  the  Creator  to  his  crea- 
tures. Yes,  gentlemen,  to  all  his  creatures,  to  the  whole  great  family  of 
man.  In  their  enlightened  belief,  nothing  stamped  with  the  Divine  im- 
age and  likeness  was  sent  into  the  world  to  be  trodden  on,  and  degraded, 
and  imbruted  by  its  fellows.  They  grasped  not  only  the  race  of  men 
then  living,  but  they  reached  forward  and  seized  upon  the  furthest  pos- 
terity. They  created  a  beacon  to  guide  their  children  and  their  chil- 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  303 

dren's  children,  and  the  countless  myriads  who  should  inhabit  the  earth 
in  other  ages.  Wise  statesmen  as  they  were,  they  knew  the  tendency  of 
prosperity  to  breed  tyrants,  and  so  they  established  these  great  self-evi- 
dent truths  that  when,  in  the  distant  future,  some  man,  some  faction, 
some  interest,  should  set  up  the  doctrine  that  none  but  rich  men,  or  none 
but  white  men,  or  none  but  Anglo-Saxon  white  men,  were  entitled  to  life, 
liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  their  posterity  might  look  up  again 
to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  take  courage  to  renew  the  battle 
which  their  fathers  began,  so  that  truth,  and  justice,  and  mercy,  and  all 
the  humane  and  Christian  virtues  might  not  be  extinguished  from  the 
land  ;  so  that  no  man  would  hereafter  dare  to  limit  and  circumscribe  the 
great  principles  on  which  the  temple  of  liberty  was  being  built. 

"  Now,  my  countrymen,  if  you  have  been  taught  doctrines  conflicting 
with  the  great  landmarks  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  ;  if  you  have 
listened  to  suggestions  which  would  take  away  from  its  grandeur,  and 
mutilate  the  fair  symmetry  of  its  proportions  ;  if  you  have  been  inclined 
to  believe  that  all  men  are  not  created  equal  in  those  inalienable  rights 
enumerated  by  our  chart  of  liberty,  let  me  entreat  you  to  come  back — 
return  to  the  fountain  whose  waters  spring  close  by  the  blood  of  the  Rev- 
olution. Think  nothing  of  me,  take  no  thought  for  the  political  fate  of 
any  man  whomsoever,  but  come  back  to  the  truths  that  are  in  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence. 

"  You  may  do  anything  with  me  you  choose,  if  you  will  but  heed  these 
sacred  principles.  You  may  not  only  defeat  me  for  the  Senate,  but  you 
may  take  me  and  put  me  to  death.  While  pretending  no  indifference  to 
earthly  honors,  I  do  claim  to  be  actuated  in*  this  contest  by  something 
higher  than  an  anxiety  for  office.  I  charge  you  to  drop  every  paltry  and 
insignificant  thought  for  any  man's  success.  It  is  nothing  ;  I  am  nothing  ; 
Judge  Douglas  is  nothing.  But  do  not  destroy  that  immortal  emblem  of 
humanity — the  Declaration  of  American  Independence." 

The  result  of  this  animated  campaign  was  a  vote  of  126,084  for  the  Re- 
publican candidates,  121,940  for  the  Douglas  Democrats,  and  5,091  for 
Lecompton  candidates,  but  Mr.  Douglas  was  elected  United  States  Sena- 
tor by  the  Legislature  in  which  his  supporters  had  a  majority  of  eight  on 
joint  ballot.  But  Mr.  Lincoln's  friends  were  no  way  disheartened,  and 
determined  to  make  him  their  next  Presidential  candidate  ;  and  at  the 
Republican  Convention,  held  at  Chicago,  in  May,  1860,  Abraham  Lincoln 
for  President,  and  Hannibal  Hamlin  for  Vice  President,  became  the  nom- 
inees ;  suffice  it  to  say,  this  ticket  was  elected.  The  trials  and  troubles 
of  his  first  term  we  have  given  in  another  part  of  this  book. 

You  can  not  fail  to  have  noticed  the  solemn  and  sometimes  almost 
mournful  strain  that  pervades  many  of  his  addresses.  When  he  left 


304  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

Springfield  in  1861  to  assume  the  Presidency,  his  farewell  words  were  as 
follows  : 

"  My  FRIENDS  : — No  one  not  in  my  position  can  appreciate  the  sad- 
ness I  feel  at  this  parting.  To  this  people  I  owe  all  that  I  am.  Here  I 
have  lived  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century ;  here  my  children  were 
born,  and  here  one  of  them  lies  buried.  I  know  not  how  soon  I  shall 
see  you  again.  A  duty  devolves  upon  me  which  is,  perhaps,  greater 
than  that  which  has  devolved  upon  any  other  man  since  the  days  of 
Washington.  He  never  would  have  succeeded  except  for  the  aid  of  Di- 
vine Providence,  upon  which  he  at  all  times  relied.  I  feel  that  I  cannot 
succeed  without  the  same  Divine  aid  which  sustained  him,  and  on  the 
same  Almighty  B:ing  I  place  my  reliance  for  support ;  and  I  hope  you, 
my  friends,  will  all  pray  that  I  may  receive  that  Divine  assistance,  with- 
out which  I  can  not  succeed,  but  with  which  success  is  certain.  Again, 
I  bid  you  all  an  affectionate  farewell." 

He  was  re-nominated  by  the  same  party  June  7th,  at  Baltimore,  Mary- 
land, for  a  second  term,  with  Andrew  Johnson  for  Vice  President.  A 
complete  account  of  the  campaign  of  1864,  and  Mr.  Lincoln's  triumphant 
re-election,  can  be  found  in  another  part  of  this  book. 

ASSASSINATION  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN. 

Sadly  and  sorrowfully  do  we  commence  this  melancholy  story.  We 
had  published  a  full  and  complete  account  of  the  Assassination  of  Presi- 
dents Harrison  and  Taylor,  with  facts  about  the  National  Hotel  poison- 
ing, wherein  the  South  endeavored  to  get  rid  of  Buchanan  so  as  to  have 
Breckenridge  for  President,  and  we  warned  Mr.  Lincoln  personally  be- 
fore his  reelection  by  placing  the  first  128  pages  of  this  book  in  his 
hands  ;  but  his  patriotic  devotion  to  his  country  led  him  to  disregard  all 
intimations  of  personal  danger.  The  exalted  and  holy  purpose  of  de- 
stroying slavery,  and  preventing  his  country's  ruin  were  everywhere 
uppermost  in  his  mind  ;  above  all  barbarity  himself,  it  was  not  easy  to 
convince  him  of  its  existence  in  others.  But  while  we  kept  sounding  the 
alarm  like  a  fire-bell  in  the  night,  fawning  sycophants  who  sought  him 
only  for  place,  refused  to  aid  us ;  but  rather  threw  cold  water  on  all 
the  incontrovertible  facts  we  produced  or  warnings  we  gave. 

The  press  of  the  whole  country  with  the  exception  of  the  New  York 
Evening  Post,  The  Independent,  The  Brooklyn  Union,  and  a  few  others  re- 
fused even  to  say  one  word  about  the  Assassination  of  Presidents  Harri- 
son and  Taylor.  In  fact,  the  nation  was  lulled  into  fancied  security  by 
those  holding  the  positions  of  sentinels  on  guard.  The  democratic  lead- 
ers did  not  care  to  have  it  known,  that  slavery  had  murdered  both,  and 
the  only  Presidents  the  opositionhad  placed  in  power.  The  other  party 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  305 

leaders  believed  it  all,  but  thought  it  policy  to  hold  it  back  ;  deeming  it 
inexpedient  to  give  to  the  world  an  account  of  these  monstrous  political 
crimes.  Some  of  the  ministers  of  the  gospel  barely  hinted  that  the 
deaths  of  Harrison  and  Taylor  were  mysterious  ;  but  it  was  not  until  after 
President  Lincoln's  Assassination  that  any  one  of  them  came  forward 
and  boldly  announced  it  to  be  an  established  fact.  Reverend  Henry 
Ward  Beecher  in  an  article  written  for  The  New  York  Ledger  of  the  20th 
of  May  1865,  says  : 

"  There  is,  also,  the  gravest  reasons  to  believe  that  all  moral  restrictions 
were  yielded,  and  that  crimes  the  most  infamous  were  deliberately  em- 
ployed as  the  means  of  promoting  the  bad  ends  of  these  conspirators. 
Those  who  know  most  of  the  interior  of  atfairs,  scarcely  doubt  that  Harri- 
son was  poisoned  that  Tyler  might  fulfill  Southern  plans  of  war  with 
Mexico.  With  even  stronger  conviction  is  it  affirmed  that  Taylor  was 
poisoned,  that  a  less  stern  successor  might  give  a  suppler  instrument  to 
Southern  managers.  Who  doubts,  now,  that  it  was  attempted  to  poison 
Buchanan  at  the  National  Hotel,  and  leave  Breckenridge  in  his  room  ?  It 
is  a  matter  of  verified  history  that  efforts  were  made  to  take  ofl'  Mr.  Lin- 
coln before  he  should  be  inaugurated.  And  now,  the  whole  world  is 
astounded  by  the  hideous  crime  by  which  he  has  been  removed  from 
life. 

"  This  perspective  is  needed  to  reveal  the  characters  of  the  chief  men 
in  this  superlative  infamy  of  secession.  We  do  not  believe  that  the 
Southern  people  were  privy  to  such  crimes,  or  that  all  who  became  con- 
spicuous in  the  Southern  councils  and  armies  knew  of  such  things,  but 
that  the  real  leaders  were  men  steeped  in* crime,  and  capable  of  the  ut- 
most infamy,  we  have  not  a  doubt." 

Professor  Robert  Grant  of  Baltimore,  Md.,  in  his  able  and  interesting 
letter  written  to  the  author  prior  to  the  Assassination  of  President  Lin- 
coln, and  before  his  reelection,  should  be  carefully  read  by  every  one. 
Then  let  him  or  her  turn  to  the  120th  page  of  the  book  commencing  at 
the  bottom,  and  they  can  see  the  country  directed  to  the  very  spot  where 
the  scheme  was  being  planned,  and  that  was  over  six  months  before  the 
plans  were  put  into  execution.  We  do  not  attain  to  the  spirit  or  power 
of  prophesy  ;  but  we  do  believe  we  gave  information  which,  if  it  had  been 
properly  heeded  at  the  time,  might  have  prevented  the  foul  murder  of 
President  Lincoln.  But  fate  had  otherwise  decreed,  and  all  that  is  now 
left  for  us  to  do  is  to  give  a  faithful  and  truthful  history  of  the  foul 
crime. 

After  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  was  fought,  the  leaders  of  the  rebel- 
lion for  the  first  time  discovered  that  all  their  previous  calculations 
concerning  the  eastern  troops  were  erroneous  ;  they  then  saw  that  the 
army  of  the  Potomac,  when  properly  handled,  was  more  than  a  match  for 

20 


306  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

any  similar  number  of  troops  they  could  bring  into  the  field.  They  had 
not  calculated  on  such  bravery  as  was  exhibited  on  McPherson's  Heights, 
arid  all  over  the  battle  ground.  They  now  for  the  first  time,  contrary 
to  their  preconceived  opinions,  discovered  that  Americans  are  Ameri- 
cans, whether  born  on  the  Penobscot,  the  Hudson,  the  Susquehanna,  tho 
Rio  Grand,  the  Mississippi,  or  the  James.  All  hope  of  gaining  indepen- 
dence by  the  valor  of  their  arms  was  now  gone.  It  was  then  determined 
at  Richmond  to  assist  the  peace  faction  in  the  Free  States  to  gain  the 
presidential  election  coming  on  in  the  fall.  But  this  move  could  not  be 
expected  to  succeed  without  they  had  a  war  man  to  head  the  ticket.  The 
plan  was  that  a  true  and  tried  friend  should  occupy  the  second  position, 
and  by  the  popularity  of  the  first,  both  were  to  be  put  into  power. 
This  accomplished,  the  next  thing  was  to  get  rid  of  McClellan.  He  might 
quietly  be  sliped  aside  by  poison,  or  if  need  be,  publicly  assassinated  ; 
by  this  means  they  intended  to  get  hold  of  the  purse  strings  and  sword 
of  the  Government.  The  right  to  secede  would  then  be  reassured,  and 
by  that  means  they  would  achieve  their  independence.  But  the  first 
plan  did  not  succeed ;  yet  over  one  million  of  dollars  was  taken  from  tho 
rebel  secret  service  fund  and  spent  by  the  Richmond  government  in  this 
enterprise.  Lincoln  being  reellected,  new  tactics  had  to  be  resorted  to. 
Their  first  plan  had  not  succeeded,  but  they  had  another  yet  back  as  a 
substitute,  and  that  was  to  capture  if  possible,  and  if  that  could  not  be 
done,  then  to  assassinate  the  Chief  Magistrate,  Vice  President,  the  best 
generals,  and  leading  cabinet  officers.  It  was  thought  that  such  an 
appalling  catastrophe  would  be  caclulated  to  intimidate  the  country  to 
.such  a  degree,  those  coming  into  place  would  readily  consent  to,  and 
acknowledge  their  independence.  Immediately  after  the  result  of  the 
Presidential  Election  of  1864  was  known  (their  first  plot  having  failed), 
the  following  advertisement  appeared,  first  in  the  Dispatch,  published  at 
Salem  Alabama,  and  afterwards  in  about  all  the  rebel  press  of  the  South : 

"  December  1,  1864. 

"  ONE  MILLION  DOLLARS  WANTED,  TO  HAVE  PEACE  BY  THE  FIRST  OF  MARCH. 
If  the  citizens  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  will  furnish  me  with  the  cash, 
or  good  securities,  for  the  sum  of  One  Million  Dollars,  I  will  cause  the 
.lives  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  William  H.  Seward,  and  Andrew  Johnston,  to 
be  taken  by  the  1st  of  March  next.  This  will  give  us  peace,  and  satisfy 
the  world  that  cruel  tyrants  can  not  live  in  a  land  of  liberty.  If  this  is 
not  accomplished,  nothing  will  be  claimed  beyond  the  sum  of  fifty  thou- 
sand dollars,  in  advance,  which  is  supposed  to  be  necessary  to  reach  and 
slaughter  the  three  villains. 

"  1  will  give,  myself,  one  thousand  dollars  towards  this  patriotic 
purpose. 

' '  Every  one  wishing  to  contribute  will  address  Box  X. ,  Cahawba,  Ala. ' ' 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  307 

For  to  cany  out  his  hellish  plot,  which  never  had  an  equal,  some  skill- 
full bold  and  daring  leader  was  required.  He  soon  appeared.  John  W. 
Booth,  a  play  actor  by  profession  ;  he  was  the  idol  of  the  play  going 
people  of  all  the  Southern  Cities,  where  most  of  his  professional  life  had 
been  spent.  The  leaders  of  the  rebellion  well  knew  his  impulsive  na- 
ture, they  also  knew  he  was  a  great  admirer  of  "  Brutus  the  Aassassin 
of  Caesar,"  "  Charlotte  Corday  the  Assassin  of  Marat,"  "  Joan  of  Arc" 
and  that  class  of  historical  characters  ;  he  was  strongly  in  sympathy  with 
the  rebellion,  and  could  rival  Northern  Copperhead  newspapers  or 
orators  in  vilifying  President  Lincoln.  Booth  was  easily  approached  and 
they  approached  him.  There  is  little  doubt  but  Lewis  Payne  and  John 
H.  Surratt,  also  had  access  to,  and  conferred  with  either  Jeff  Davis  in 
person,  or  his  agents  in  Canada.  Beverley  Tucker,  George  N.  Sanders, 
C.  C.  Clay,  Jacob  Thompson,  W.  N.  Cleary,  and  others. 

Mary  E.  Surratt,  mother  of  John  H.  Surratt,  whose  house  was  made 
the  rendezvous  of  all  the  assassins,  was  also  active  and  energetic. 
George  A.  Atzeroth  and  David  E.  Harold  also  went  into  the  conspiracy 
with  spirit ;  the  former  was  to  have  assassinated  Vice  President  John- 
son, and  had  taken  a  room  directly  over  his  at  the  Kirkwood  House 
where  the  Vice  President  boarded.  Booth,  Payne,  John  H.  Surratt, 
Atzeroth,  and  Harold,  were  expected  to  do  the  work  ;  John  H.  Surratt 
was  to  have  assassinated  Lieutenant  General  Grant  while  at  the  theatre 
at  the  same  time  Booth  did  President  Lincoln,  but  Grant's  absence  pre- 
vented it.  Booth  performed  his  part ;  Payne  who  had  been  assigned  to 
assassinate  Secretary  Seward,  dfade  a  bold  and  murderous  attempt, 
severely  wounding  him,  also  his  two  sons,  in  the  desperate  onslaught. 
From  some  yet  unknown  cause,  Atzeroth  and  Harold  did  not  succeed, 
although  the  necessary  preparation  all  had  been  made.  Booth  wanted 
the  latter  to  kill  the  Vice  President,  although  it  had  been  previously 
agreed  that  Atzeroth  should  do  it,  but.  Booth  feared  he  lacked  courage. 
Harold  was  to  have  taken  the  life  of  Secretary  Stanton ;  but  in  his 
efforts  to  screw  Atzeroth' s  courage  up  to  kill  the  Vice  President  he  failed 
to  be  on  time  to  meet  the  Secretary  of  War,  he  having  gone  to  see 
Mr.  Seward,  and  had  only  left  his  bedside  about  twenty  minutes  be- 
fore the  assassin  Payne  made  the  murderous  assault.  Samuel  Arnold, 
Michael  O'Loughlin,  and  Samuel  A.  Mudd.  The  evidence  against  these 
persons  was  not  sufficiently  strong  to  cause  their  execution,  yet  they  were 
enough  implicated  to  induce  the  court  to  sentence  them  to  a  life  long  im- 
prisonment. Edward  Spangler  was  sentenced  for  the  term  of  six  years. 
Immediately  after  the  capture  of  Richmond  and  Lee's  army  by  General 
Grant,  the  conspiracy  was  brought  to  a  head.  Therefore  the  first  oppor- 
tunity to  put  it  into  execution  was  to  be  embraced.  The  reader  will  re- 
member it  was  on  the  14th  of  April,  1861,  that  the  national  flag  was  low-. 


308  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

ered  from  the  ramparts  of  Fort  Sumter.  On  the  14th  of  April,  just  four 
years  afterwards,  the  same  banner,  vindicated  by  a  thousand  bloody  bat- 
tles, was  again  thrown  to  the  breeze  by  the  same  hand,  and  over  the  same 
spot  whence  it  disappeared  in  1861.  Richmond  bad  been  taken  and  Lee's 
army  captured.  Johnston  was  within  the  firm  grasp  of  Sherman,  and  the 
14th  of  April  1865  was  a  day  of  rejoicing  throughout  the  nation. 

From  East  to  West  the  flags  were  flying  in  honor  of  the  great  events. 
Monday  night,  April  17th,  was  designed  as  a  night  of  illumination.  But 
the  foul  assassins  were  urged  to  strike  quick,  or  all  would  be  lost.  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  unusually  cheerful  at  the  prospect  of  returning  peace  ;  he 
had  agreed  to  visit  Ford's  Theatre,  and  it  was  announced  in  the  papers 
that  he  and  General  Grant  would  be  at  the  theatre  that  evening.  Mr, 
Lincoln  in  company  with  his  lady,  Miss  Harris,  daughter  of  Senator  Harris 
of  New  York,  and  Major  Rathburn  of  the  U.  S.  A.,  reached  the  theatre 
about  twenty  minutes  before  nine  o'clock  P.M.  On  entering  the  box 
the  audience  (which  was  immense,  on  account  of  the  announcement  in 
the  papers  that  he  and  General  Grant  would  attend  the  theatre  that 
night)  rose  to  their  feet  cheering  and  waving  handkerchiefs  and  hats 
tumultuously.  Mr.  Lincoln's  face  was  radiant  with  pleasure,  indicating 
the  gratitude  that  filled  his  heart,  gracefully  bowed  in  acknowledgement 
of  the  compliments  that  were  being  shown  towards  him.  When  a  few 
minutes  before  ten  o'clock  in  the  eve.ning,  while  the  play,  "Our  Ameri- 
can Cousin"  was  progressing,  Booth  and  two  of  his  hired  assassins  ap- 
peared in  front  of  the  theatre  ;  he  had  his  horse  secreted  in  an  alley-way, 
and  had  made  all  things  ready  ;  during  the  day  he  had  the  entrance  to 
the  box  where  the  President  was  to  sit  so  arranged  it  woiild  be  easy  of 
access.  It  was  about  half  past  niue  when  Sjrgeant  Joseph  M.  Dye  (son 
of  the  author) ,  Battery  C.  Pennsylvania  Independent  Artillery  was  stand- 
ing in  front  of  the  entrance,  he  and  Sergeant  Cooper  of  the  same  battery 
saw  Booth  come  out  of  the  passage  and  join  in  conversation  with  two 
other  persons.  The  President's  carriage  was  standing  near  the  curb- 
stone on  the  street ;  they  observed  an  unusual  excitement  among  them, 
and  frequent  references  to  the  veh'cle.  At  last,  Booth  went  into  the 
passage  way  that  leads  from  the  s  age  to  the  street.  He  soon  re- 
turned, and  one  of  them  called  out  the  time,  after  some  conversa- 
tion, one  stepped  up  the  street,  returning  called  out  the  time  louder 
than  before,  "ten  minutes  past  ten;"  he  that  announced  the  time, 
now  started  up  the  street,  and  Booth  went  stra'ght  into  the  theatre  ; 
in  a  few  moments  after,  persons  ran  out  of  the  theatre,  and  an- 
nounced the  President  was  shot.  Although  nothing  had  taken  place  to 
cause  the  sergeant  to  know  the  business  or  intentions  of  the  three  men, 
yet  his  suspicions  were  aroused,  but  not  sufficiently  to  warrant  inter- 
ference, or  ask  for  an  explanation.  Knowing  Booth  as  an  actor,  it 


ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  309 

served  to  qu'et,  rather  than  to  cause  his  excitability  concerning  their 
intentions.  But  perhaps  he  was  the  only  man  living,  out  side  of  those 
engaged  in  the  plot,  that  came  near  discovering,  before  the  deed  was  done, 
Booth's  intention  to  do  it.  But  fate  had  otherwise  decreed,  and  we 
must  be  content. 

Booth  passed  along  the  passage  behind  the  spectators  of  the  dress 
circle,  showed  a  card  to  the  President's  messenger,  and  stood  for  a  few 
moments  looking  down  upon  the  stage  and  orchestra  below.  He  then 
entered  the  vestibule  of  the  President's  box,  closing  the  door  behind 
him,  fastening  it  by  bracing  a  short  plank  against  it  from  the  wall  so  no 
one  could  open  it  from  the  outside,  and  drawing  with  his  right  hand 
a  small  silver  mounted  Derringer  pistol  from  his  insid-e  coat  pocket,  held 
in  his  left  hand  a  long  double  edged  dagger.  The  President  and  all  in 
the  box  were  intent  on  looking  at  the  play,  Mr.  Lincoln  holding  aside 
the  curtain  of  the  box  with  his  left  hand,  leaning  forward  and  looking 
with  his  head  slightly  turned  towards  the  audience.  Booth  stepped  into 
the  inner  door  into  the  box  directly  behind  the  President,  and  holding 
his  pistol  just  over  the  back  of  the  chair  in  which  he  sat,  shot  him 
through  the  back  of  the  head.  The  President's  head  fell  slightly  for- 
ward, his  eyes  closed,  but  otherwise  his  attitude  every  way  remained  the 
same. 

The  report  of  the  pistol  startled  those  seated  in  the  box.  Major  Rath- 
burn  turning  his  eyes  from  the  stage  saw  through  the  smoke  which  filled 
the  box  a  man  standing  betwUSn  him  and  the  President.  He  instantly 
sprang  forward  to  seize  him  ;  Booth  wrested  himself  from  his  grasp, 
dropped  the  pistol,  striking  at  Rathburn  with  his  dagger,  stabbing  him 
in  the  left  arm  near  the  shoulder.  Booth  then  rushed  to  the  front  of  the 
box,  shouted,  Sic  /Semper  Tyrannis,  placed  his  hand  on  the  railing  in 
front  of  the  box  and  leaped  over  it  down  upon  the  stage.  While 
jumping  the  spur  on  his  heel  caught  in  the  flag  that  draped  the  front, 
causing  him  to  fall,  but  recovering  himself,  rose,  facing  the  audience  in 
a  theatrical  attitude,  brandishing  the  dagger,  shouted,  THE  SOUTH  is 
AVENGED;  rushing  across  the  stage  he  made  for  the  passage  that  led  to 
the  stage  door  in  the  rear  of  the  theatre. 

An  actor,  named  Hawk,  was  the  only  person  on  the  stage  when  ho 
leaped  upon  it ;  seeing  the  dagger  in  Booth's  hand  he  ran  for  his  life  off 
the  stage  and  up  a  flight  of  stairs.  Booth  now  made  for  the  door  that 
opened  into  the  passage  where  his  horse  wa.s  standing  ;  closing  the  door 
behind  him,  mounted  his  horse  that  he  had  previously  brought  there, 
which  was  being  held  in  readiness  for  him  by  a  boy,  rode  off  and  over 
the  east  branch  of  the  Potomac,  crossing  the  Anacosta  Bridge,  giving 
his  real  name  to  the  guard  who  challenged  him,  rode  off  among  the  rebel 
sympathizers  in  Lower  Maryland  and  they  secreted  him  for  a  time  until  he 


310  TRIAL   OP  THE   ASSASSINS. 

was  shot  in  a  barn  in  being  captured,  he  refusing  to  surrender.  Harold 
was  with  him  at  the  time,  but  surrendered  and  was  taken  prisoner.  Thus 
the  life  of  the  illustrious  Chief  Magistrate  was  taken,  and  in  order  that 
the  reader  may  have  a  full  and  complete  account  of  all  the  facts  in  this 
terrible  tragedy,  and  also  to  satisfy  him  of  the  complicity  of  leading 
rebels  with  the  assassination  of  President  Lincoln,  we  give  the  summing 
up  of  the  facts  and  the  evidence  by  John  A.  Bingham,  special  Judge  Ad- 
vocate, although  lengthy,  the  reader  if  he  commences  will  finish. 

JUDGE-ADVOCATE  BINGHAM'S  GREAT  PLEA. 

"What  is  the  evidence,  direct  and  circumstantial  ?  That  the  accused,  or  either  of 
them,  together  with  John  H.  Surratt,  John  Wilkes  Booth,  Jefferson  Davis,  George 
N.  Sanders,  Beverly  Tucker,  Jacob  Thompson,  William  C.  Cleary,  Clement  C. 
Clay,  George  Harper  and  George  Young,  did  combine,  confederate  and  conspire  in 
aid  of  the  existing  rebellion,  as  charged,  to  kill  and  murder,  within  the  military 
department  of  Washington,  and  within  the  fortified  and  intrenched  lines  thereof, 
Abraham  Lincoln,  late,  and  at  the  time  of  the  said  combining,  confederating  and 
conspiring,  President  of  the  United  States  of  America,  and  Coinniaiider-in-Clmf 
of  the  army  and  navy  thereof;  Andrew  Johnson,  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States ;  William  H.  beward,  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  and  Ulys- 
ses S.  Grant,  Lieutenant-General  of  the  armies  thereof  and  then  in  command, 
under  the  direction  of  the  President. 

The  time,  as  said  in  the  charge  and  specification,  when  this  conspiracy  was  en- 
tered into,  is  immaterial,  so  that  it  appears  by  the  evidence  that  the  criminal  com- 
bination and  agreement  were  formed  before  the  commission  of  the  acts  alleged. 
That  Jefferson  Davis,  one  of  the  conspirators  named,  was  the  acknowledged  chief 
and  leader  of  the  existing  rebellion  against  the  government  of  the  United  States,  nnd 
that  Jacob  Thompson,  George  N.  Sanders,  Clement  C.  Clay,  Beverly  Tucker,  and 
oth«rs  named  in  the  specification,  were  his  duly  accredited  and  authorized  agents 
to  act  in  the  interests  of  said  rebellion,  are  facts  established  by  the  testimony  in 
this  case  beyond  all  question.  That  Davis,  as  the  leader  of  said  rebellion,  gave  to 
those  agents,  then  in  Canada,  commissions  in  blank,  bearing  the  official  signatui  o 
of  the  war  minister,  James  A.  beddon,  to  be  by  them  filled  up  and  delivered  to 
such  agents  as  they  might  employ  to  act  in  the  interests  of  the  rebellion  within  the 
United  States,  and  intended  to  be  a  cover  and  protection  for  any  crimes  they 
might  therein  commit  in  the  service  of  the  rebellion,  are  also  facts  established 
here,  and  which  no  man  can  gainsay.  Who  doubts  that  Kennedy,  whose  confes- 
sion, made  in  view  of  immediate  death  as  proved  here,  was  commissioned  by  those 
accredited  agents  of  Davis  to  born  the  city  of  New  York  ?  that  he  was  to  have  at- 
tempted it  on  the  night  of  the  Presidential  election,  and  that  he  did,  in  combina- 
tion with  his  confederates,  set  fire  to  four  hotels  in  the  city  of  New  York  on  the 
night  of  the  25th  of  November  last  ?  Who  doubts  that,  in  like  manner  in  the  in- 
terests of  the  rebellion  and  by  the  authority  of  Davis,  these  his  agents  also  com- 
missioned Bennett  H.  Young  to  commit  arson,  robbery,  and  the  murder  of  unarmed 
citizens  in  St.  Albans,  Vermont  ?  Who  doubts,  upon  the  testimony  shown,  that 
Davis,  by  his  agents,  deliberately  adopted  the  system  of  starvation  for  the  murder 
of  our  captive  soldiers  in  his  hands,  or  that,  as  shown  by  the  testimony,  he  sanc- 
tioned the  burning  of  hospitals  and  steamboats,  the  property  of  private  persons,  and 
paid  therefor  from  his  stolen  treasure  the  sum  of  thirty -five  thousand  dollars  in 
gold? 

By  the  evidence  of  Joseph  Hyams  it  is  proved  that  Thompson — the  agent  of 
Jeftorson  Davis — paid  him  money  for  the  service  he  rendered  in  the  infamous  and 
fiendish  project  of  importing  pestilence  into  our  camps  and  cities  to  destroy  the 


TRIAL  OP  THE  ASSASSINS.  311 

lives  of  citizens  and  soldiers  alike,  and  into  the  house  of  the  President,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  destroying  his  life.  It  may  be  said,  and  doubtless  will  be  said,  by  the  pen- 
sioned advocates  of  this  rebellion,  that  Hyams,  being  infamous  is  not  to  be  believed. 
It  is  admitted  that  he  is  infamous,  as  it  must  be  conceded  that  any  man  is  infa- 
mous who  either  participates  in  such  a  crime  or  attempts  in  any  way  to  extenuate 
it.  But  it  will  be  observed  that  Hyams  is  supported  by  the  testimony  of  Mr.  San- 
ford  Conover,  who  heard  Blackburn  and  the  other  rebel  agents  in  Canada  speak  of 
this  infernal  project,  and  by  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Wall,  the  well-known  auctioneer 
of  this  city,  whose  character  is  unquestioned,  that  he  received  this  importation  of 
pestilence  (of  course  without  any  knowledge  of  the  purpose),  and  that  Hyams  con- 
signed the  goods  to  him  in  the  name  of  J.  W.  Harris — a  fact  in  itself  an  acknow- 
ledgment of  guilt;  and  that  he  received  afterwards  a  letter  from  Harris,  dated  To- 
ronto, Canada  West,  December  1,  1864,  wherein  Harris  stated  that  he  had  not 
been  able  to  come  to  the  States  since  his  return  to  Canada,  and  asked  for  an  ac- 
count of  the  sale  He  identifies  the  Joseph  Godfrey  Hyams  who  testified  in  Court 
as  the  J.  W.  Harris  who  imported  the  pestilence.  The  very  transaction  shows 
that  Hyams'  statement  is  truthful.  He  gives  the  names  of  the  parties  connected 
with  this  infamy  (Clement  C.  Clay,  Dr.  Blackburn,  Rev.  Dr.  Stuart  Robinson,  J. 
C.  Holcomb — all  refugees  from  the  Confederacy  in  Canada),  and  states  that  he 
gave  Thompson  a  receipt  for  the  fifty  dollars  paid  to  him,  and  that  he  was  by  oc- 
cupation a  shoemaker ;  in  none  of  which  facts  is  there  an  attempt  to  discredit  him. 
It  is  not  probable  that  a  man  in  his  position  in  life  would  be  able  to  buy  five  trunks 
of  clothing,  ship  them  all  the  way  from  Halifax  to  Washington,  and  then  order 
them  to  be  sold  at  auction,  without  regard  to  price,  solely  upon  his  own  account.  It 
is  a  matter  of  notoriety,  that  a  part  of  his  statement  is  verified  by  the  results  at 
Newbern,  North  Carolina,  to  which  point,  he  says,  a  portion  of  the  infected  goods 
were  shipped,  through  a  sutler  ;  the  result  of  which  was,  that  nearly  two  thousand 
citizens  and  soldiers  died  there  about  that  time  with  the  yellow  fever. 

That  the  rebel  chief,  Jefferson  Davis,  sanctioned  these  crimes,  committed  and 
attempted,  through  the  instrumentality  of  his  accredited  agents  in  Canada,  Thomp- 
son, Clay,  Tuck'jr,  Sanders,  Cleary,  &c.,  upon  the  persons  and  property  of  the 
people  of  the  North,_there  is  positive  proof  on  your  record.  The  letter  brought 
from  Richmond,  ana  taken  from  the  archives  of  his  late  pretended  government 
there,  dated  February  11,  1865,  and  addressed  to  him  by  a  late  rebel  senator  from 
Texas,  W.  S.  Oldham,  contains  the  following  significant  words  :  "When  Senator 
Johnson,  of  Missouri,  and  myself  waited  on  you  a  fow  days  since,  in  relation  to  the 
project  of  annoying  and  harrassing  the  enemy  by  means  of  burning  their  shipping, 
towns,  &c ,  &c.,  there  were  several  remarks  made  by  you  upon  the  subject,  which  i 
was  not  fully  prepared  to  answer,  but  which,  upon  subsequent  conference  with  par- 
ties proposing  the  enterprise,  I  find  can  not  apply  as  objections  to  the  scheme. 
First,  the  combustible  materials  consist  of  several  preparations,  and  not  one  alone, 
and  can  be  used  without  exposing  the  party  using  them  to  the  least  danger  of  detec- 
tion whatever.  ,....  ....... 

"Second,  there  is  no  necessity  for  sending  persons  in  the  military  service  into 
the  enemy's  country,  but  the  work  may  be  done  by  agents.  ...  I  have  seen 
enough  of  the  effects  that  can  be  produced  to  satisfy  me  that  in  most  cases,  without 
any  danger  to  the  parties  engaged,  and  in  others  but  very  slight,  we  can,  first,  bum 
every  vessel  that  leaves  a  foreign  port  for  the  United-  States ;  second,  we  can  burn  every 
transport  that  leaves  the  harbor  of  New  York,  or  other  Northern  port,  with  supplies 
for  the  armies  of  the  enemies  in  the  South;  third,  burn  every  transport  and  gun- 
boat on  the  Mississippi  river,  as  well  as  devastate  the  country  of  the  enemy,  and 
fill  his  people  with  terror  and  consternation.  .  .  .  For  the  purpose  of  satisfying 
your  mind  upon  the  subject,  I  respectfully  but  earnestly  request  that  you  will  give 
an  interview  with  General  Harris,  formerly  a  member  of  Congress  from  Missouri, 
who,  I  tliink,  is  able,  from  conclusive  proofs,  to  convince  you  that  what  I  have 
suggested  is  perfectly  feasible  and  practicable." 

.No  one  can  doubt,  from  the  tenor  of  this  letter,  that  the  rebel  Davis  only  wanted 
to  be  satisfied  that  this  system  of  arson  and  murder  could  bo  carried  on  by  his 


312  TBIAL   OF  TUB   ASSASSINS. 

agents  in  the  North  successfully  and  without  detection.  With  him  it  was  not  a 
crime  to  do  these  acts,  but  only  a  crime  to  be  detected  in  them.  But  Davis,  by 
his  endorsement  on  this  letter,  duted  the  20th  of  February,  186.),  bears  witness  to 
his  own  complicity  and  his  own  infamy  in  this  proposed  work  of  destruction  and 
crime  far  the  future,  as  well  as  to  his  complicity  in  what  had  before  been  attempted 
without  complete  success.  Kennedy,  with  his  confederates,  had  failed  to  burn  the 
city  of  New  York.  "  The  combustibles  "  which  Kennedy  had  employed  were,  it 
seems,  defective.  This  was  "a  difficulty  to  be  overcome."  Neither  had  he  been 
able  to  consummate  the  dreadful  work  without  subjecting  himself  to  detection. 
This  was  another  ' '  difficulty  to  be  overcome. "  Davis,  on  the  20th  of  February, 
1865,  indorsed  upon  this  letter  these  words :  "  Secretary  of  State,  at  his  conven- 
ience, see  General  Harris  and  learn  what  plan  he  has  for  overcoming  the  difficulties 
hereto/ore  experienced.  J.  D." 

This  indorsement  is  unquestionably  proved  to  be  the  handwriting  of  Jefferson 
Davis,  and  it  bears  witness  on  its  face  that  the  monstrous  proposition  met  his  ap- 
proval, and  that  he  desired  his  rebel  Secretary  of  State,  Benjamin,  to  see  General 
Harris,  and  learn  how  to  overcome  the  difficulty  heretofore  experienced,  to  wit :  the 
inefficiency  of  "  the  combustible  materials  "  that  had  been  employed,  and  the  lia- 
bility of  his  agents  to  detection.  After  this,  who  will  doubt  that  he  had  endeav- 
ored, by  the  hand  of  incendaries,  to  destroy  by  fire  the  property  and  lives  of  the 
people  of  the  North,  and  thereby  "fill  them  with  terror  and  consternation  ;"  that 
he  knew  his  agents  had  been  unsuccessful ;  that  he  knew  his  agents  had  been  de- 
tected in  their  villiany  and  punished  for  their  crime ;  that  he  desired  through  a 
more  perfect  "chemical  preparation,"  by  the  science  and  skill  of  Professor  McCul- 
loch,  to  accomplish  successfully  what  had  been  unsuccessfully  attempted  ? 

The  intercepted  letter  of  his  agent,  Clement  C.  Clay,  dated  St.  Catherine's,  Can- 
ada West,  November  1,  1864,  is  an  acknowledgment  and  confession  of  what  they  had 
attempted,  and  a  suggestion  made  through  J.  P.  Benjamin,  rebel  Secretary  of 
State,  of  what  remained  to  be  done,  in  order  to  make  the  "  chemical  preparation  " 
efficient.  Speaking  of  this  Bennett  H.  Young,  he  says  :  "  You  have  doubtless 
learned  through  the  press  of  the  United  States  of  the  raid  on  St.  Albans  by  about 
twenty-five  Confederate  Soldiers,  led  by  Lieutenant  Bennett  H.  Young,  of  their 
attempt  and  failure  to  burn  the  town  ;  of  their  robbery  of  three  banks  there  of  the 
aggregate  amount  of  about  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  ;  of  their  arrest  in  Can- 
nda  by  the  United  States  forces  of  their  commitment  and  the  pending  preliminary 
trial.  "• 

He  makes  application,  in  aid  of  Young  and  his  associates,  for  additional  docu- 
ments, showing  that  they  acted  upon  the  authority  of  the  Confederate  States  gov- 
ernment, taking  care  to  say,  however,  that  he  held  such  authority  at  the  time,  but 
that  it  ought  to.  be  more  explicit,  so  far  as  regards  the  particular  facts  complained 
of.  He  states  that  he  met  Young  at  Halifax,  in  May,  1864,  who  developed  his 
plans  for  retaliation  on  the  enamy ;  that  he,  Clay,  recommended  him  to  the  rebel 
Secretary  of  War;  that  after  this,  "Young  was  sent  back  by  the  Secretary  of 
War  with  a  commission  as  Second  Lieutenant,  to  execute  his  plans  and  purposes, 

but  to  report  to  lion. and  myse;f."  Young  afterwards  "proposed  passing 

through  New  England,  burning  some  towns  and  robbing  them  of  whatever  he 
could  convert  to  the  use  of  the  confederate  government.  This  I  approved  us 
justifiable  retaliation.  He  attempted  to  burn  the  town  of  St.  Albans,  Vermont, 
and  would  have  succeeded  but  for  the  failure  of  the  chemical  preparation,  with 
which  he  was  armed.  He  then  robbed  the  banks  of  funds  amounting  to  over 
two  hundred  thousand  dollars.  That  he  was  not  prompted  by  selfish  or  merce- 
nary motives  I  am  as  well  satisfied  as  I  am  that  he  is  an  honest  man.  He  as- 
sured me  before  going  that  his  effort  would  be  to  destroy  towns  and  farm-houses, 
but  not  to  plunder  or  rob  ;  but  he  said  if,  after  firing  a  town,  he  saw  he  could 
take_/«,wZs  from  a  bank  or  any  house,  and  thereby  might  inflect  injury  upon  the 
enemy  and  benefit  his  own  government,  he  would  do  so.  He  added  most  em- 
phaticaLy  that  whatever  he  took  should  be  turned  over  to  the  government,  or 
its  representatives  in  foreign  lands.  My  instructions  to  Mm  were  to  destroy 


TRIAL  OF  THE   ASSASSINS.  313 

whatever  was  valuable,  not  to  stop  to  rob  :  but  if,  after  firing  a  town,  he  could 
seize  and  carry  off  money,  or  treasury  or  bank  notes,  he  might  do  so  upon  con- 
dition that  they  were  delivered  to  the  proper  authorities  of  the  confederate 
States,"  that  is,  to  Clay  himself. 

When  ha  wrote  this  letter,  it  seems  that  this  accredited  agent  of  Jefferson  Da- 
vis was  as  sirongly  impressed  with  the  usurpation  and  despotism  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln's Administration  as  some  of  the  advocates  of  his  aiders  and  abettors  seem 
to  be  at  this  day  ;  and  he  indulges  in  the  following  statement :— "  All  that  a  large 
portion  of  the  Northern  people,  especially  in  the  Northwest,  want  to  resist  the 
oppressions  of  the  despotism  at  VVashington  is  a  leader.  They  are  ripe  for  re- 
sistance, and  it  may  come  soon  after  the  Presidential  election.  At  all  events, 
it  must  coma,  if  our  armies  are  not  overcome,  or  destroyed,  or  dispersed.  No 
people  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  blood  can  long  endure  the  usurpations  and  tyran- 
nies of  Lincoln."  Clay  does  not  sign  the  despatch,  but  indorses  the  bearer  of 
it  as  a  person  who  can  identify  him  and  give  his  name.  The  bearer  of  that  let- 
ter was  the  witness,  Richard  Montgomery,  who  saw  Clay  write  a  portion  of  the 
letter,  and  received  it  from  his  hand^,  and  subsequently  delivered  to  the  Assist- 
ant Secretary  of  War  of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Dana.  That  the  letter  is  in 
Clay's  handwriting  is  clearly  proved  by  those  familiar  with  it.  Mr.  Montgom- 
ery testifies  that  he  was  instructed  by  Clay  to  deliver  this  letter  to  Benjamin, 
the  rebet  Secretary  of  State,  if  he  could  get  through  to  Richmond,  and  to  tell 
him  what  names  to  put  in  the  blanks. 

This  letter  leaves  no  doubt,  if  any  before  existed,  in  the  mind  of  any  one  who 
had  read  the  letter  of  Oldharn,  and  Davis'  indorsement  thereon,  that  the  "  chem- 
ical preparations"  and  "  combustible  materials"  had  been  tried  and  had  failed, 
and  it  became  a  matter  of  great  moment  and  concern  that  they  should  be  so 
prepared  as,  in  the  words  of  Davis,  "to  overcome  the  difficulties  heretofore  ex- 
perienced ;"  that  is  to  say,  complete  the  work  of  destruction,  and  secure  the 
perpetrators  against  personal  injury  or  detection  in  the  performance  of  it. 

It  only  remains  to  be  seen  whether  Davis,  the  procarer  of  arson  and  of  the 
indiscriminate  inurdar  of  the  innosant  and  unoffending  necessarily  resultant 
therefrom  was  capable  also  of  endeavoring  to  procure,  and  in  fact  did  procure, 
the  murder,  by  direct  assassination,  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
others  charged  with  the  duty  of  maintaining  the.  government  of  the  United 
States,  and  of  suppressing  the  rebellion  in  which  this  arch-traitor  and  conspira- 
tor was  engaged. 

The  official  papers  of  Davis,  captured  under  the  guns  of  our  victorious  army 
in  his  rebel  capital,  identified  beyond  question  or  shadow  of  doubt,  and  placed 
upon  your  record,  together  with  the  declarations  and  acts  of  his  co-conspirators 
and  agents,  proclaim  to  all  the  world  that  he  was  capable  of  attempting  to  ac- 
complish his  treasonable  procuration  of  the  murder  of  the  late  President,  and 
other  chief  officers  of  the  United  States,  by  the  bauds  of  hired  assassins. 

In  the  fall  of  I8(i4,  Lieutenant  W.  Alston  addressed  to  "  his  Excellency"  a 
letter  now  before  the  court,  which  contains  the  following  words  : 

"  I  now  offer  you  my  services,  and  if  you  will  favor  me  in  my  designs,  I  will 
proceed,  as  soon  as  my  health  will  permit,  to  rid  my  country  of  some  of  her 
deadliest  enemies,  by  striking  at  the  very  heart's  blood  of  those  who  seek  to 
enchain  herin  slavery.  I  consider  nothing  dishonorable  having  such  a  tenden- 
cy. All  I  ask  of  you  is,  to  favor  me  by  granting  me  the  necessary  papers,  &c., 
to  travel  on I  am  perfectly  familiar  with  the  North,  and  feel  confi- 
dant, that  I  can  execute  anything  I  undertake.  I  was  in  the  raid  last  June  in 
Kentucky,  under  General  John  H.  Morgan :  .  .  .  was  taken  prisoner.  .  . 

.  escaped  from  them  by  dressing  myself  in  the  garb  of  a  citizen.  ...  I 
went  through  to  the  Canadas,  from  whence,  by  the  assistance  of  Colonel  J.  P. 
Holcomb,  I  succeeded  in  working  my  way  around  and  through  the  blockade.  . 

.  .  I  should  like  to  have  a  personal  interview  with  you  in  order  to  perfect 
the  arrangements  before  starting." 

Is  there  uny  room  to  doubt  that  this  was  a  proposition  to  assassinate,  by  the 
hand  of  this  man  and  hia  associates,  such  persons  in  the  North  as  he  deemed  the 


314  TRIAL  OP  THE  ASSASSINS. 

"deadliest  enemies"  of  the  rebellion?  The  weakness  of  the  man  who,  for  a 
moment,  can  doubt  that  such  was  the  proposition  of  the  writer  of  this  letter,  is 
certainly  an  object  of  commiseration.  What  had  Jefferson  Davis  to  say  to  this 
proposed  assassination  of  the  "  deadliest  enemies"  in  the  North  of  his  great 
treason  ?  Did  the  atrocious  suggestion  kindle  in  him  indignation  against  the 
villain  who  offered,  with  his  own  hand,  to  strike  the  blow?  Not  at  all.  On  the 
contrary,  he  ordered  his  private  secretary,  on  the  29th  of  November.  18G4,  to 
indorse  upon  th<;  letter  these  words  :— "  Lieutenant  A.  "W.  Alston,  accompanied 
raid  into  Kentucky,  and  was  captured  ;  but  escaped  into  Canada,  from  whence 
he  found  his  way  back.  Now  offers  his  services  to  rid  the  country  of  some  of 
its  deadliest  enemies  ;  asks  for  papers,  &c.  Respectfully  referred,  by  direction 
of  the  President,  to  the  honorable  Secretary  of  War."  It  is  also  indorsed,  for 
attention, "  By  order."  Signed  "  J.  A.  Campbell,  Assistant  Secretary  of  War." 

Note  the  fact,  in  this  connection,  that  Jefferson  Davis  himself,  as  well  as  his 
subordinates,  had,  before  the  date  of  this  indorsement,  concluded  that  Abraham 
Lincoln  w,;s  the  •'  deadliest  enemy''  of  the  rebellion.  You  hear  it  in  the  rebel 
camp  in  Virginia,  in  1853  ;  declared  by  Booth,  then  and  there  present,  and  as- 
sented to  by  rebel  officers,  that  "  Abraham  Lincoln  must  be  killed."  You 
hoar  it  in  that  slaughter-pen  in  Georgia,  Andersonyille,  proclaimed  among  rebel 
officers,  who,  by  the  slow  torture  of  starvation,  inflicted  cruel  and  untimely 
death  on  ten  thousand  of  your  defenders,  captives  in  their  hands  whispering, 
like  demons,  their  horrid  purpose,  "  Abraham  Lincoln  must  be  killed."  "And  in 
Canada,  the  accredited  agents  of  Jefferson  Davis,  as  early  as  October,  1864.  and 
afterward,  declared  that  •'  Abraham  Lincoln  must  be  killed,"  if  his  re-election 
could  not  be  prevented.  These  agents  in  Canada,  on  the  13th  of  October,  1864, 
delivered,  in  cipher,  to  be  transmitted  to  Richmond  by  Richard  Montgomery, 
the  witness  whose  reputation  is  unchallenged,  the  following  communication  :— 

"  OcroBKK  13,  1864. — We  again  urge  the  immense  necessity  of  our  gaining 
immediate  advantages.  Strain  every  nerve  for  victory.  We  now  look  upon 
the  re-electi8a  of  Lincoln  in  November  as  almost  certain,  and  we  need  to  whip 
these  hirelings  to  prevent  it.  Besides,  with  Lincoln  re-elected,  and  his  armies 
victorious,  we  need  not  hope  even  for  recognition,  much  less  the  help  mention- 
ed in  our  last.  Holcomb  will  explain  this.  Those  figures  of  the  Yankee  army 
are  correct  to  a  unit.  Our  friends  shall  be  immediately  set  to  work  as  you 
direct." 

To  which  an  official  reply,  in  cipher,  was  delivered  to  Montgomery  by  an 
agent  of  the  State  Department  in  Richmond,  dated  October  19,  1834,  as  fol- 
lows : — 

"  Your  letter  of  the  13th  inst.  is  at  hand.  There  is  yet  time  enough  to  colo- 
nize many  voters  before  November.  A  blow  will  shortly  be  stricken  here  It 
is  not  quite  time.  General  Longstreet  is  to  attack  Sheridan  without  delay,  and 
then  move  North  as  far  as  practicable  toward  unprotected  points.  This  will 
be  made  instead  of  the  movement  before  mentioned.  He  will  endeavor  to  as- 
sist the  Republicans  in  collecting  their  ballots.  Be  watchful  and  assist  him." 

Ou  the  very  day  of  the  date  of  this  Richmond  despatch,  Sheridan  was  at- 
t  xcked  and  with  what  success  history  will  declare.  The  court  will  not  fail  to 
notice  that  the  re-election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  is  to  be  prevented,  if  possible,  by  any 
and  every  means.  Nor  will  they  fail  to  notice  that  Holcomb  is  to  "  explain 
this" — the  same  person  who,  in  Canada,  was  the  friend  and  adviser  of  Alston, 
who  proposed  to  Davis  the  assassination  of  the  "  deadliest  enemies"  of  the  re- 
bellion. 

In  the  despatch  of  the  13th  of  October,  which  was  borne  by  Montgomery,  and 
transmitted  to  Richmond  in  October  last,  you  will  find  these  words  : — "  Our 
friends  shall  be  immediately  set  to  work  as  you  direct."  Mr.  Lincoln  is  the 
subject  of  that  despatch.  Davis  is  therein  notified  that  his  agents  in  Canada 
look  upon  the  re-election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  November  as  almost  certain.  In 
this  connection  he  is  assured  by  those  agents  that  the  friends  of  their  cause  are 
to  be  set  to  work  as  Davis  had  directed. 

The  conversations  which  are  proved  by  witnesses,  whose  character  stands  un- 


TRIAL  OP  THE  ASSASSINS.  315 

impeached,  disclose  what  '•  work"  the  "  friends"  were  to  do  under  the  direction 
of  Davis  himself.  Who  were  these  "  friends, "  and  what  was  "  the  work  "  which 
his  agents,  Thompson,  Clay,  Tucker,  and  Saunders,  had  been  directed  to  set 
them  at?  Let  Thompson  answer  for  himself.  In  a  conversation  with  Richard 
Montgomery,  in  the  summer  of  1864,  Thompson  said  "  he  had  his  friends,  con- 
federates, all  over  the  Northern  States,  who  were  ready  and  willing  to  go  any 
length  for  the  good  of  the  cause  of  the  South,  and  he  could  at  any  time  have 
the  tyrant  Lincoln,  or  any  other  of  his  advisers  that  he  chose,  put  out  of  his 
way  ;  that  they  would  not  consider  it  a  crime  when  done  for  the  cause  of  the 
confederacy."  This  conversation  was  repeated  by  tha  witness  in  the  summer 
of  1864  to  Clement  C.  Clay,  who  immediately  stated  :—  "  That  is  so  ;  we  are  all 
devoted  to  our  cause,  and  ready  to  go  any  length — to  do  anything  under  the 
sun." 

At  and  about  the  time  that  these  declarations  of  Clay  and  Thompson  were 
made,  Alston,  who  made  the  proposition,  as  we  have  seen,  to  Davis,  to  be  fur- 
nished with  papers,  to  go  North  and  rid  the  confederacy  of  some  of  its  '•  deadli- 
est enemies,"  was  in  Canada.  He  waa,  doubtless,  one  of  the  "  friends"  referred 
to.  As  appears  from  the  testimony  of  Montgomery,  Payne,  the  prisoner  at 
your  bar,  was  about  that  time  in  Canada,  and  was  seen  standing  by  Thompson's 
door,  engaged  in  a  conversation  with  Clay,  between  whom  and  the  witness  some 
words  were  interchanged,  when  Clay  stated  he  (Payne)  was  one  of  their  friends, 
"we  trust  him."  It  is  proved  beyond  a  shadow  of  doubt,  that  in  October  lasi, 
John  Wilkes  Booth,  the  assassin  of  the  President,  was  also  in  Canada  and  upon 
intimate  terms  with  Thompson,  Clay,  Sanders,  and  other  rebel  agents.  Who 
can  doubt,  in  the  light  of  the  events  which  have  since  transpired,  that  he  was 
one  of  the  "friends"  to  be  "set  to  work"  as  Davis  had  already  directed  ;  not, 
perhaps,  as  yet  to  asassinate  the  President,  but  to  do  that  other  work  which  is 
suggested  in  the  letter  of  Oldham,  indorsed  by  Davis  in  his  own  hand,  and 
spread  upon  your  record,  the  work  of  the  secret  incendiary,  which  was  to  •'  fill 
the  people  of  the  North  with  terror  and  consternation." 

The  other  "  work"  spoken  of  by  Thompson,  putting  the  tyrant  Lincoln  and  any 
of  his  advisers  out  of  the  way,  was  work  doubtless  to  be  commenced  only  alter  the 
re-election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  which  they  had  already  declared  in  their  despatch 
to  their  employer,  Davis,  was  with  them  a  foregone  conclusion.  At  all  events, 
it  was  not  until  after  the  Presidential  election  in  November  that  Alston  pro- 
posed to  Davis  to  go  North  on  the  work  of  assassination  ;  nor  was  it  unlil  after 
that  election  that  Booth  was  found  in  possession  of  the  letter  which  is  in  evi- 
dence, and  which  discloses  the  purpose  to  assassinate  the  President.  Being  as- 
sured, however,  when  Booth  was  with  them  in  Canada,  as  they  had  already  de- 
clared, in  their  despatch,  that  the  re-election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  certain,  in 
which  event  there  would  be  no  hope  for  the  confederacy,  they  doubtless  en- 
tered into  the  arrangement  with  Booth  as  one  of  their  "friends."  that  as  soon  as 
that  fact  was  determined  he  shou'd  go  "to  work,"  and  as  soon  as  might  be 
'•  rid  the  confederacy  of  the  tyrant  Lincoln  and  of  his  advisers." 

That  these  persons  named  upon  your  record,  Thompson,  Sanders,  Clay, 
Cleary  and  Tucker,  were  the  agents  of  Jefferson  Davis,  is  another  fact  estab- 
lished in  this  case  beyond  a  doubt.  They  made  affidavit  of  it  themselves,  of 
record  here,  upon  the  examination  of  their  "  friends."  charged  with  the  raid 
upon  St.  Albans,  before  Judge  Smith,  in  Canada.  It  is  in  evidence  also  by  the 
letter  of  Clay,  before  referred  to. 

The  testimony,  to  which  I  have  thus  briefly  referred,  shows,  by  the  letter  of 
his  agents,  of  the  13th  of  October,  that  Davis  had  before  directed  those  agents 
to  set  his  friends  at  work.  By  the  letter  of  Clay,  it  seems  that  his  direction  hrd 
been  obeyed,  and  his  friends  bad  been  set  to  work,  in  the  burning  and  robb  ry 
and  murder  at  St.  Alban?,  in  the  attempt  to  burn  the  city  of  New  York,  and  in  the 
attempt  to  introduce  pestilence  into  this  Capital  and  into  iha  house  of  the  Presi- 
dent. It  having  appeared,  by  tbe  letter  of  Alston,  and  the  indorsement  there- 
on, that  Davis  had  in  November  entertained  the  proposition  of  sending  agents, 
that  is  to  say,  "  friends,"  to  the  North,  to  not  only  "  spread  terror  and  conster- 


316  TRIAL   OP  THE  ASSASSINS. 

nation  among  the  people,"  by  means  of  his"  chemical  preparations,"  but  also, 
in  the  words  of  that  letter,  "to  strike,"  by  the  hands  of  assassins,  '•' at  the  heart's 
blood"  of  the  deadliest  enemies  in  the  North  to  the  confederacy  of  traitors  ;  it 
has  also  appeared  by  the  testimony  of  many  respectable  witnesses,  among  oth- 
ers the  attorneys  who  represented  the  people  of  the  United  States  and  the  State 
of  Vermont,  in  tbe  preliminary  trial  of  the  raiders  in  Canada,  that  Clay,  Thomp- 
son, Tucker,  Sanders,  and  Cleary,  declared  themselves  the  agents  of  the  con- 
federacy. It  also  clearly  appears  by  the  correspondence  referred  to  and  the 
letter  of  Clay,  that  they  were  holding  and  at  any  time  able  to  command  blank 
commissions  from  Jefferson  Davis  to  authorize  their  friends  to  do  whatever  work 
they  appointed  them  to  do,  in  the  interest  of  the  rebellion,  by  the  destruction 
of  life  and  property  in  the  North. 

If  a  primafack  case  justifies,  as  we  have  seen  by  the  law  of  evidence  it  does, 
the  introduction  of  all  declarations  and  acts  of  any  of  the  parties  to  a  conspira- 
cy, utk  rod  and  done  in  the  prosecution  of  the  common  design,  aa  evidence 
against  all  the  rest,  it  results,  that  whatever  was  said  or  done  in  furtherance  of 
tbe  common  design,  after  this  month  of  October,  18li4,  by  either  of  these  agents 
in  Canada,  is  evidence  not  only  against  themselves,  but  against  Davis  as  well, 
of  his  complicity  with  them  in  the  conspiracy. 

Mr.  Montgomery  testifies  that  he  met  Jacob  Thompson  in  January,  at  Mon- 
treal, when  Le  said  that li  a  proposition  had  been  made  to  him  to  rid  the  world 
of  the  tyrants,  Lincoln,  Stanton,  Grant,  and  soma  others  :  that  he  knew  the  men 
who  had  made  the  proposition  were  bold,  daring  men,  able  to  execute  what 
they  undertook  ;  that  he  himself  was  in  favor  of  the  proposition,  but  had  deter- 
mined to  deier  his  answer  until  he  had  consulted  his  government  at  Richmond ; 
that  he  was  then  only  awaiting  their  approval."  This  was  about  the  middle  of 
January,  and,  consequently,  more  taan  a  month  after  Alston  had  made  his 
proposition  direct  to  Davis,  in  writing,  to  go  North  and  rid  their  confederacy 
of  some  of  its  "  deadliest  enemies."  It  was  at  the  time  of  this  conversation  that 
Payne,  the  prisoner,  was  seen  by  the  witness  standing  at  Thompson's  door  in 
conversation  with  Clay.  This  witness  also  sho\vs  the  intimacy  between  Thomp- 
son, Clay,  Cleary,  Tucker,  and  Sanders. 

A  few  days  after  the  assassination  of  the  President,  Beverly  Tucker  said  to  this 
witness  "that  President  Lincoln  deserved  his  death  long  ago;  that  it  was  a  pity  lie 
di'ln't  have  it  long  ago;  and  it  was  too  bad  that  the  boys  had  not  been  allowed  to 
act  when  they  wanted  to." 

This  remaik  undoubtedly  had  reference  to  the  propositions  made  in  the  fall  to 
Thompson,  and  also  to  Davis,  to  rid  the  South  of  its  deadliest  enemies  by  their  as- 
sassination. Cleary,  who  was  accredited  by  Thompson  as  his  confidential  agent, 
also  stated  to  this  witness  that  Booth  was  one  of  the  party  to  whom  Thompson  had 
referred  in  the  conversation  in  January,  in  which  he  said  he  kne  .v  the  men  who 
were  ready  to  rid  the  world  of  tho  tyrant  Lincoln,  and  of  Stanton  and  Grant. 
Cleary  also  said,  speaking  of  the  assassination,  "that  it  was  a  pity  that  the  whole 
work  had  not  been  done,"  and  added,  "  they  had  better  look  out,  we  are  not  done 
yet;"  manifestly  referring  to  th<?  statement  made  by  his  employer,  Thompson,  be- 
fore in  the  summer,  that  not  only  the  tyrant  Lincoln,  but  Stanton  and  Grant,  and 
others  of  liis  advisers,  should  lie  put  out  of  the  way.  Cleary  also  stated  to  this 
witness  that  Booth  had  visited' Thompson  twice  in  the  winter,  the  last  time  in  De- 
cember, and  had  also  been  there  in  the  summer. 

Sant'ord  Conover  testified  that  he  had  been  for  some  time  a  clerk  in  the 
War  Department,  in  Kichmond,  that  in  Canada  ho  knew  Thompson,  Sanders, 
Cleary  Tucker,  Clay  and  other  rebel  agents;  that  he  kuew  John  H.  Surratt 
and  John  Wilkcs  Booth ;  that  he  saw  Booth  there  upon  one  occasion,  and  Surratt 
upon  sever.;!  successive  days ;  that  he  saw  Surratt  (whom  he  describes)  in  April 
last,  in  Thompson's  room,  and  also  in  company  with  Sanders ;  that  abont  the 
Cth  or  7th  of  April  last  Surratt  delivered  to  Jacob  Thompson  a  despatch  brought 
by  him  from  Benjamin,  at  Richmond,  inclosing  one  in  ciplier  from  Davis.  Thomp- 
son had  before  this  proposed  to  Conover  to  engage  in  a  plot  to  assassinate  Presi- 


TBIAL  OF  THE  ASSASSINS.  317 

dent  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet,  and  on  this  occasion  he  laid  his  hand  upon  these  des- 
patches and  said,  "This  makes  the  thing  all  right,"  referring  to  the  assent  of  the 
rebel  authorities,  and  stated  that  the  rebel  authorities  had  consented  to  the  plot  to 
assassinate  Lincoln,  Johnston,  the  Secretary  of  War,  Secretary  of  State,  Judge  Chase 
and  General  Grant.  Thompson  remarked  further  that  the  assassination  of  these 
parties  would  leave  the  government  of  the  United  States  entirely  without  a  head ; 
that  there  was  no  provision  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  by  which  they 
could  elect  another  President,  if  these  men  were  put  out  of  the  way. 

In  speaking  of  this  assassination  of  the  President  and  others,  Thompson  said  that 
it  was  only  removing  them  from  office  ;  that  the  killing  of  a  tyrant  was  no  murder. 
It  seems  that  he  had  learned  precisely  the  same  lesson  that  Alston  had  learned  in 
November,  when  he  communicated  with  Davis,  and  said,  speaking  of  the  President's 
assassination,  "he  did  not  think  anything  dishonorable  that  would  serve  their 
cause.'1  Thompson  stated  at  the  same  time  that  he  had  conferred  a  commission 
on  Booth,  and  that  everybody  engaged  in  the  enterprise  would  be  commissioned, 
and  if  it  succeeded,  or  failed,  and  they  escaped  into  Canadn,  they  could  not  be  re- 
claimed under  the  extradition  treaty.  The  fact  that  Thompson  and  other  rebel 
agents  held  blank  commissions,  as  I  have  said,  has  been  proved,  and  a  copy  of  one 
of  them  is  on  record  here. 

This  witness  also  testifies  to  a  conversation  with  William  C.  Cleary,  shortly  af- 
ter the  surrender  of  Lee's  army,  and  on  the  day  before  the  President's  assassina- 
tion, at  the  St.  Lawrence  Hotel,  Montreal,  when  sp making  of  the  rejoicing  in  the 
States  over  the  capture  of  Richmond,  Cleary  said,  "  they  would  put  the  laugh  on 
the  other  side  of  their  mouth  in  a  day  or  two."  These  parties  knew  that  Conover 
was  in  the  secret  of  the  assassination,  and  talked  with  him  about  it  as  freely  ns 
they  would  speak  of  the  weather.  Be-fore  the  assassination  he  had  a  conversation 
also  with  Sanders,  who  asked  him  if  he  knew  Booth  well,  and  expressed  some  ap- 
prehension that  Booth  would  "make  a  failure  of  it;  that  he  was  desperate  and 
reckless,  and  lie  was  afraid  the  whole  thing  would  prove  a  failure. " 

Dr.  James  D.  Merritt  testifies  that  George  Young,  one  of  the  parties  named  in 
the  record,  declared  in  his  presence,  in  Canadn,  last  fall,  that  Lincoln  should 
never  be  inaugurated  ;  that  they  had  friends  in  Washington,  who,  I  suppose,  were 
some  of  the  same  friends  referred  to  in  the  despatch  of  October  14,  and  which  Da- 
vis had  directed  them  "to  set  to  work."  George  N.  Sanders  also  said  to  hiin 
"  that  Lincoln  would  keep  himself  mighty  close  if  he  did  serve  another  term ;  ' 
while  Stcelc  and  other  confederates  declared  that  the  tyrant  never  should  servo  an- 
other term.  He  heard  the  assassination  discussed  at  a  meeting  of  these  rebel 
agents  in  Montreal  in  February  last.  ' '  Sanders  said  they  had  plenty  of  money  to 
accomplish  the  assassination,  and  named  a  number  of  persons  who  were  ready  and 
willing  to  engage  in  undertaking  to  remove  the  President,  Vice  President,  the 
Cabinet,  and  some  of  the  leading  Generals.  At  this  meeting  he  read  a  letter 
which  he  had  received  from  Davis,  which  justified  him  in  making  any  arrange- 
ments that  he  could  to  accomplish  the  object.  This  letter  the  witness  heard  read, 
and  it,  in  substance  declared  that  if  the  people  in  Canada  and  the  Southerners  in 
the  States  were  willing  to  submit  to  be  governed  by  such  a  tyrant  as  Lincoln,  he 
did  not  wish  to  recognize  them  as  friends.  The  letter  was  read  openly ;  it  was 
nlso  handed  to  Colonel  Steele,  George  Young,  Hill  and  Scott  to  read.  This  was 
about  the  middle  of  February  last.  At  this  meeting  Sanders  named  over  the  per- 
sons who  were  willing  to  accomplish  the  assassination,  and  among  the  persons 
thus  named  was  Booth,  whom  the  witness  had  seen  in  Canada  in  October,  also 
George  Harper,  one  of  the  conspirators  named  on  the  record,  Caldwell,  Randall, 
Harrison  und  Surratt. 

The  witness  understood,  from  the  reading  of  the  letter,  that  if  the  President, 
Vice-President,  and  Cabinet  could  be  disposed  of,  it  would  satisfy  the  people  of  the 
North  that  the  Southerners  had  friends  in  the  North  ;  that  a  peace  could  be  ob- 
tained on  better  terms ;  that  the  rebels  had  endeavored  to  bring  about  a  war  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  England,  and  that  Mr.  Seward,  through  his  energy 
aud  sagacity,  had  thwarted  all  their  efforts ;  that  was  given  as  a  reason  for  remov- 


318  TRIAL  OF  THE   ASSASSINS. 

ing  him.  On  the  5th  or  6th  of  April  last,  this  witness  met  George  Harper,  Cald- 
well,  Eandall,  and  others,  who  arc  spoken  of  in  this  meeting  at  Montreal  as  en- 
gaged to  assassinate  the  President  and  Cabinet,  when  Harper  said  they  were  going 
to  the  States  to  make  a  row  such  as  had  never  been  heard  of,  and  added  that  "if 
I  (the  witness)  did  not  hear  of  the  death  of  Old  Abe,  of  the  Vice-President,  and  of 
Gen.  Dix,  in  less  than  ten  days,  I  might  put  him  down  as  a  fool.  That  was  on 
the  6th  of  April.  He  mentioned  that  Booth  was  in  Washington  at  that  time.  He 
said  they  had  plenty  of  friends  in  Washington,  and  that  some  fi.teen  or  twenty 
were  going." 

This  witness  asc3rtained  on  the  8th  of  April  that  Harper  and  others  had  left  for 
the  States.  The  proof  is  that  these  parties  could  come  through  to  Washington  from 
Montreal  or  Toronto  in  thirty-six  hours.  They  did  come,  and  within  the  ten  days 
named  by  Harper  the  President  was  murdered.  Some  attempts  have  been  made 
to  discredit  this  witness  (Dr.  Mott),  not  by  the  examination  of  witnesses  in  court, 
not  by  any  apparent  want  of  truth  in  the  testimony,  but  by  the  ex parte  statements 
of  these  rebel  agents  in  Canada  and  their  hired  advocates  in  the  United  States. 
There  is  a  statement  upon  record,  verified  by  an  official  communication  from  the 
War  Department,  which  shows  the  truthfulness  01*  this  witness,  and  that  is,  that 
before  the  assassination,  learning  that  Harper  and  his  associates  had  started  for  the 
States,  informed  as  he  was  of  their  purpose  to  assassinate  the  President,  Cabinet  and 
leading  Generals,  Merritt  deemed  it  his  duty  to  call,  and  did  call,  on  the  10th 
of  April,  upon  a  justice  of  the  peace  in  Canada,  -named  Davidson,  and  gave  him 
the  information  that  he  might  take  steps  to  stop  these  proceedings.  The  corres- 
pondence on  this  subject  with  Davidson  has  been  brought  into  court.  Dr.  Merritt 
testifies,  further,  that  after  this  meeting  in  Montreal  he  had  a  conversation  with 
Clement  C.  Clay,  in  Toronto,  about  the  letter  from  Jefferson  Davis,  which  San- 
ders had  exhibited,  in  which  conversation  Clay  gave  the  vvuness  to  understand  thit 
he  knew  the  nature  of  the  letter  perfectly,  and  remarked  that  he  thought  the  end 
would  justify  the  means."  .The  witness  also  testifies  to  the  presence  of  Boott  with 
Sanders  in  Montreal  last  fall,  and  of  Surratt  in  Toronto  in  February  last. 

The  court  must  ba  satisfied,  by  the  manner  of  tins  and  other  witnesses  to  the 
transactions  in  Canada,  as  well  as  by  the  fact  that  they  are  wholly  uncontra  dieted 
in  any  material  matter  that  they  state,  that  they  speak  the  truth,  and-  that  the  sev- 
eral parties  named  on  your  record — Davis,  Thompson,  Cleary,  Tucker,  Clay, 
Young,  Harper,  Booth  and  John  H.  Surratt — did  combine  and  conspire  together 
in  Canada  to  kill  and  murder  Abraham  Lincoln,  Andrew  Johnson,  William  H. 
Seward  and  Ulysses  S.  Grant.  That  this  agreement  was  substantially  entered  into 
by  Booth  and  the  agents  of  Davis  in  Canada  as  early  as  October,  there  can  not  be 
any  doubt.  The  language  of  Thompson  at  that  time  and  before  was  that  he  was  in 
favor  of  the  assassination.  His  further  language  was,  that  he  knew  the  men  who 
were  ready  to  do  it,  and  Booth,  it  is  shown,  was  there  at  that  time,  and,  as  Thomp- 
son's Secretary  says,  was  one  of  the  men  referred  to  by  Thompson. 

The  fact  that  others,  besides  the  parties  named  on  the  record,  were,  by  the 
tetms  of  the  conspiracy,  to  be  assassinated,  in  nowise  affects  the  case  now  on  trial. 
If  it  is  true  that  these  parties  did  conspire  to  murder  other  parties  as  well  as  those 
named  upon  the  record,  the  substance  of  the  charge  is  proved. 

It  is  also  true  that  if,  in  pursuance  of  that  conspiracy,  Booth,  confederated  with 
Surratt  and  the  accused,  killed  and  murdered  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  charge  and 
specification  is  proved  literally  as  stated  on  your  record,  although  their  conspiracy 
embraced  other  persons.  In  law  the  case  stands,  though  it  may  appear  that  the 
conspiracy  was  to  kill  and  murder  the  parties  named  in  the  record,  and  others  not 
named  in  the  record.  If  the  proof  is  that  the  accused,  with  Booth,  Surratt,  Davis, 
&c.,  conspired  to  kill  and  murder  one  or  more  of  the  persons  named,  the  charge  of 
conspiracy  is  proved. 

The  declaration  of  Sanders,  as  proved,  that  there  was  plenty  of  money  to  carry 
out  this  assassination,  is  very  strongly  corroborated  by  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Camp- 
bell, cashier  of  the  Ontario  Bank,  who  stated  that  Thompson,  during  the  current 
year  preceding  the  assassination,  had  upon  deposit  in  the  Montreal  branch  of  the 


TRIAL  OF  THE   ASSASSINS.  319 

Ontario  Bank,  six  hundred  and  forty-nine  thousand  dollars,  besides  large  sums  to 
his  credit  in  other  banks  in  the  Province. 

There  is  a  further  corroboracion  of  the  testimony  of  Conover  as  to  the  meeting  o(' 
Thompson  and  Surratt  in  Montreal,  and  the  delivery  of  the  despatches  from  Rich- 
mond, on  the  Gth  or  7th  of  April,  first,  in  the  fact  which  is  shown,  by  the  testi- 
mony of  Chester,  that  in  the  winter  or  spring  Booth  said  he  himself  or  some 
other  party  must  go  to  Richmond ;  and,  second  by  the  letter  of  Arnold,  dated  27th 
March  last,  that  he  preferred  Booth's  first  query,  that  he  would  first  go  to  Rich- 
mond and  sec  how  they  would  take  it,  manifestly  alluding  to  the  proposed  assassin- 
ation of  the  President. 

It  does  not  follow  because  Davis  had  written  a  letter  in  February  which,  in  sub- 
stance, approved  the  general  object  that  the  parties  were  fully  satisfied  with  it,  be- 
cause it  is  clear  there  was  to  be  some  arrangement  made  about  the  funds,  and  it  is 
also  clear  that  Davis  had  not  before  as  distinctly  approved  and  sanctioned  this  act 
as  his  agents  either  in  Canada  or  here  desired.  Booth  said  to  Chester,  "  VVe 
must  have  money,  there  is  money  in  this  business,  and  if  you  will  enter  into  it  I 
will  place  three  thousand  dollars  at  the  disposal  of  your  family,  but  I  hare  no 
money  myself,  and  must  go  to  Richmond, "  or  one  of  the  parties  must  go,  "to  get 
money  to  carry  out  the  enterprise."  This  was  one  of  the  arrangements  that  was 
to  be  "made  right  in  Canada."  The  funds  at  Thompson's  disposal,  as  the 
banker  testifies,  were  exclusively  raised  by  drafts  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
of  the  confederate  States  upon  London,  deposited  in  their  bank  to  the  credit  of 
Thompson. 

Accordingly,  about  the  27th  of  March,  Surratt  did  go  to  Richmond.  On  the  3d 
of  April  he  returned  to  Washington,  and  the  same  day  left  for  Canada.  Before 
leaving  he  stated  to  Weichman  that  when  in  Richmond  he  had  a  conversation 
with  Davis  and  with  Benjamin.  The  fact  in  this  connection  is  not  to  be  over- 
looked, that  on  or  about  the  day  Surratt  arrived  in  Montreal,  April  6,  Jacob  Thomp- 
son, as  the  cashier  of  the  Ontario  Bank  states,  drew  of  these  Confederate  funds 
the  sum  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  dollars  in  the  form  of  certificates, 
which  as  the  bank  officer  testifies,  "might  be  used  anywhere." 

What  more  is  wanting?  Surely  no  word  further  need  be  spoken  to  show  that 
John  Wilkes  Booth  was  in  this  conspiracy;  that  John  H.  Surratt  was  in  this  con- 
spiracy ;  and  that  Jefferson  Davis  and  his  several  agents  named  in  Canada,  were 
in  this  conspiracy.  If  any  additional  evidence  is  wanting  to  show  the  complicity 
of  Davis  in  it,  let  the  paper  found  in  the  possession  of  his  hired  assassin  Booth 
come  to  bear  witness  against  him.  That  paper  contained  the  secret  cipher  which 
Davis  used  in  his  State  Department  in  Richmond,  which  he  employed  in  commun- 
icating with  his  agents  in  Canada,  and  which  they  employed  in  the  letter  of  Octo- 
ber 13,  notifying  him  that  "their  friends  would  be  set  to  work  as  he  had  directed." 

The  letter  in  cipher  found  in  Booth's  possession  is  translated  here  by  the  use  of 
the  cipher  machine  now  in  court,  which,  as  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Dana  shows,  he 
brought  from  the  rooms  of  Davis'  State  Department  in  Richmond.  Who  gave 
Bootli  this  secret  cipher?  Of  what  us3  was  it  to  him  if  he  was  not  in  confedera- 
tion with  Davis  ? 

*But  there  is  one  other  item  of  testimony  that  ought,  among  honest  and  intelli- 
gent people  at  all  conversant  with  this  evidence,  to  end  all  further  inquiry  as  to 
whether  Jefferson  Davis  was  one  of  the  parties  with  Booth,  as  charged  upon  this 
record,  in  the  conspiracy  to  assassinate  the  President  and  others.  That  is,  that  on 
the  fifth  day  after  the  assassination,  in  the  city  of  Charlotte,  North  Carolina,  a 
telegraphic  despatch  was  received  by  him,  at  the  house  of  Mr.  B.ites,  from  John 
C.  Brcckinridge,  his  rebel  Secretary  of  War,  which  dispatch  is  produced  here, 
identified  by  the  telegraph  agent,  and  placed  upon  your  record  in  the  words  fol- 
lowing : 

"GREENSBORO',  April  19,  1865. — His  Excellency  President  Davis  : — President 
Lincoln  was  assassinated  in  the  theatre  at  Washington  on  the  night  of  the  14th 
inst.  beward's  house  was  entered  on  the  same  night,  and  he  was  repeatedly 
stabbed,  and  is  probably  mortally  wounded.  JOHN  C.  BRECIUNBIDGE." 


320  TRIAL  OF  THE   ASSASSINS. 

At  the  time  this  despatch  was  handed  to  him,  Davis  was  addressing  a  meeting 
from  the  steps  of  Mr.  Bates'  house,  and  after  reading  the  despatch  to  the  people, 
ho  said  : — "if  it  were  to  be  done,  it  were  batter  it  were  well  done."  Shortly  af- 
terward, in  the  house  of  the  witness,  in  the  same  city,  Breckinridje,  having  come 
to  sec  Davis,  statsd  his  regret  that  the  occurrence  had  happened,  because  he  deem- 
ed it  unfortunate  for  the  people  of  the  South  at  that  time.  Davis  replied,  referring 
to  the  assassination,  "  Well,  General,  I  don't  know;  if  it  were  to  bo  done  at  all, 
it  >vere  better  that  it  were  well  done ;  and  if  the  same  had  been  done  to  Andy 
Johnson,  the  beast,  and  Secretary  Stanton,  the  job  would  then  bo  complete." 

Accomplished  as  this  man  was  in  all  the  arts  of  a  conspirator,  lie  was  not  equal 
to  the  task — as,  happily  in  the  good  providence  of  God,  no  mortal  man  is — of  con- 
cealing, by  any  form  of  word*,  any  great  crimo  which  he  may  have  meditated  or 
perpetrated  cither  against  his  government  or  his  fellow-man.  It  was  doubtless 
farthest  from  Jefferson  Davis'  purpose  to  make  confession,  and  yet  he  did  make 
confession.  His  guilt  demanded  utterance ;  that  demand  he  could  not  resist : 
therefore  his  words  proclaimed  his  guilt,  in  spite  of  his  purpose  to  conceal  it.  He 
said,  " if  it  were  to  be  done,  it  were  better  it  were  wen  clone."  Would  any  man 
ignorant  of  the  conspiracy  be  able  to  devise  and  fashion  such  a  form  of  speech  as 
that?  Had  not  the  President  been  murdered?  Had  he  not  reason  to  believe  that 
the  Secretary  of  State  had  been  mortally  wounded  !  Yet  he  was  not  satisfied  but 
was  compelled  to  say,  "it  were  better  ii  were  ivell  done;"  that  is  to  say,  all  that 
had  been  agreed  to  be  done  had  not  been  done. 

Two  days  afterwards,  in  his  conversation  with  Breckinridge,  he  not  only  repeats 
the  same  form  of  expression,  "  If  it  were  to  bo  dono  it  were  better  it  were  well 
done,"  but  adds  these  words  : — "  And  if  the  same  had  been  done  to  Andy  John- 
son, the  beast,  and  to  Secretary  Stanton,  tho  jo'j  would  than  be  complete."  He 
would  accept  the  assassination  of  the  -President,  the  Vice  President,  of  the  Secretary 
of  State,  and  the  Secretary  of  War  as  a  complete  execution  of  the  "job,"  which  he 
had  given  out  upon  contract,  and  which  he  had  "made  all  right,"  so  tar  as  the  pay 
was  concerned,  by  the  despatches  he  had  sent  to  Tao:npson  by  Sarratt,  ono  of  his 
hired  assassins. 

Whatever  may  be  the  convictions  of  others,  my  own  conviction  is  that  Jefferson 
Davis  is  as  clearly  proven  guilty  of  this  conspiracy  as  is  John  Wilkej  Booth,  by 
whose  hand  Jefferson  Davis  indicted  the  mortal  wound  upon  Abraham  Lincoln. 
His  words  of  intense  hat?,  and  rag:1,  and  disappointment  are  not  to  be  overlooked 
— that  the  assassins  had  not  done  their  work  we.ll;  that  they  had  not  succeeded  in 
robbing  the  people  altogether  of  their  constitutional  Executive  and  his  advisers, 
and  hence  he  exclaims,  "if  they  had  killed  Andy  Johnson  the  beast!"  Neither 
can  ho  conceal  his  chagrin  and  disappointment  that  the  war  minister  of  the  repub- 
lic, whose  energy,  incorruptible  integrity,  sleepless  vigilence,  and  executive  ability 
had  organized  day  by  day,  month  by  month,  and  year  by  year,  victory  tor  our 
arms,  had  escaped  the  knife  of  the  hired  assassins.  The  job,  says  this  pro- 
curer of  assassination,  was  not  well  done ;  it  had  been  better  if  it  had  boon  well 
done!  Because  Abraham  Lincoln  had  been  clear  in  his  great  office,  and  had  saved 
the  nation's  life  by  enforcing  the  nation's  laws  this  traitor  declares  he  must  be  mur- 
dered ;  because  Mr.  Saward,  as  the  foraign,Seeretary  of  the  country,  had  thwarted 
the  purposes  of  treason  to  plunge  his  country  into  war  with  Enjlan  1,  ho  must  be 
murdered ;  because,  upon  the  murder  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  Andrew  Johnson  would 
succeed  the  Presidency,  and  because  he  had  boen  true  to  tho  Constitution  and 
Government,  faithful  found  among  the  faithless  of  his  own  Stato,  ciinjing  to  the 
falling  pillars  of  the  Republic  when  others  had  fled,  ho  must  bo  murdered  ;  and  bo- 
causo  the  Secretary  of  War  had  taken  care,  by  tho  faithful  discharge  of  his  duties, 
that  the  Republic  should  live  and  not  die,  he  must  bo  murdered.  Inasmuch  as 
these  two  faithful  officers  were  not  also  assassinated,  assuming  that  tho. Secretary  of 
State  was  mortally  wounded,  Davis  could  not  conceal  his  disappointment  and  cha- 
grin that  the  work  was  not  "well  done  ;  "  that  "  the  job  was  not  complete." 

Thus  it  appears  by  t!r;  testimony,  th.it  t'ae  proposition  made  to  Davis  was  to 
kill  and  murder  the  deadliest  enemies  of  the  Confederacy — not  to  kidnap  them,  as 


TRIAL   OP  THE   ASSASSINS.  321 

is  now  pretended  hero :  that  by  the  declaration  of  Sanders,  Tucker,  Thompson, 
Clay,  Clcary,  Harper  and  Young,  the  conspirators  in  Canada,  the  agreement  and 
combination  among  them  was  to  kill  and  murder  Abraham  Lincoln,  Wm.  H. 
Seward,  Andrew  Johnson,  Ulysses  o.  Grant,  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  and  others  of  his 
advisers,  and  not  to  kidnap  them;  it  appoars  from  every  utterance  of  John  Wilkes 
Booth,  as  well  as  from  the  Charles  Selby  letter,  of  which  mention  will  presently  be 
made,  that,  as  early  as  November,  the  proposition  with  him  was  to  kill  and  mur- 
der, not  to  kidnap. 

Since  the  first  examination  of  Conover,  who  testified,  as  the  court  will  remem- 
ber, to  many  important  facts  against  these  conspirators  and  agents  of  Davis  in  Can- 
ada, among  others,  the  terrible  and  fiendish  plot  disclosed  by  Thompson,  Fallen 
and  others,  that  they  had  asc3rtaine:l  the  volume  of  water  in  the  reservoir  supply- 
ing New  York  city,  estimated  the  quantity  of  poison  required  to  render  it  deadly, 
and  intended  thus  to  poison  a  whole  city.  Conover  returned  to  Canada,  by  direc- 
tion of  this  court,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  certain  documentary  evidence. 
There,  about  the  9th  of  June,  he  mot  Boverly  Tucker,  Sanders  and  other  conspir- 
ators, and  conversed  with  them.  Tucker  declared  that  Secretary  Stanton,  whom 
he  denounced  as  "  a  scoundrol,"  and  Judge  Holt,  whom  he  called  "a  bloodthirsty 
villain,"  "could  protect  themselves  as  long  as  they  remained  in  office  by  a  guard, 
but  that  would  not  always  be  the  case,  and,  by  the  Eternal,  he  had  a  large  account 
to  settle  with  them. " 

After  this,  the  evidence  of  Conover  here  having  been  published,  these  parties 
called  upon  him  and  asked  him  whether  he  had  been  to  Washington,  and  had  tes- 
tified before  this  court.  Conover  denied  it;  they  insisted,  and  took  him  to  a  room, 
where,  with  drawn  pistols,  they  compelled  him  to  consent  to  make  an  affidavit 
that  he  had  besn  falsely  personated  here  by  another,  and  that  he  would  make  that 
affidavit  before  a  Mr.  Kerr,  who  would  witness  it.  They  then  called  in  Mr.  Kcrr 
to  certify  to  the  public  that  Conover  had  made  such  a  denial.  They  also  compell- 
ed this  witness  to  furnish  for  publication  an  advertisement  offering  a  reward  of  five 
hundred  dollars  for  the  arrc.3t  of  the  "infamous  and  perjured  scoundrel"  who  had 
recently  personated  James  W.  Wallace  under  the  name  of  Sandford  Conover,  and 
testified  to  a  tissue  of  falsehoods  before  the  Military  Commission  at  Washington, 
which  advertisement  was  published  in  the  papers. 

To  thase  facts  Mr.  Conover  now  testifies,  and  also  discloses  the  fact  that  these 
same  in  JJ  published,inthe  report  of  the  proceedings  before  Judge  Smith  an  affida- 
vit, purporting  to  be  his,  but  which  he  never  made.  The  affidavit  which  he  in 
fact  madf,  and  which  was  published  in  a  newspaper  at  that  time,  produced 
here,  is  sat  oat  substantially  upon  your  record,  and  agrees  with  the  testimony 
upon  the  same  point  given  by  him  in  this  Court. 

To  suppose  that  Conover  ever  made  such  an  affidavit  voluntarily  as  the  one 
wrung  from  him  as  state!  is  impossible.  Would  he  advertise  for  his  own  ar- 
rest, and  charge  himself  with  falsely  impersonating  himself?  But  the  fact  can 
not  evade  observation  that,  when  these  guilty  conspirators  saw  Conover's  testi- 
mony before  this  Court  in  the  public  prints,  revealing  to  the  world  the  atro- 
cious plots  of  theso  felon  conspirators,  conscious  of  the  truthfulness  of  his  state- 
ments, they  cast  about  at  once  for  somj  defence  before  the  public,  and  devised  the 
foolish  and  stupid  invention  of  compelling  him  to  make  an  affidavit  that  he  was 
not  Sandford  Oonover,  was  not  in  this  Court,  never  gave  this  testimony,  but 
was  a  practicing  lawer  at  Montreal.  This  infamous  proceeding,  coupled  with 
the  evidence  before  detailed,  stamps  these  ruffiaa  plotters  with  the  guilt'of  this 
conspiracy. 

John  \Vilkes  Booth  having  entered  into  this  conspiracy  in  Canada,  as  has 
boen  shown,  a.-s  early  as  October,  he  is  next  found  in  the  city  of  New  York,  on 
the  llth  day.  a<3  I  claim  of  November,  in  disguise,  in  conversation  with  another, 
tbe  conversation  disclosing  to  the  witness,  Mrs.  Hudspeth,  that  they  had  some 
matter  of  personal  interest  between  them  ;  that  upon  one  of  them  the  lot  had 
fallen  to  go  to  Washington  ;  upon  the  other  to  go  to  Newberu.  This  witness 
upon  being  shown  the  photograph  of  Booth  swears  "  that  the  face  is  the  same" 

21 


322  TRIAL  OP  THE  ASSASSINS. 

as  that  of  one  of  those  men,  who  she  says  was  a  man  of  education  and  cultnre, 
as  appeared  by  his  conversation,  and  who  had  a  scar  like  a  bite  near  the  jaw- 
bone. It  is  a  fact  proved  here  by  the  Surgeon-General,  that  Booth  had  a  scar 
on  the  side  of  his  neck. 

Mrs.  Hudspeth  heard  him  say  he  would  leave  for  Washington  the  day  after 
to-morrow.  His  companion  appeared  angry  because  it  had  not  fallen  on  him 
to  go  to  Washington.  This  took  place  after  the  Presidential  election  in  Novem- 
ber. She  can  not  fix  the  precise  date,  but  says  she  was  told  General  Butler 
left  New  York  on  that  day.  The  testimony  discloses  that  General  Butler's 
array  was  on  the  llth  of  November  leaving  New  York.  The  register  of  the 
National  Hotel  shows  that  Booth  left  Washington  on  the  early  morning  train, 
November  11,  and  that  he  returned  to  this  city  on  the  14th.  Chester  testifies 
positively  to  Booth's  presence  in  New  York  early  in  November. 

This  testimony  shows  most  conclusively  that  Booth  was  in  New  York  on  the 
llth  of  November.  The  early  morning  train  on  which  he  left  Washington 
would  reach  New  York  early  in  the  afternoon  of  that  day.  Chester  saw  him 
there  early  in  November,  and  Mrs.  Hudspeth  not  only  identifies  his  picture, 
but  describes  his  person.  The  scar  upon  his  neck  near  his  jaw  was  peculiar, 
and  is  well  described  by  the  witness  as  like  a  bite.  On  that  day  Booth  had  a 
letter  in  his  possession  which  he  accidently  dropped  in  the  street  car  in  the 
presence  of  Mrs.  Hudspeth,  the  witness,  wiio  delivered  it  to  Major-General  Dix 
the  same  day,  and  by  whom,  as  his  letter  on  file  before  this  Court  shows,  the 
same  was  transmitted  to  the  War  Department  November  17,  1864.  That  letter 
contains  these  words : 

"DfSAR  Louis: — The  time  has  at  last  come  that  we  have  all  so  wished  for, 
and  upon  you  every  thing  depends.  As  it  was  decided  before  you  left,  we 
were  to  cast  lots.  We  accordingly  did  so,  and  you  are  to  be  the  Charlotte  Cor- 
day  of  the  nineteenth  century.  When  you  remember  the  awful,  solemn  vow 
that  was  taken  oy  us.  you  will  feel  there  is  no  drawbask.  Abe  must  die,  and 
now.  You  can  choose  your  wepaons — the  cup,  the  knife,  the  bullet.  The  cup 
failed  us  once,  and  might  again.  Johnson,  who  will  give  this,  has  been  like 
an  enragad  demon  since  the  meeting,  because  it  has  not  fallen  on  him  to  rid 
the  world  of  a  monster.  *  *  You  know  where  to  find  yo.ir  friends.  Your 
disguises  are  so  perfect  and  complete,  that  without  one  knew  your  face,  no  police 
telegraphic  despatch  would  catch  you.  The  English  gentleman,  Harcourt,  must 
not  act  hastily.  Remember,  he  has  ten  days.  Strike  for  your  home,  strike  for 
your  country  ;  bide  your  time,  but  strike  sure.  Get  introduced  ;  congratulate 
him  ;  listen  to  his  stories ;  (not  many  more  will  the  brute  tell  to  earthly  friends  ;) 
do  anything  "but  fail,  and  meet  us  at  the  appointed  place  within  the  fortnight. 
You  will  probably  hear  from  me  in  Washington.  Sanders  is  doing  us  no  good  in 
Canada.  "CHAS.  SELBY." 

The  learned  gentleman,  (Mr.  Cox),  in  his  very  able  and  carefully  considered 
-argument  in  defense  of  O'Laughlin  and  Arnold,  attached  importance  to  this  letter, 
and  doubtless  very  clearly  saw  its  bearing  upon  the  case,  and,  therefore,  under- 
took to  show  that  the  witness,  Mrs.  Hudspeth,  must  be  mistaken  as  to  the  person 
•of  Booth.  The  gentleman  assumes  that  the  letter  of  General  Dix,  of  the  17th  of 
November  last,  transmitting  this  letter  to  the  War  Department,  reads  that  the 
;party  who  dropped  the  letter  was  heard  to  say  that  he  would  start  to  Washington 
•on  Friday  night  next,  although  the  word  "next"  is  not  in  the  letter,  neither  is  it 
in  the  -quotation  which  the  gentleman  makes,  for  he  quotes  it  fairly ;  yet  he  con- 
cludes that  this  would  be  the  18th  of  November. 

Now  the  fact  is,  the  llth  of  November  last  was  Friday,  and  the  register  of  the 
National  Hot;.1!  bears  witness  that  Mrs.  Hudspeth  is  not  mistaken ;  because  her 
language  is,  that  Booth  said  he  would  leave  for  Washington  day  after  to-morrow, 
which  would  be  Sunday,  the  13th,.  and  if  in  the  evening,  would  bring  him  to  Wash- 
ington on  Monday,  the  14th  of  November,  the  day  on  which  the  register  shows  he 
•did  return  to  the  National  Hotel.  As  to  the  improbability  which  the  gentleman 
raises,  on  the  conversation  happening  in  a  street  car,  crowded  with  people,  there 
was  nothing  that  transpired,  although  the  conversation  was  earnest,  which  enabled 


TRIAL  OF  THE   ASSASSINS.  323 

the  witness,  or  could  have  enabled  any  one,  in  the  absence  of  this  letter,  or  of  the 
subsequent  conduct  of  Booth  to  form  the  least  idea  of  the  subject-matter  of  their 
conversation. 

The  gentleman  does  not  deal  altogether  fairly  in  his  remarks  touching  the  latter 
of  General  Dix  ;  because,  upon  a  careful  examination  of  the  letter,  it  will  b3  found 
that  he  did  not  form  any  such  judgment  as  that  it  was  a  hoax  for  the  Sunday  Mer- 
cury, but  he  took  care  to  forward  it  to  the  Department,  and  asked  attention  to  it ; 
when,  as  appears  by  the  testimony  of  the  Assistant  Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  D.ma, 
the  letter  was  delivered  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  considered  it  important  enough  to 
endorse  it  with  the  word.  "  Assassination,"  and  file  it  in  his  office,  where  it  was 
found  after  the  commission  of  this  crime,  and  brought  into  this  court  to  bear  wit- 
ness against  his  assassins. 

Although  this  letter  would  imply  that  the  assassination  spoken  of  was  to  take 
place  speedily,  yet  the  party  was  to  bide  his  time.  Though  he  had  entered  into 
the  preliminary  arrangements  in  Canada,  although  conspirators  had  doubtless 
agreed  to  co-operate  with  him  in  the  commission  of  the  crime,  and  lots  had  been 
cast  for  the  chief  part  in  the  bloody  drama,  yet  it  remained  for  him  as  the  leader 
and  principal  of  the  hired  assassins,  by  whose  hand  their  employers  ware  to  strike 
the  murderous  blow,  to  collect  about  him  and  bring  to  Washington  such  persons 
as  would  be  willing  to  lend  themselves,  for  a  price,  to  the  horrid  crime,  and  likely 
to  give  the  necessary  aid  and  support  in  its  consummation.  The  letter  declares 
that  Abrab».m  Lincoln  must  die,  and  now,  meaning  as  soon  as  the  agents  can  be 
employed  and  the  work  done.  To  that  end  you  will  bide  your  time. 

But,  says  the  gentleman,  it  could  not  have  been  the  same  conspiracy  charged 
here  to  which  this  letter  refers.  Why  not  ?  It  is  charged  here  that  Booth,  with 
the  accused  and  others,  conspired  to  kill  and  murder  Abraham  Lincoln ;  that  is 
precisely  the  conspiracy  disclosed  in  the  btter.  Granted  that  the  parties  on  trial 
had  not  then  entered  into  the  combination ;  if  they  at  any  time  afterward  entered 
into  it  they  became  parties  to  it,  and  the  conspiracy  was  still  the  same.  But,  says 
the  gentleman,  the  words  of  the  letter  imply  that  the  conspiracy  was  to  be  execut- 
ed within  the  fortnight.  Booth  is  directed,  by  the  name  of  Louis,  to  meet  the 
writer  within  a  fortnight.  It  by  no  means  follows  that  he  was  to  strike  within  the 
fortnight  because  he  was  to  meet  his  co-conspirator  within  that  time,  and  any  such 
conclusion  is  excluded  by  the  words,  "Bide  your  time." 

Even  if  the  conspiracy  was  to  be  executed  within  the  fortnight,  and  was  not  so 
executed,  and  the  same  party,  Booth,  afterwards,  by  concert  and  agreement  with 
the  accused  and  others,  did  execute  it  by  "striking  sure"  and  killing  the  President, 
that  act,  whenever  done,  would  be  but  the  execution  of  this  same  conspiracy.  The 
letter  is  conclusive  evidence  of  so  much  of  this  conspiracy  as  relates  to  ths  murder 
of  President  Lincoln.  As  Booth  was  to  do  anything  but  tail,  he  immediately  there- 
after sought  out  the  agents  to  enable  him  to  strike  sure,  and  execute  all  that  he  had 
agreed  with  Davis  and  his  co-confederates  in  Canada  to  do — to  murder  the  Presi- 
dent, the  Secretary  of  State,  the  Vice-President,  General  Grant  and  Secretary 
Stanton. 

Even  Booth's  co-conspirator,  Payne,  now  on  his  trial,  by  his  defence  admits  all 
this,  and  says  Booth  had  just  baen  to  Canada,  "was  filled  with  a  mighty  scheme, 
and  was  lying  in  wait  for  agents. "  Booth  asked  the  co-oparation  of  the  prisoner 
Payne,  and  said  : — "  I  will  give  you  as  much  money  as  you  want ;  but  first  you 
must  swear  to  stick  by  me.  It  is  in  the  oil  business.  This  you  are  told  by  the  ac- 
cused was  early  in  March  last.  Thus  guilt  bears  witness  against  itself. 

We  find  Booth  in  New  York  in  November,  December  and  January,  urging 
Chester  to  enter  into  this  combination,  assuring  him  that  there  was  money  in  it; 
that  they  had  "  friends  on  the  other  side,"  that  if  he  would  only  participate  in  it, 
he  would  never  want  for  money  while  he  lived,  and  all  that  was  asked  of  him  was 
to  stand  at  and  open  the  back  door  of  Ford's  Theatre.  Booth,  in  his  interview 
with  Chester,  confesses  that  he  is  without  money  liimself,  'and  allows  Chester  to 
reimburse  him  the  fifty  dollars  which  he  (Booth )  had  transmitted  to  him  in  a  let- 
ter for  the  purpose  of  paying  his  expenses  to  Washington  as  one  of  the  parties  to 


324  TRIAL   OF  THE   ASSASSINS. 

this  conspiracy.  Booth  told  him,  although  he  himself  was  penniless,  "  there  is 
money  in  this,  we  have  friends  on  tha  other  side,"  and  if  you  will  but  engage,  I 
will  have  three  thousand  dollars  deposited  at  once  for  the  use  of  your  family. 

Failing  to  secure  the  services  of  Chester,  because  his  soul  recoiled  with  abhor- 
rence from  the  foul  work  of  assassination  and  murder,  he  found  more  willing  in- 
struments in  others  whom  he  gathered  about  him.  Men  to  commit  the  assassina- 
tions, horses  to  secure  speedy  and  certain  escape  were  to  be  provided,  and  to  this 
end  Booth,  with  an  energy  worthy  of  a  better  cause,  applies  himself.  For  this  lat- 
ter purpose  he  told  Chester  he  had  already  expended  $5,000.  In  the  latter  part  of 
November,  1864,  he  visits  Charles  county,  Maryland,  and  is  in  company  with  one 
of  the  prisoners,  Dr.  Samuel  A.  Mudd,  with  whom  he  lodged  over  night,  and 
through  whom  he  procures  of  Gardener  one  of  the  several  horses  which  were  at  his 
disposal,  and  used  by  him  and  his  co-conspirators  in  Washington  on  the  night  of 
the  assassination. 

Some  time  in  January  last,  it  is  in  testimony,  that  the  prisoner  Mudd  intro- 
duced Booih  to  John  H.  Surratt  and  th3  witness  Weichman  ;  that  Booth  invited 
them  ta  tha  National  Hotel ;  that  when  there,  in  the  room  which  Booth  took 
them,  Mudd  went  out  into  the  passage,  called  Looth  out  and  had  a  private  con- 
versation with  him,  leaving  the  witness  and  Surratt  iu  the  room.  Upon  their 
return  to  the  room  Booth  went  out  with  Surratt,  and  upon  their  coming  in,  all 
three,  Booth,  Surratt.  and  Samuel  A.  Mudd,  went  out  together,  and  had  a  con- 
versation iu  the  passage,  leaving  the  witness  alone.  Up  to  the  time  of  this  in- 
terview it  seems  that  neither  the  witness  nor  Surratt  had  any  knowledge  of 
Booth,  as  they  were  then  introduced  to  him  by  Dr.  Mudd.  Whether  Surratt 
bad  in  fact  previously  known  Booth  it  is  not  important  to  inquire.  Mudd  deem- 
ed ii  necessary,  perhaps,  a  wise  precaution,  fc>  introduce  Surratt  to  Booth  ;  he 
also  deemed  it  necessary  to  have  a  private  conversation  with  Booth  shortly  af- 
terwards, and  directly  upon  that  to  have  a  conversation  together,  with  Booth 
and  Surratt  alone. 

Had  this  conversation,  no  part  of  which  was  heard  by  the  witness,  been  perfectly 
innocent,  it  is  not  to  he  presumed  that  Dr.  MuJd,  who  was  an  entire  stranger  to 
Weichman,  would  have  deemed  it  riecess:iry  to  hold  the'conversation  secretly,  nor 
to  have  volunteered  to  tell  the  witness,  or  rather  pretend  to  tell  him,  what  the  con- 
versation was;  yet  he  did  say  to  the  witness,  upon  their  return  to  the  room,  by  way 
of  apology,  I  suppose,  for  the  privacy  of  tiie  conversation,  that  Booth  had  some 
private  business  with  him,  and  wished  to  purchasa  his  farm.  This  silly  device,  as 
is  often  the  case  in  attempts  at  deception,  failed  in  the  execution  ;  for  it  remains  to 
be  shown  how  the  fact  that  Mudd  had  private  business  with  Booth,  and  that  Booth 
wished  to  purchase  his  farm,  made  it  at  all  necessary  or  even  proper  that  they  should 
both  volunteer  to  call  out  Surratt,  who  up  to  that  moment  was  a  stranger  to  Booth. 
What  had  Surratt  to  do  with  Booth's  purchase  of  Mudd's  farm?  And,  if  it  was 
necessary  to  withdraw  and  talk  by  themselves  secretly  about  the  sale  of  the  farm, 
why  should  they  disclose  the  fact  to  the  very  man  from  whom  they  had  concealed  it? 

Upon  the  return  of  these  three  parties  to  the  room,  they  seated  themselves  at  a 
table,  and  upon  the  back  of  an  envelope  Booth  traced  lines  with  a  pencil,  indicat- 
ing, as  the  witness  states,  the  direction  of  roads.  Why  was  this  done?  As  Booth 
had  been  previously  in  that  section  of  country,  as  the  prisoner  in  his  defence 
has  taken  great  pains  to  show,  it  was  certainly  not  necessary  to  any  thing  connected 
with  the  purchase  of  Mudd's  farm  that  at  that  time  he  should  be  indicating  the  di- 
rection of  roads  to  or  from  it ;  nor  is  it  made  to  appear  by  anything  in  this  testimo- 
ny, how  it  comes  that  Surratt,  as  the  witness  testifies,  seemed  to  be  as  much  inter- 
ested in  the  marking  out  of  these  roads  as  MuJd  or  Booth.  It  does  not  appear 
that  Surratt  was  in  any  wise  connected  with,  or  interested  in  the  sale  of  Vudd's 
farm.  Fjiom  all  that  has  transpired  since  this  meeting  at  the  hotel,  it  would  seem 
that  thi.V^lotting  the  roads,  was  intended,  not  so  m'uch  to  show  the  road  to  .Mudd's 
farm,  as  to  point  out  the  shortest  and  safest  route  for  flight  from  the  Capital,  by  the 
houses  of  all  the  parties  in  this  conspiracy,  to  their  "friends  on  the  other  side." 

But,  says  the  learned  gentleman  (Mr.  Ewing),  in  his  very  able  argument  in  de- 


TRIAL  OF  THE  ASSASSINS.  325 

fence  of  this  prisoner,  why  should  Booth  determine  that  his  flight  should  be 
through  Charles  county  ?  The  answer  must  be  obvious,  upon  a  moment's  reflec- 
tion, to  eveiy  man,  and  could  not  possibly  have  escaped  the  notice  of  the  counsel 
himsglf,  but  for  the  reason  that  his  zeal  for  his  client  constrained  him  to  overlook 
it.  It  was  absolutely  essential  that  this  murderer  should  have  his  co-conspirators 
at  convenient  points  along  his  route,  and  it  does  not  appear  in  evidence  that  by  the 
route  to  his  friends,  who  had  then  fled  from  Richmond,  which  the  gentleman  (Mr. 
Ewing)  indicates  as  the  moi'e  direct,  but  of  which  there  is  not  the  slightest  evi- 
dence whatever,  Booth  had  co-conspirators  at  an  equal  distance  from  Washington. 
The  testimony  discloses  further,  that  on  the  route  selected  by  him  for  his  flight, 
there  is  a  large  population  that  would  be  most  likely  to  favor  and  aid  him  in  the 
execution  of  his  wicked  purpose,  and  in  making  his  escape.  But  it  is  a  sufficient 
answer  to  the  gentleman's  question,  that  Booth's  co-conspirator,  Mudd,  lived  in 
Charles  county. 

To  return  to  the  meeting  at  the  hotel.  In  the  light  of  other  facts  in  this  case,  it 
must  become  clear  to  the  Court  that  this  secret  meeting  between  Booth,  Surratt 
and  Mudd  was  a  conference  looking  to  the  execution  of  this  conspiracy.  It  so  im- 
pressed the  prisoner,  it  so  impressed  his  counsel,  that  they  deemed  it  necessary 
and  absolutely  essential  to  their  defence  to  attempt  to  destroy  the  credibility  of  the 
witness  Weichman. 

I  may  say  here,  in  passing,  that  they  have  not  attempted  to  impeach  his  general 
reputation  for  truth  by  the  testimony  of  a  single  witness,  nor  have  they  impeached 
his  testimony  by  calling  a  single  witness  to  discredit  one  material  fact  to  which  he 
has  testified  in  this  issue.  Failing  to  find  a  breath  of  suspicion  against  Weichman 's 
character,  or  to  contradict  a  single  fact  to  which  he  testified,  the  accused  had  to  fly 
to  the  last  resort,  an  alibi,  and  very  earnestly  did  the  learned  counsel  devote  him- 
self to  the  task. 

It  is  not  material  whether  this  meeting  in  the  hotel  took  place  on  the  23d  of  De- 
cember or  in  Januaiy.  But,  says  the  counsel,  it  was  after  the  commencement  or 
close  of  the  Congressional  holiday.  That  is  not  material ;  but  the  concurrent  reso- 
lution of  Congress  shows  that  the  holiday  commenced  on  the  22d  December,  the 
day  before  the  accused  spent  the  evening  in  Washington.  The  witness  is  not  cer- 
tain about  the  date  of  this  meeting.  The  material  fact  is,  did  this  meeting  take 
place — either  on  the  23d  of  December  or  in  January  last?  Were  the  private  in- 
terviews there  held,  and  was  the  apology  made,  as  detailed,  by  Mudd  and  Booth 
after  the  secret  conference  to  the  witness?  That  the  meeting  did  take  place,  and 
that  Mudd  did  explain  that  these  secret  interviews,  with  Booth  first,  and  with 
Booth  and  Surratt  directly  afterward,  had  relation  to  the  sale  of  his  farm,  is  con- 
fessedly admitted  by  the  endeavor  of  the  prisoner,  through  his  counsel,  to  show  that 
negotiations  had  been  going  on  between  Booth  and  .Mudd  for  the  sale  of  Mudd's 
farm. 

If  no  such  meeting  was  held,  if  no  such  explanation  was  made  by  Mudd  to 
Weichman,  can  any  man  for  a  moment  believe  that  a  witness  would  have  been 
called  here  to  give  any  testimony  about  Booth  having  negotiated  for  Mudd's  farm? 
What  conceivable  connection  has  it  with  this  case,  except  to  show  that  Mudd's 
explanation  to  Weichman  for  his  extraordinary  conduct  was  in  exact  accordance 
with  the  fact  ?  Or  was  this  testimony  about  the  negotiations  for  Mudd's  farm  in- 
tended to  show  so  close  an  intimacy  and  intercourse  with  Booth  that  Mudd  could 
not  fail  to  recognize  him  when  he  came  flying  for  aid  to  his  house  from  the  work  of 
assassination?  It  would  be  injustice  to  the  able  counsel  to  suppose  that. 

I  have  said  that  it  was  wholly  immaterial  whether  this  conversation  took  place 
on  the  23d  of  December  or  in  January ;  it  is  in  evidence  that  in  both  those  months 
Booth  was  at  the  National  Hotel ;  that  he  occupied  a  room  there ;  that  he  arrived 
there  on  the  22d,  and  was  there  on  the  23d  of  December  last,  and  also  on  the  12th 
day  of  January.  The  testimony  of  the  witness  is.,  that  Booth  said  he  had  just 
come  in.  Suppose  this  conversation  took  place  in  December,  on  the  evening  of  the 
23d,  the  time  when  it  is  proved  by  J.  T.  Mudd,  the  witness  for  the  accused,  that 
be,  in  company  with  Samuel  A.  Mudd,  spent  the  night  in  Washington  city.  Is 


326  TRIAL   OP  THE   ASSASSINS. 

there  anything  in  the  testimony  of  that  or  any  other  witness  to  show  that  the  ac- 
cused did  not  have  and  could  not  have  had  an  interview  with  Booth  on  that  even- 
ing? . 

J.  T.  Mudd  testifies  that  he  separated  from  the  prisoner,  Samuel  A.  Mudd,  at 
the  National  Hotel,  early  in  the  evening  of  that  day,  and  did  not  meet  him  again 
until  the  accused  came  in  for  the  night  at  the  Pennsylvania  House,  where  he 
stopped.  Where  was  Dr.  Samuel  A.  Mudd  during  this  interval?  What  does  liis 
witness  know  about  him  during  that  time  ?  How  can  he  say  that  Dr.  Mudd  did 
not  go  up  on  Seventh  street  in  company  with  Booth,  then  at  the  National ;  that  he 
did  not,  on  Seventh  street,  meet  Surratt  and  Weichman ;  that  he  did  not  return  to 
the  National  Hotel ;  that  he  did  not  have  this  interview,  and  afterwards  meet  him, 
the  witness,  as  he  testifies,  at  the  Pennsylvania  House  ?  Who  knows  that  the 
Congressional  holiday  had  not,  in  fact,  commenced  on  that  day  ?  What  witness 
has  been  called  to  prove  that  Booth  did  not  on  either  of  those  occasions  occupy  the 
room  that  had  formerly  been  occupied-  by  a  member  of  Congress,  who  had  tempo- 
rarily vacated  it,  leaving  his  books  there  ? 

Weichman,  I  repeat,  is  not  positive  as  to  the  date,  he  is  only  positive  as  to 
the  fact ;  and  he  disclosed  voluntarily,  to  tliis  Court,  that  the  date  could  probably 
be  fixed  by  a  reference  to  the  register  of  the  Pennsylvania  House.  That  reg- 
ister can  not,  of  course,  be  conclusive  of  whether  Mudd  was  tbere  in  January  or 
not,  for  the  very  good  reason  that  the  proprietor  admits  that  he  did  not  know 
Samuel  A.  Mudd ;  therefore,  Mudd  might  have  registered  by  any  other  name. 
Weichman  does  not  pretend  to  know  that  Mudd  had  registered  at  all.  If  Mudd 
was  here  in  January,  as  a  party  to  this  conspiracy,  it  is  not  at  all  unlikely  that, 
if  he  did  register  at  that  time  in  the  presence  of  a  man  to  whom  he  was  wholly 
unacquainted,  his  kinsman  not  then  being  with  him,  he  would  register  by  a 
false  name. 

But  if  the  interview  took  place  in  December,  the  testimony  of  Weichman 
bears  as  strongly  against  the  accused  as  if  it  had  happened  in  January.  Weich- 
man says. he  does  not  know  what  time  was  occupied  in  this  interview  at  the 
National  Hotel  ;  that  it  probably  lasted  twenty  minutes  ;  that  alter  the  private 
interviews  between  Mudd,  and  Surratt,  and  Booth,  which  were  not  of  very  long 
duration,  had  terminated,  the  parties  went  to  the  Pennsylvania  House,  where 
Dr.  Mudd  had  rooms,  and  after  sitting  together  in  the  common  sitting-room  of 
the  hotel,  they  left  Dr.  Mudd  there  about  ten  o'clock  P.M.,  who  remained  during 
the  night  Weichman 's  testimony  leaves  no  doubt  that  this  meeting  on  Seventh 
street  and  interview  at  the  National  took  place  after  dark,  and  terminated  be- 
fore or  about  ten  o'clock  P.  M.  His  own  witness,  J.  T.  Mudd,  after  statiug  that 
he  separated  from  the  accused  at  the  National  Hotel,  says  after  he  had  got 
through  a  conversation  with  a  gentleman  of  his  acquaintance,  he  walked  down 
the  Avenue,  went  to  several  clothing  stores,  and  "  after  a  while"  walked  rouni 
to  the  Pennsylvania  House,  and  "  very  soon  after"  he  got  there  Dr.  Mudd  came 
in,  and  they  went  to  bed  shortly  afterwards. 

What  time  he  spent  iu  his  *'  walk  alone"  on  the  Avenue,  looking  at  clothing  ; 
what  period  he  embraces  in  the  terms  "  after  a  while,"  when  he  returned  to 
the  Pennsylvania  House,  and  "foon  after"  which  Dr.  Mudd  got  there,  the  wit- 
ness does  not  disclose.  Neither  does  he  intimate,  much  less  testify,  that  he  saw 
Dr.  Mudd  when  he  first  entered  the  Pennsylvania  House  on  that  night  after  their 
separation.  How  does  he  know  that  Booth  and  Surratt  and  Weichman  did  not 
accompany  Samuel  A.  Mudd  to  that  house  that  evening  ?  How  does  he  know 
that  the  prisoner  and  those  pel-sons  did  not  converse  together  some  time  in  the 
sitting-room  of  the  Pennsylvania  House  ?  Jeremiah  Mudd  has  not  testified  that 
he  met  Mr.  Mudd  in  that  room,  or  that  he  was  in  it  himself. 

He  has,  however,  sworn  to  the  fact,  which  is  disproved  by  no  one,  that  the 
prisoner  was  separated  from  him  long  enough  that  evening  to  have  had  the 
meeting  with  Booth,  Surratt  and  Weichman,  and  the  interviews  in  the  National 
Hotel,  and  at  th^  Pennsylvania  House,  to  which  Weichman  has  testified.  Who 
is  there  to  disprove  it?  Of  what  importance  is  it  whether  it  was  on  tho  23d  of 
December  or  in  January?  How  does  thut  affect  the  credibility  of  Welch- 


TRIAL   OP  THE  ASSASSINS.  327 

man?  He  is  a  man,  as  I  have  before  said,  against  whose  reputation  for  truth 
and  good  conduct  they  have  not  been  able  to  bring  one  witness.  If  this  meet- 
ing did  by  possibility  take  place  that  night,  is  there  anything  to  render  it  im- 
probable that  Booth,  and  MuJd,  and  Surratt  did  have  the  conversation  at  the 
National  Hotel  to  which  Weichman  testifies?  Of  what  avail,  therefore,  is  the 
attempt  to  prove  that  Dr.  Mudd  was  not  here  during  January,  if  it  was  clear 
that  he  was  here  on  the  23d  of  December,  1864,  and  had  this  conversation  with 
Booth  ?  That  this  attempt  to  prove  an  alibi  during  January  has  failed,  is  quite 
as  clear  as  the  proof  of  the  fact  that  the  prisoner  was  here  on  the  evening  of 
the  23d  of  December,  and  present  in  the  National  Hotel,  where  Booth  stopped. 

The  fact  that  the  prisoner,  Samuel  A.  Mudd.  wentwiih  J.  T.  Mudd  on  that  even- 
ing to  the  National  Hotel,  and  there  separated  from  liim.  is  proved  by  his  own 
witness,  J.  T.  Mudd  ;  and  that  he  did  not  rejoin  him  until  they  retired  to  bed  in  the 
Pennsylvania  House,  is  proved  by  the  same  witness,  and  contradicted  by  no- 
body. Does  any  one  suppose  there  would  have  been  such  assiduous  care  to 
prove  that  the  prisoner  was  with  his  kinsman  all  the  time  on  the  23d  of  Decem- 
ber in  Washington,  if  they  had  not  known  that  Booth  was  then  at  the  National 
Hotel,  and  that  a  meeting  of  the  prisoner  with  Booth,  Surattand  Weichmau  on 
that  day  would  corroborate  and  confirm  Weichinan's  testimony  in  every  material 
statement  he  made  concerning  that  meeting  ? 

The  accused  having  signally  failed  to  account  for  his  absence  after  he  sepa- 
rated from  his  witness,  J.  T.  Mudd,  early  in  the  evening  of  the  23d  of  December, 
at  the  National  Hotel,  until  they  had  again  mot  at  the  Pennsylvania  House,  when 
they  retired  to  rest,  he  now  attempts  to  prove  an  alibi  as  to  the  month  of  January. 
In  this  he  has  failed,  as  he  failed  in  the  attempt  to  show  that  he  could  not  have 
met  Booth,  Surratt  and  Weichman  on  the  23d  of  December. 

For  this  purpose  the  accused  calls  Betty  Washington.  She  had  been  at  Mudd's 
house  every  night  since  the  Monday  after  Christmas  last,  except  when  here  at 
Court,  and  says  that  the  prisoner,  Mudd,  has  only  been  away  IVom  home  three 
nights  during  that  time.  This  witness  forgets  that  Mudd  has  not  been  at  home 
any  night  or  day  since  this  court  assemble' I.  Neither  does  she  account  for  the 
three  nights  in  which  she  swears  to  his  absence  from  home.  First,  she  says  he 
went  to  Gardner's  party,  second,  he  went  to  Giesboro,  then  to  Washington.  She 
does  not  know  in  what  month  he  was  away,  the  second  time,  all  night.  She  only 
knows  where  he  went  from  what  he  and  his  wife  said,  which  is  not  evidence ;  but 
she  does  testify  that  when  he  left  home  and  was  absent  over  night,  the  second  time, 
it  was  about  two  or  three  weeks  after  she  came  to  his  house,  which  would,  if  it 
were  three  weeks,  make  it  just  about  the  1 5th  of  January,  1865,  because  she  swears 
she  came  to  his  house  on  the  first  Monday  after  Christmas  last,  which  was  the 
26th  day  of  December;  so  that  the  15th  of  January  would  be  three  weeks,  less 
one  day  from  that  time ;  and  it  might,  have  boen  a  week  earlier,  according  to  her 
testimony;  as,  also,  it  might  have  been  a  week  earlier,  or  more,  by  Weichman's 
testimony,  for  he  is  not  positive  as  to  the  time. 

What  I  have  said  of  the  register  of  the  Pennsylvania  House,  the  head-quarters 
of  Mudd  and  Atzeroth,  I  need  not  here  repeat.  That  record  proves  nothing,  save 
that  Dr.  Mudd  was  there  on  the  23d  of  December,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  is  a 
fact,  along  with  others,  to  show  that  the  meeting  at  the  National  then  took  place. 
I  have  also  called  the  attention  of  the  Court  to  the  fact,  that  if  Mudd  was  at  the 
house  again  in  January,  and  did  not  register  his  name,  the  fact  proves  nothing  ;  or, 
if  he  did,  the  register  only  proves  that  he  registered  falsely;  either  of  which  tacts 
might  have  happened  without  the  knowledge  of  the  witness  called  by  the  accused 
from  that  house,  who  does  not  know  Samuel  A.  Mudd  personally. 

The  testimony  of  Henry  L.  Mudd,  his  brother,  in  support  of  this  alibi,  is  that 
the  prisoner  was  in  Washington  on  the  23J  of  March,  and  on  the  10th  of  April, 
four  days  before  the  murder!  But  he  does  not  account  for  the  absent  night  in 
January,  about  which  Betty  Washington  testifies.  Thomas  Davis  was  called  for 
the  same  purpose,  but  stated  that  he  was  himself  absent  one  night  in  January,  af- 
ter the  9th  of  that  month,  and  he  could  not  say  whether  Mu-ld  w.vj  there  on  that 
night  or  not.  He  does  testify  to  Mudd's  absence  over  m'ght  three  times,  and.  fi^es. 


328  TRIAL  OF  THE   ASSASSINS. 

one  occasion  on  the  night  of  the  26th  of  January ;  this  witness  can  not  Account  for 
the  absence  of  Mudd  on  the  night  referred  to  by  Betty  Washington. 

This  matter  is  entitled  to  no  further  attention.  It  can  satisfy  no  one,  and  the 
burden  of  proof  is  upon  the  prisoner  to  prove  that  he  was  not  in  Washington  in 
January  last.  How  can  such  testimony  convince  any  rational  man  that  Mudd  was 
not  here  in  January,  against  the  evidence  of  an  unimpeached  witness,  who  swears 
that  Samusl  A.  Mudd  was  in  Washington  in  the  month  of  January?  Who,  that 
has  been  examined  here  as  a  witness,  knows  that  he  was  not  ? 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Evans  swears  that  he  saw  him  in  Washington  last  winter,  and 
that  at  the  same  time  he  saw  Jarboe,  the  one  coming  out  of,  and  the  other  going 
into,  a  house  on  H  street,  which  he  was  informed,  on  inquiry,  was  the  house  of 
Mrs.  Surratt.  Jarboc  is  the  only  witness  called  to  contradict  Mr.  Evans,  and  he 
leaves  it  in  extreme  doubt  whether  he  does  not  corroborate  him,  as  he  swear  that 
he  was  here  himself  last  winter  or  full,  but  can  not  state  exactly  the  time.  Jar- 
boe's  silence  on  questions  touching  his  own  credibility  leaves  no  room  for  any  one 
to  say  that  his  testimony  could  impeach  Mr.  Evans,  whatever  he  might  swear. 

Miss  Anna  H.  Surratt  is  also  called  for  the  purpose  of  impeaching  Mr.  Evans. 
It  is  sufficient  to  say  of  her  testimony  on  that  point  that  she  swears  negatively  only, 
that  she  did  not  see  either  of  the  persons  named  at  her  mother's  hous3.  This  tes- 
timony neither  disproves,  nor  does  it  even  tend  to  disprove  the  fact  put  in  issue  by 
Mr.  Evans.  No  one  will  pretend,  whatever  the  form  of  her  expression  in  giving 
her  testimony,  that  she  could  say  more  than  that  she  did  not  know  the  fact,  as  it 
was  impossible  that  she  could  know  who  was,  or  who  was  not,  at  her  mother's 
house,  casually,  at  a  period  so  remote.  It  is  not  my  purpose,  neither  is  it  needful 
here,  to  question  in  #ny  way  the  integrity  of  this  young  woman. 

It  is  further  in  testimony  that  Samuel  A.  Mudd  was  here  on  the  3d  of  March 
last,  the  day  preceding  the  inauguration,  when  Booth  was  to  strike  the  traitorous 
blow,  and  it  was,  doubtless,  only  by  the  interposition  of  that  God  who  stands  within 
the  shadow  and  keeps  watch  above  his  own,  that  the  victim  of  this  conspiracy  was 
spared  that  day  from  the  assassin's  hand,  that  h 3  might  complete  his  work  and  see 
the  salvation  of  his  country  in  the  fall  of  Richmon-J  and  the  surrender  of  its  great 
army.  Dr.  Mudd  was  here  on  that  day  (the  3d  of  March\  to  abet,  to  encourage, 
to  nerve  his  co-conspirator  for  the  commission  of  this  great  crime.  He  was  car- 
ried away  by  the  awful  purpose  which  possessed  him,  and  rushed  into  the  room  of 
Mr.  Norton,  at  the  National  Hotel,  in  search  of  Booth,  exclaiming  excitedly, 
"I'm  mistaken ;  I  thought  this  was  Mr.  Booth's  room."  He  is  told  Mr.  Booth  is 
above,  on  the  next  floor.  He  is  followed  by  Mr.  Norton,  because  of  his  rude  and 
excited  behaviour,  and,  being  followed,  conscious  of  his  guilty  errand,  he  turns 
away,  afraid  of  himself  and  afraid  to  ba  found  in  concert  with  his  fellow  confeder- 
ate. Mr.  Norton  identifies  the  prisoner,  and  has  no  doubt  that  Samuel  A.  Mudd 
is  the  man. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Evans  also  swears  that,  after  the  1st.  and  before  the  4th  day  of 
March  last,  he  is  certain  that  within  that  time,  and  on  the  2d  or  3d  of  March,  he 
saw  Dr.  Mudd  drive  into  Washington  City.  The  endeavor  is  made  by  the  ac- 
cused, in  order  to  break  down  this  witness,  by  proving  another  alibi.  The  sister  of 
the  accused,  Miss  Fanny  Mudd,  is  called.  She  testifies  that  she  saw  the  prisoner 
at  breakfast  in  her  father's  house  on  the  2d  of  March,  about  five  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  and  not  again  until  the  3d  of  March  at  noon.  Mrs.  Emily  Mudd  swears 
substantially  to  the  same  statement.  Batty  Washington,  called  for  the  accused, 
swears  that  he  was  at  home  all  day  at  work  with  her  on  the  2J  of  March,  and  took 
breakf.ist  at  home.  Frank  Washington  swears  that  Mudd  was  at  home  all  day ; 
that  he  saw  him  when  he  first  came  out  in  the  morning,  about  sunrise,  from  his 
own  house,  and  knows  that  he  was  there  all  day  with  them.  Which  is  correct, 
the  testimony  of  his  sisters  or  the  testimony  of  servants?  The  sisters  say  that  he 
was  at  their  father's  house  for  breakf.ist  on  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  March  ;  the 
servants  say  he  was  at  home  for  breakfast  with  them  on  that  clay.  If  this  testimo- 
ny is  followed,  it  proves  one  alibi  too  much.  It  is  impossible,  in  the  nature  of 
things,  that  the  testimony  of  all  these  four  witnesses  can  be  true. 


TRIAL  OP  THE  ASSASSINS.  329 

Seeing  this  weakness  in  the  testimony  brought  to  prove  this  second  alibi,  the  en- 
deavor is  next  made  to  discredit  Mr.  Norton  for  truth ;  and  two  witnesses,  not 
more,  are  called,  who  testify  that  his  reputation  for  truth  has  suffered  by  contested 
litigation  between  one  of  the  impeaching  witnesses  and  others.  Four  witnesses  are 
called,  who  testify  that  Mr.  Norton's  reputation  for  truth  is  very  good  ;  that  he  is 
a  man  for  high  character  for  truth,  and  entitled  to  be  believed  whether  he  speaks 
under  the  obligation  of  an  oath  or  not.  The  late  Postmaster-General,  Hon.  Hora- 
tio King,  not  only  sustains  Mr.  Norton  as  a  man  of  good  reputation  for  truth,  but 
expressly  corroborates  his  testimony,  by  stating  that  in  March  last,  about  the  4th  of 
March,  Mr.  Norton  told  him  the  same  fact  to  which  he  swears  here — that  a  man 
came  into  his  room  under  excitement,  alarmed  his  sister,  was  followed  out  by  him- 
self, and  went  down  stairs  instead  of  going  up ;  and  that  Mr.  Norton  told  him  this 
before  the  assassination,  and  about  the  time  of  the  inauguration. 

What  motive  had  Mr.  Norton  at  that  time  to  fabricate  this  statement  ?  It  de- 
tracts nothing  from  his  testimony  that  he  did  not  at  that  time  mention  the  name 
of  this  man  to  his  friend,  Mr.  King ;  because  it  appears  from  his  testimony,  and 
there  is  none  to  question  the  truthfulness  of  his  statement,  that  at  that  time  he  did 
not  know  his  name.  Neither  does  it  take  from  the  force  of  this  testimony  that  Mr. 
Norton  did  not,  in  communicating  this  matter  to  Mr.  King,  make  mention  of 
Booth's  name ;  because  there  was  nothing  in  the  transaction  at  the  time,  he  being 
ignorant  of  the  name  of  Mudd,  and  equally  ignorant  of  the  conspiracy  between 
Ma* Id  and  Booth,  to  give  the  least  occasion  for  any  mention  of  Booth  or  of  the 
transaction  further  than  he  detailed  it.  With  such  corroboration,  who  can  doubt 
the  fact  that  Mudd  did  enter  the  room  of  Mr.  Norton,  and  was  followed  by  him.  on  the 
3d  of  March  last  ?  Can  he  be  mistaken  in  the  man  ?  Who  ever  looks  at  the  pris- 
oner carefully  once  will  be  sure  to  recognize  him  again. 

For  the  present  I  pass  from  the  consideration  of  the  testimony  showing  Dr. 
Mudd's  connection  with  Booth  in  this  conspiracy,  with  the  remark  that  it  is  in 
evidence,  and  I  think  established,  both  by  the  testimony  adduced  by  the  pros- 
ecution and  that  by  the  prisoner,  that  since  the  commencement  of  this  rebel- 
lion, John  II.  Surratt  visited  the  prisoner's  house  ;  that  he  concealed  Surratt 
and  other  rebels  and  traitors  in  the  woods  near  his  house,  where  for  several 
days  he  furnished  them  with  food  and  bedding  ;  that  the  shelter  of  the  woods 
by  night  and  by  day  was  the  only  shelter  that  the  prisoner  dare  furnish  those 
friends  of  his  ;  that  in  November  Booth  visited  him  and  remained  overnight; 
that  he  accompanied  Booth  at  that  time  to  Gardner's,  from  whom  he  purchased 
one  of  the  horses  used  on  the  night  of  the  assassination  to  aid  the  escape  of  one 
of  his  confederates ;  that  the  prisoner  had  secret  interviews  with  Booth  and 
Surratt,  as  sworn  to  by  the  witness,  Weichman,  in  the  National  Hotel,  whether 
on  the  23d  of  December  or  in  January,  is  a  matter  of  entire  indifference  ;  that 
he  rushed  into  Mr.  Norton's  room  on  the  3d  of  March  in  search  of  Booth,  and 
that  he  was  here  again  on  the  10th  of  April,  four  days  before  the  murder  of  the 
Presidant. 

Of  his  conduct  after  the  assassination  of  the  President,  which  is  confirmatory 
of  all  this  ;  his  conspiring  with  Booth,  and  his  sheltering,  concealing,  and  aid- 
ing the  flight  of  his  co-couspirator,  this  felon  assassin,  1  shall  speak  hereafter, 
leaving  him  for  the  present  with  the  remark  that  the  attempt  to  prove  his  char- 
acter has  resulted  in  showing  him  in  sympathy  with  the  rebellion,  so  cruel  that 
he  shot  one  of  his  slaves,  and  declared  his  purpose  to  send  several  of  them  to 
work  on  the  rebel  batteries  in  Richmond. 

What  others,  besides  Samuel  A.  Mudd  and  John  II.  Surratt  and  Lewis  Payne, 
did  Booth,  after  his  return  from  Canada,  induce  to  join  him  in  this  conspiracy 
to  murder  the  President,  the  Vice-President,  and  Secretary  of  State,  and  the 
Lieuteaant-Gencral,  with  the  intent  thereby  to  aid  the  rebellion  and  overthrow 
the  government  and  laws  of  the  United  States? 

On  the  10th  of  February  the  prisoners  Arnold  and  O'Langhlin  came  to  Wash- 
ington and  took  rooms  in  the  house  of  Mrs.  Vantyne  ;  were  armed ;  were  there 
visited  frequently  by  John  Wilkes  Booth,  and  alone  ;  were  occasionally  absent 
when  Booth  called,  who  seemed  anxious  for  their  return  ;  would  sometimes 


330  TRIAL  OP  THE   ASSASSINS. 

leave  notes  for  them,  and  sometimes  a  request  that  when  they  came  in  they 
should  be  told  to  come  to  the  stable. 

On  the  18th  of  March  last,  when  Booth  played  in  The  Apostate,  the  witness, 
Mrs.  Vantyne,  received  from  O'Laughlin  complimentary  tickets.  These  persons 
remained  there  until  the  20th  of  March.  They  were  visited,  so  far  as  the  wit- 
ness knows,  during  their  stay  at  her  house  only  by  Booth,  save  that  on  a  single 
occasion  an  unknown  man  came  to  see  them,  and  remained  with  them  over 
night.  They  told  the  witness  they  were  in  the  "  oil  business."  "With  Mudd, 
the  guilty  purpose  was  sought  to  be  concealed  by  declaring  that  he  was  in  the 
"land  business  ;;'  with  O'Laughlin  and  Arnold  it  was  attempted  to  be  conceal- 
ed by  pretense  that  they  were  in  the  '•  oil  business."  Booth,  it  is  proved,  had 
closed  up  all  -connection  with  the  oil  business  last  September.  There  is  not  a 
word  of  testimony  to  show  that  the  accused,  O'Laughlin  and  Arnold,  ever  in- 
vested or  sought  to  invest,  ia  any  way  or  to  any  amount,  in  the  oil  business  : 
their  silly  words  betray  them  ;  they  forget  when  they  uttered  that  false  state- 
ment that  the  truth  is  strong,  next  to  the  Almighty,  and  that  their  crime  must 
find  them  out  was  the  irrevocable  and  irresistible  law  of  nature  and  of  nature's 
God. 

One  of  their  co-conspirators,  known  as  yet  only  to  the  guilty  parties  to  this 
damnable  plot  and  to  the  Infinite,  who  will  unmask  and  avenge  all  blood- 
guiltiness,  comes  to  bear  witness,  unwittingly,  against  them.  This  unknown 
conspirator,  who  dates  his  letter  at  South  Branch  Bridge,  April  6,  1^65,  mailed 
and  postmarked  Cumberland,  Maryland,  and  addressed  to  John  Wilkes  Booth, 
by  his  initials,  "  J.  W.  B.,  National  Hotel,  Washington,  D.  G.,"  was  also  in  the 
•'  oil  speculation."  In  that  letter  he  says  : — 

"  Friend  Wilkes  :  I  received  yours  of  March  12,  and  reply  as  soon  as  practi- 
cable. I  saw  French,  Brady,  and  others  about  the  oil  speculation.  The  sub- 
scription to  the  stock  amounts  to  eight  thousand  dollars,  and  I  add  one  thou- 
sand myself,  which  is  about  all  I  can  stand.  Now,  when  you  sink  your  well, 
go  deep  enough  ;  don't  fail  ;  everything  depends  upon  you  and  your  helpers. 
If  you  can  not  get  through  on  your  trip,  alter  you  strike  oil,  strike  through 
Thornton  Gap  and  across  by  Capon,  Romnev,  and  down  the  Branch.  _  I  can 
keep  you  safe  from  all  hardships  for  a  year.  I  am  clear  of  all  surveillance  now 
that  infernal  Purdy  is  beat. 

"I  send  this  by  Tom,  and,  if  he  don't  get  drunk,  you  will  get,  it  on  the  9th. 
At  all  events,  it  can  not  be  understood  if  lost. 

'•  No  more,  only  Jake  will  be  at  Green's  with  the  fands.  LON. 

That  this  letter  is  not  a  fabrication  is  made  apparent  by  the  testimony  of 
Purdy,  whose  name  occurs  in  the  letter.  He  testified  that  he  had  been  a  detec- 
tive in  the  government  service,  and  that  he  had  been  falsely  accused,  as  the 
letter  recites,  and  put  under  arrest ;  that  there  was  a  noted  rebel  by  the  name 
of  Green,  living  at  Thornton  Georgia  ;  that  there  was  a  servant,  who  drank, 
known  as  "  Tom,"  in  the  neighborhood  of  South  Branch  Bridge  ;  that  there  is 
an  obscure  route  through  the  Gap,  and  as  described  in  the  letter ;  and  that  a 
man  commonly  called  "  Lon"  lives  at  South  Branch  Bridge.  If  the  Court  are 
satisfied,  and  it  is  for  them  to  judge,  that  this  letter  was  written  before  the  as- 
sassination, as  it  purports  to  have  been,  and  on  the  day  of  its  date,  there  can  be 
no  question  with  any  one  who  read:)  it 'that  the  writer  was  in  the  conspiracy, 
and  knew  that  the  time  of  its  execution  drew  nigh.  If  a  conspirator,  every 
word  of  its  contents  is  evidence  against  every  other  party  to  this  conspiracy. 

Who  can  fail  to  understand  this  letter?  His  words  "  go  deep  enough/'  "  don't 
fail,"  "everything  depends  on  you  and  your  helpers."  "  if  you  can't  get  through 
on  your  trip  after  you  strike  oil,  strike  through  Thornton  Gap,"  &c.,  and  "  I 
can  keep  you  safe  from  all  hardships  for  a  year,"  necessarily  imply  that  when 
he  "  strikes  oil"  there  will  be  an  occasion  for  a  flight ;  that  a  trip,  or  route,  has 
already  been  determined  upon  ;  that  he  may  not  be  able  to  go  through  by  that 
route  ;  in  Which  event  he  is  to  strike  for  Thornton  Gap,  and  across  by  Capon 
and  Romney,  and  down  the  Branch,  for  the  shelter  which  his  co-conspirator 


TRIAL  OF  THE   ASSASSINS.  331 

offers  him.  "  I  am  clear  of  all  surveillance  now."  Does  any  one  doubt  that 
the  man  who  wrote  those  words  wished  to  assure  Booth  that  he  was  no  longer 
watched,  and  that  Booth  could  safely  hide  with  him  from  his  pursuers?  Does 
any  one  doubt,  from  the  further  expression  in  this  letter,  "  Jake  will  be  at 
Green's  with  the  funds,"  that  this  was  a  part  of  the  price  of  blood,  or  that  the 
eight  thousand  dollars  subscribed  by  others,  and  the  one  thousand  additional, 
subscribed  by  the  writer,  were  also  a  part  of  the  price  to  be  paid  ? 

"The  oil  business"  which  was  the  declared  business  of  0;Laughlin  and  Ar- 
nold, was  the  declared  business  of  the  infamous  writer  of  this  letter  ;  was  the 
declared  business  of  John  H.  Surratt ;  was  the  declared  business  of  Booth  him- 
self, as  explained  to  Chester  and  Hess  and  Payne  ;  was  "  the  business"  referred 
to  in  his  telegrams  to  O'Laughlin,  and  meant  the  murder  of  the  President,  of  his 
Cabinet,  and  of  General  Grant.  The  first  of  these  telegrams  is  dated  Washing- 
ton, 13th  of  March,  and  is  addressed  to  M.  O.  Laughlin,  No  57  North  Exeter 
street,  Baltimore,  Maryland,  and  is  as  follows  :  "  Don,t  you  fear  to  neglect  your 
business  ;  you  had  better  come  on  at  once.  J.  Booth."  The  telegraph  operator, 
Hoffman,  who  sent  this  despatch  from  Washington,  swears  that  John  Wilkes 
Booth  delivered  it  to  him  in  person  on  the  day  of  its  date  ;  and  the  handwriting 
of  the  original  telegram  is  established  beyond  question  to  be  that  of  Booth. 
The  other  telegram  is  dated  Washington,  March  27,  addressed  "  M.  0.  Laughlin 
Esq.,  57  North  Exeter  street,  Baltimore,  Maryland."  and  is  as  follows  :— "  Get 
word  to  Sam.  Come  on  with  or  without  him  on  Wednesday  morning.  We  sell 
that  day  sure  ;  don't  fail.  J.  Wilkes  Booth." 

The  original  of  this  telegram  is  also  proved  to  be  in  the  handwriting  of  Booth. 
The  same  referred  to  in  this  last  telegram  was  doubtless  the  murder  of  the  Presi- 
dent and  others,  the  "oil  speculation, " in  which  the  writer  of  the  letter  from  South 
Branch  Bridge,  dated  April  G,  had  taken  a  thousand  dollar?,  and  in  which  Booth 
said  there  was  money,  and  Sanders  said  there  was  money,  and  Atzeroth  said  there 
was  money.  The  words  of  this  telegram,  "get  word  to  Sam, "  meaning  Samuel 
Arnold,  his  co-conspirator;  who  had  been  with  him  during  all  his  stay  at  Wash- 
ington, at  Mrs.  Vantyne's.  These  parties  to  this  conspiracy,  after  they  had  gone 
to  Baltimore,  had  additional  correspondence  with  Booth,  which  the  Court  must  in- 
fer had  relation  to  carrying  out  the  purposes  of  their  confederation  and  agreement. 
The  colored  witness,  Williams,  testifies  that  John  Wilkes  Booth  handed  him  a 
letter  for  Michael  O'Laughlin,  and  another  for  Samuel  Arnold,  in  Baltimore,  some 
time  in  March  last ;  one  of  which  he  delivered  to  O'Laughlin  at  the  theatre  in  Bal- 
timore, and  the  other  to  a  lady  at  the  door  where  Arnold  boarded  in  Baltimore. 

Their  agreement  and  co-operation  in  the  common  object  having  been  thus  es- 
tablished, the  letter  written  to  Booth  by  the  prisoner  Arnold,  dated  March  27, 
18G5,  the  handwriting  of  which  is  proved  before  the  Court  and  which  was  found 
in  Booth's  possession  after  the  assassination,  becomes  testimony  against  O'Laugh- 
lin, as  well  as  against  the  writer,  Arnold,  because  it  is  an  act  done  in  furtherance 
of  their  combination.  That  letter  is  as  follows : 

"  Dear  John  : — Was  business  so  important  that  you  could  not  remain  in  Balti- 
more till  I  saw  you  ?  I  came  in  as  soon  as  I  could,  but  found  you  had  gone  to 
Washington.  I  called  also  to  see  Mike,  but  learned  from  his  mother  that  he  had 
gone  out  with  you  and  had  not  returned.  I  concluded,  therefore,  he  had  gone 
with  jou.  How  inconsiderate  you  have  been  !  When  I  left  yon,  you  stated  that  we 
would  not  meet  in  a  month  or  so,  and  therefore  I  made  application  for  employment, 
an  answer  to  which  I  shall  receive  during  the  week.  I  told  my  parents  I  had 
ceased  with  you.  Can  I,  then,  under  existing  circumstances,  act  as  you  request  ? 
You  know  full  well  that  the  Government  suspicions  something  is  going  on  there, 
therefore  the  undertaking  is  becoming  more  complicated.  Why  not,  for  the  pres- 
ent, desist  ?  For  various  reasons,  which,  if  you  look  into,  you  can  readily  sec 
without  my  making  mention,  thereof,  you,  nor  any  one,  can  censure  me  for  my 
present  course.  You  have  been  its  cause,  for  how  can  I  now  come  after  telling 
them  I  hud  left  you  ?  Suspicion  rests  upon  me  now  from  my  whole  family  and 
even  parties  in  the  country. 

"  1  will  be  compelled  to  leave  home  any  how,  and  how  soon  I  care  not.    None, 


332  TRIAL   OP  THE  ASSASSINS. 

no  not  one,  were  more  in  favor  of  the  enterprise  than  myself,  and  to-day  would  be 
there,  had  you  not  done  as  you  have.  By  this,  I  mean  manner  of  proceeding.  I 
am,  as  you  well  know,  in  need.  I  am,  you  may  say,  in  rags,  whereas,  to-day,  I 
ought  to  be  well  clothed.  I  do  not  feel  right  stalking  about  with  means,  and  more 
from  appearances  a  beggar.  I  feel  my  dependence.  But,  even  all  this  would 
have  been,  and  was,  forgotten,  for  I  was  one  with  you.  Time  more  propitious  will 
arrive  yet.  Do  not  act  rashly  or  in  haste.  I  would  prefer  your  first  query,  '  Go 
and  see  how  it  will  be  taken  in  Richmond,'  and  ere  long,  I  shall  be  better  prepared 
to  again  be  with  you.  I  dislike  writing.  Would  sooner  verbally  make  known  my 
views.  Yet  your  now  waiting  causes  me  thus  to  proceed.  Do  not  in  anger  peruse 
this.  Weigh  all  I  have  said,  and  as  a  rational  man  and  a  friend,  you  can  not  cen- 
sure or  upbraid  my  conduct.  I  sincerely  trast  this,  nor  aught  else  that  shall  or 
may  occur,  will  ever  be  an  obstacle  to  obliterate  our  former  friendship  and  attach- 
ment. Write  me  to  Baltimore,  as  I  expect  to  be  in  about  Wednesday  or  Thurs- 
day ;  or,  if  you  can  possibly  come  on,  I  will  Tuesday  meet  you  at  Baltimore  at  B. 
"Ever,  I  subscribe  myself,  your  friend,  "SAM." 

Here  is  the  confession  of  the  prisoner  Arnold,  that  he  was  one  with  Booth  in  this 
conspiracy;  the  further  confession  that  they  are  suspected  by  the  Government  of 
their  country,  and  the  acknowledgment  that,  since  they  parted,  Booth  had  com- 
municated among  other  things,  a  suggestion  which  leads  to  the  remark  in  this 
letter,  "  I  .would  prefer  your  first  query,  'Go  see  how  it  will  be  taken  at  Rich- 
mond,' and  ere  long  I  shall  be  better  prepared  to  again  be  with  you."  This  is  a 
declaration  that  affects  Arnold,  Boo'.h  and  O'Laughlin  alike,  if  the  Court  are  satis- 
fied, and  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  they  can  have  doubt  on  the  subject,  that  tli3 
matter  to  be  referred  to  Richmond  is  the  matter  of  the  assassination  of  the  Presi- 
dent and  others,  to  effect  which  these  parties  had  previously  agreed  and  conspired 
together.  It  is  a  matter  in  testimony,  by  the  declaration  of  John  H.  Surratt,  who 
is  as  clearly  proved  to  have  been  in  this  conspiracy  and  murder  as  Booth  himself, 
that  about  the  very  date  of  this  letter,  the  27th  of  March,  upon  the  suggestion  of 
Booth,  and  with  his  knowledge  and  consent,  he  went  to  Richmond,  not  only  to  see 
"how  it  would  be  taken  there,"  but  to  get  funds  with  which  to  carry  out  the  enter- 
prise, as  Booth  had  already  declared  to  Chester,  in  one  of  his  last  interviews,  when 
he  said  that  he  or  "  some  one  of  the  party  "  would  be  constrained  to  go  to  Rich- 
mond for  funds  to  carry  out  the  conspiracy.  Surratt  returned  from  Richmond, 
bringing  with  him  some  part  of  the  money  for  which  he  went,  and  was  then  going 
to  Canada,  and,  as  the  testimony  discloses,  bringing  with  him  the  despatches  from 
Jefferson  Davis  to  his  chief  agents  in  Canada,  which,  as  Thompson  declared  to 
Conover,  made  the  proposed  assassination  "all  right."  Surratt,  after  seeing  the 
parties  here,  left  immediately  for  Canada,  and  delivered  his  despatches  to  Jacob 
Thompson,  the  agent  of  Jefferson  D.ivis.  This  was  done  by  Surratt  upon  the 
suggestion,  or  in  exact  accordance  with  the  suggestion  of  Arnold,  made  on  the 
27th  of  .\.arch,  in  his  letter  to  Booth,  just  read,  and  yet  you  are  giavely  told  that 
four  weeks  before  the  27th  of  March  Arnold  had  abandoned  the  conspiracy. 

Surratt  reached  Canada  with  these  despatches,  as  we  have  seen,  about  the  Gth 
or  7th  of  April  last,  when  the  witness,  Conover,  saw  them  delivered  to  Jacob 
Thompson,  and  heard  their  contents  stated  by  Thompson,  and  the  declaration  from 
him  that  these  despatches  made  it  "all  right."  That  Surratt  was  at  that  time  in 
Canada,  is  not  only  established  by  the  testimony  of  Conover,  but  it  is  also  in  evi- 
dence that  he  told  Weichinan,  on  the  3d  of  April,  that  he  was  going  to  Canada, 
and  on  that  day  left  for  Canada,  and  afterwards,  two  letters  addressed  by  Surratt, 
over  the  fictitious  signature  of  John  Harrison,  to  his  mother,  and  to  Miss  Ward, 
dated  at  Montreal,  were  received  by  them  on  the  14th  of  April,  as  testified  by 
Weichinan  and  by  Miss  Ward,  a  witness  called  ior  the  defence.  Thus  it  appears 
that  the  condition  named  by  Arnold  in  his  letter  had  been  complied  with.  Booth 
had  "gone  to  Richmond  "  in  the  person  of  Surratt,  "to  see  how  it  would  be  tak- 
en." The  rebel  authorities  at  Richmond  had  approved  it,  the  agent  had  returned ; 
and  Arnold  was,  in  his  own  words,  thereby  the  better  prepared  to  join  Booth  in  the 
prosecution  of  this  conspiracy. 


TRIAL  OF  THE  ASSASSINS.  333 

To  this  end  Arnold  went  to  Fortress  Monroe.  As  his  letter  expressly  declares, 
Booth  said  when  they  parted,  "  we  would  not  meet  in  a  month  or  so,  and  therefore 
I  made  application  for  employment — an  answer  to  which  I  shall  receive  during  the 
week."  He  did  receive  the  answer  that  week  from  Fortress  Monroe,  and  went 
there  to  await  the  "  more  propitious  time, "  bearing  with  him  the  weapon  of  death 
which  Booth  had  provided,  and  ready  to  ohey  his  call,  as  the  act  had  been  ap- 
proved at  Richmond,  and  been  made  "all  right."  Acting  upon  the  same  fact  that 
the  conspiracy  had  been  approved  in  Richmond,  and  the  funds  provided,  O'Laugh- 
lin  came  to  Washington  to  identify  General  Grant,  the  person  who  was  to  become 
the  victim  of  his  violence  in  the  final  consummation  of  this  crime — General  Grant 
whom,  as  is  averred  in  the  specification,  it  had  become  the  part  of  O'Laughlin  by 
his  agreement  in  this  conspiracy,  to  kill  and  murder. 

On  the  evening  preceding  the  assassination,  the  13th  of  April,  by  the  testimony 
of  three  reputable  witnesses,  against  whose  truthfulness  not  one  word  is  uttered 
here  or  elsewhere,  O'Laughlin  went  into  the  house  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  where 
General  Grant  then  was,  and  placed  himself  in  position  in  the  hall  where  he  could 
see  him,  having  declared  before  he  reached  that  point  to  one  of  these  witm-sses  that 
he  wished  to  see  General  Grant.  The  house  was  brilliantly  illuminated  at  the 
time ;  two,  at  least,  of  the  witnesses  conversed  with  the  accused,  and  the  other 
stood  very  near  to  him,  took  special  notice  of  his  conduct,  called  attention  to  it, 
and  suggested  that  he  be  put  out  of  the  house,  and  he  was  accordingly  put  out  by 
one  of  the  witnesses.  These  witnesses  are  confident  and  have  no  doubt,  and  so 
swear  upon  their  oaths,  that  Michael  O'Laughlin  is  the  man  who  was  present  on 
that  occasion. 

There  is  no  denial  on  the  part  of  the  accused  that  he  was  in  Washington  during 
the  day  and  during  the  night  of  April  13th,  and  also  during  the  day  and  during 
the  night  of  the  14th  ;  and  yet,  to  get  rid  of  this  testimony,  recouise'is  had  to 
that  common  device — an  alibi:  a  device  never,  I  may  say,  more  frequently  re- 
sorted to  than  in  this  trial.  But  what  an  alibi !  Nobody  is  called  to  prove  it, 
save  some  men  who,  by  their  own  testimony,  were  engaged  in  a  drunken  debauch 
through  the  evening.  A  reasonable  man  who  reads  their  evidence  can  hardly  be 
expected  to  allow  it  to  outweigh  the  united  testimony  of  three  uriimpeached 
and  unimpeachable  witnesses,  who  were  clear  in  their  statements,  who  entertain  no 
doubt  of  the  truth  of  what  they  say,  whose  opportunities  to  know  were  lull  and 
complete,  and  who  were  constrained  to  take  special  notice  of  the  prisoner  by  reason 
of  his  extraordinary  conduct. 

These  witnesses  describe  accurately  the  appearance,  stature  and  complexion  of 
the  accused,  but,  because  they  describe  his  clothing  as  dark  or  black,  it  is  urged 
that  as  part  of  his  clothing,  although  dark,  was  not  black,  the  witnesses  are  mis- 
taken. O'Laughlin  and  his  drunken  companions  (one  of  whom  swears  he  drank 
ten  limes  that  evening)  were  strolling  in  the  streets  and  in  the  direction  of  the 
house  of  the  Secretary  of  War  up  the  avenue ;  but  you  are  asked  to  believe  that 
these  witnesses  could  not  be  mistaken  in  saying  they  were  not  off  the  avenue,  above 
Seventh  street,  or  on  K  street.  I  venture  to  say  that  no  man  who  reads  their  tes- 
timony can  determine  satisfactorily,  all  the  places  that  were  visited  by  O'Laughlin 
and  his  drunken  associates  that  evening  from  seven  to  eleven  P.  M.  All  this  time, 
from  seven  to  eleven  P.  M.,  must  ba  accounted  for  satisfactorily  before  an  alibi  cm 
be  established.  Laughlin  does  not  account  for  all  the  time,  for  he  left  O'Laughlin 
after  seven  o'clock,  and  rejoined  him,  as  he  says,  "I  suppose  about  eight  o'clock." 
Giillet  did  not  meet  him  until  half-past  ten,  and  then  only  casually  saw  him  in 
passing  the  hotel.  May  not  Grillet  have  been  mistaken  as  to  the  fact,  although 
he  did  meet  O'Laughlin  after  eleven  o'clock,  the  same  evening  as  he  swears? 

Purdy  swears  to  seeing  him  in  the  bar  with  Grillet  about  half-past  ten,  but,  as 
we  have  seen  by  Grillct's  testimony  it  must  have  been  after  eleven  o'clock.  Mur- 
phy contradicts,  as  to  time,  both  Grillet  and  Purdy,  for  he  says  it  was  half-past 
eleven  or  twelve  o'clock  when  he  and  O'Laughlin  returned  to  Rullman's  from 
Plata's;  and  Early  swears  the  accused  went  from  Rullman's  to  Second  street  to  a 
dance,  about  a  quarter  past  eleven  o'clock,  when  O'Laughliu  took  the  lead  in  the 


334  TRIAL   OF   THE   ASSASSINS. 

dance,  and  stayed  about  one  hour.  I  follow  these  witnesses  no  further.  They  con- 
tradict each  other,  and  do  not  account  for  O'Laughlin  all  the  time  from  seven  to 
eleven  o'clock.  I  repeat  that  no  man  can  read  their  testimony  without  finding  con- 
tradictions most  material  as  to  time,  and  coming  to  the  conviction  that  they  utterly 
fail  to  account  for  O'Laughlin's  whereabout's  on  that  evening.  To  establish  an 
alibi  the  witnesses  must  know  the  fact  and  testify  to  it.  O'Laughlin,  Grillet,  Pur- 
dy,  Murphy  and  Earley  utterly  failed  to  prove  it,  and  only  succeed  in  showing 
that  they  did  not  know  where  O'Laughlin  was  all  this  time,  and  that  some  of  them 
were  grossly  mistaken  in  what  they  testified,  both  as  to  time  and  place. 

The  testimony  of  James  B.  Henderson  is  equally  unsatisfactory.  He  is  con- 
tradicted by  other  testimony  of  the  accused  as  to  place.  He  says  O'Laughlin  went 
up  the  avenue  above  Seventh  street,  but  that  he  did  not  go  to  Ninth  street.  The 
other  witnesses  swear  he  went  to  Ninth  street.  He  swears  he  went  to  the  Canterbury 
about  9  o'clock,  after  going  back  from  Seventh  street  to  Rullman's.  Laughlin  swears 
that  O'Laughlin  was  with  him  at  the  corner  of  the  avenue  and  Ninth  street  at  9  o'clock 
and  went  from  thereto  Canterbury,  while  Early  swears  that  O'Laughlin  went  up 
as  far  as  Eleventh  street,  and  returned  and  took  supper  with  him  at  Welcker's 
about  8  o'clock.  If  these  witnesses  prove  an  alibi,  it  is  really  against  each  other. 
It  is  folly  to  pretend  that  they  prove  facts  which  make  it  impossible  that  O'Laugh- 
lin could  have  been  at  the  house  of  Secretary  Stanton,  as  three  M'itnesses  swear 
he  was,  on  ihe  evening  of  the  13th  of  April,  looking  for  General  Grant. 

Has  it  not,  by  the  testimony,  thus  reviewed,  been  established  prima  facie  that  in 
the  months  of  February,  March  and  April  O'Laughlin  had  combined,  confederated 
and  agreed  with  John  Wilkes  Booth  and  Samuel  Arnold  to  kill  and  murder  Abra- 
ham Lincoln,  William  H.  Seward,  Andrew  Johnson  and  Ulysses  S.  Grant  ?  Is 
it  not  established,  beyond  a  shadow  of  doubt,  that  Booth  had  so  conspired  with 
the  Rebel  agents  in  Canada  as  early  as  October  last ;  that  he  was  in  search  of 
agents  to  do  the  work  on  pay,  in  the  interests  of  the  Rebellion,  and  that  in  this 
speculation  Arnold  and  O'Laughlin  had  joined  as  early  as  February,  and  then,  and 
after,  with  Booth  and  Surratt,  they  were  in  the  "oil  business, "  which  was  the 
business  of  assassination  by  contract  as  a  speculation?  If  this  conspiracjr  on  the 
part  of  O'Laughlin  with  Arnold  is  established  even  prima  facie,  the  declarations 
and  acts  of  Arnold  and  Booth,  the  other  conspirators,  in  furtherance  of  the  com- 
mon design,  is  evidence  against  O'Laughlin  as  well  as  against  Arnold  himself  or 
the  other  parties.  The  rule  of  law  is  that  the  act  or  declaration  of  one  conspirator, 
done  in  pursuance  or  furtherance  of  the  common  design,  is  the  act  or  declaration  of 
all  the  conspirators.  (1  Wharton;  706  . 

The  letter,  therefore,  of  his  co-conspirator,  Arnold,  is  evidence  against  O'Laugh- 
lin, because  it  is  an  act  in  the  prosecution  of  the  common  conspiracy,  suggesting 
what  should  be  done  in  order  to  make  it  effjctive,  and  which  suggestion,  as  has 
been  stated,  was  followed  out.  The  defence  has  attempted  to  avoid  the  force  of 
this  letter  by  reciting  the  statement  of  Arnold,  made  to  Homer  at  the  time  he  was 
arrested,  in  which  he  declared,  among  other  things,  that  the  purpose  was  to  abduct 
President  Lincoln  and  take  him  South  ;  that  it  was  to  be  done  at  the  theatre  by 
throwing  the  President  out  of  thr  box  upon  the  floor  of  the  stage,  when  the  ac- 
cused was  to  catch  him.  The  very  announcement  of  this  testimoay  excited  deri- 
sion that  such  a  tragedy  meant  only  to  take  the  President  and  carry  him  gently 
away !  This  pigmy  to  catch  the  giant  as  the  assassins  hurled  him  to  the  floor  from 
an  elevation  of  twelve  feet ! 

The  Court  has  viewed  the  theatre,  and  must  be  satisfied  that  Booth,  in  leaping 
from  the  President's  box,  broke  his  limb.  The  Court  can  not  fail  to  conclude  that 
this  statement  of  Arnold  was  but  another  silly  device,  like  that  of  "the  oil  busi- 
ness" which,  for  the  time  being,  he  employed  to  hide  from  the  knowledge  of  his 
captor  the  fact  that  the  purpose  was  to  murder  the  President.  No  man  can,  for  a 
moment,  believe  that  any  one  of  these  conspirators  hoped  or  desired,  by  such  a  pro- 
ceeding as  that  stated  by  this  prisoner,  to  take  the  President  alive,  in  the  presence 
of  thoasands  assembled  in  the  theatre,  after  he  had  been  thus  thrown  upon  the 
floor  of  the  stage,  much  iess  to  carry  him  through  the  city,  through  the  iiueo  of 


TRIAL   OP   THE  ASSASSINS.  335 

your  army,  and  deliver  him  into  the  hands  of  the  rebels.  No  such  purpose  was 
expressed  or  hinted  at  by  the  conspirators  in  Canada,  who  commissioned  Booth 
to  let  these  assassinations  on  contract.  I  shall  waste  not  a  moment  more  in 
combatting  such  an  absurdity. 

Arnold  does  confess  that  he  was  a  conspirator  with  Booth  in  this  purposed 
murder  ;  that  Booth  had  a  letter  of  introduction  to  Dr.  Mudd  ;  that  Booth, 
O'Laughlin,  Atzeroth,  Surratt,  a  man  with  an  alias,  "  Mosby,"  and  another 
whom  he  does  not  know,  and  himself  were  parties  to  this  conspiracy,  and  that 
Booth  had  furnished  them  all  with  arms.  He  concludes  this  remarkable  state- 
ment to  Horner  with  the  declaration  that  at  that  lime,  to  wit :  the  first  week  of 
March,  or  four  weeks  before  he  went  to  Fortress  Monroe,  he  left  the  conspiracy, 
and  that  Booth  told  him  to  sell  his  arms  if  he  chose.  This  is  sufficiently  answer- 
ed by  the  fact  that  four  weeks  afterwards,  he  wrote  his  letter  to  Booth,  which 
was  found  in  Booth's  possession  after  the  assassination,  suggesting  to  him  what 
to  do  in  order  to  make  the  conspiracy  a  success,  and  by  the  further  fact  that 
at  the  very  moment  he  uttered  these  declarations,  part  of  his  arms  were  found 
upon  his  person,  and  the  rest  not  disposed  of,  but  at  his  father's  house. 

A  party  to  a  treasonable  and  murderous  conspiracy  against  the  Government 
of  his  country  can  not  be  held  to  have  abandoned  it  because  he  makes  sucli  a 
declaration  as  this,  when  he  is  in  the  hands  of  the  officer  of  the  law ;  arrested  for 
his  criin3,  and  especially  when  hh  declaration  is  in  conflict  with  and  expre-sly 
contradicted  by  his  written  acts,  and  unsupported  by  any  conduct  of  his  which 
becomes  a  citizen  and  a  man. 

If  he  abandoned  the  conspiracy,  why  did  he  not  make  known  the  fact  to 
Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  constitutional  advisers  that  these  men,  armed  with 
the  weapons  of  assassination,  were  daily  lying  in  wait  for  their  lives?  To  pre- 
tend that  a  man  who  thus  conducts  himself  for  weeks  after  the  pretended  aban- 
donment, volunteering  advice  for  the  successful  prosecution  of  the  conspiracy, 
the  evidence  of  which  is  in  writing,  and  about  which  there  can  be  no  mistake, 
has,  in  fact,  abandoned  it,  is  to  insult  the  common  understanding  of  men. 
O'Laughlin  having  conspired  with  Arnold  to  do  this  murder,  is,  therefore,  as 
much  concluded  by  the  letter  of  Arnold  of  the  27th  of  March  as  is  Arnold  him- 
self. 

The  further  testimony  touching  O'Laughlin,  that  of  Street,  establishes  the 
fact  that  about  the  1st  of  April  he  saw  him  in  confidential  conversation  with  J. 
Wilkes  Booth,  in  this  city,  on  the  Avenue.  Another  man,  whom  the  witness 
does  not  know,  was  in  conversation.  O'Laughlin  called  Street  to  one  side,  and 
told  him  Booth  was  busily  engaged  with  his  I'riend,  was  talking  privately  to  his 
friend.  This  remark  of  O'Langhlin's  is  attempted  to  be  accounted  for,  but  the 
attempt  failed  ;  his  counsel  taking  the  pains  to  ask  what  inducea  O'Laughlin  to 
make  the  remark,  received  the  fit  reply— "I  did  not  see  the  interior  of  Mr. 
O'Laughlin's  mind  ;  I  can  not  tell."  It  is  the  province  of  this  Court  to  infer 
why  that  remark  was  made,  and  what  it  signified. 

That  John  H.  Surratt,  George  A.  Atzeroth,  Mary  B.  Surratt,  David  E.  Harold, 
and  Lewis  Payne,  entered  into  this  conspiracy  with  Booth,  is  so  very  clear  upon 
this  testimony,  that  little  time  need  be  occupied  in  bringing  again  before  the 
Court  the  evidence  which  establishes  it.  By  the  testimony  of  Weichman  we 
find  Atzeroth  in  February  at  the  house  of  the  prisoner,  Mrs.  Surratt  He  en- 
quired for  her  or  for  John  when  he  came,  and-remained  over  night.  After 
this,  and  before  the  assassination,  he  visited  there  frequently,  and  at  that  house 
bore  the  name  of  "  Port  Tobacco,"  the  name  by  which  he  was  known  in  Cana- 
da among  the  conspirators  there.  The  same  witness  testifies  that  he  m  ;t  him 
on  the  street,  when  he  said  he  was  going  to  visit  Payne  at  the  Herndon  House, 
and  also  accompanied  him,  along  with  Harold  and  John  H.  Surratt  to  tha  thea- 
ter in  March,  to  see  Booth  play  in  the  Apostate. 

At  the  Pennsylvania  House,  one  or  two  weeks  previous  to  the  assassination, 
Atzeroth  made  the  statement  to  Lieutenant  Keim,  when  asking  for  his  knife  which 
he  had  left  in  his  room,  a  knifc  corrosponding  in  size  with  the  one  exhibited  in 
Court,  "I  want  that;  if  one  fails  I  want  the  other,"  wearing  at  the  same  time  his 


336  TRIAL   OF  THE   ASSASSINS. 

revolver  at  his  belt.  He  also  stated  to  Greenawalt,  of  the  Pennsylvania  House,  in 
March,  that  he  was  nearly  broke,  but  had  friends  enough  to  give  him  as  much 
money  as  would  see  him  through,  adding,  "I  am  going  away  some  of  these  days, 
but  will  return  with  as  much  gold  as  will  keep  me  all  my  life-time. "  Mr.  Greena- 
walt also  says  that  Booth  had  frequent  interviews  with  Atzeroth,  sometimes  in  the 
room,  and  at  other  times  Booth  would  walk  in  and  immediately  go  out,  Atzeroth 
following. 

John  M.  Floyd  testifies  that  some  six  weeks  before  the  assassination,  Harold, 
Atzeroth  and  John  H.  Sun-att  came  to  his  house  at  Surrattsvillc,  bringing  with  them 
two  Spencer  carbines,  with  ammunition,  also  a  rope  and  wrench.  Surratt  asked 
the  witness  to  take  care  of  them  and  to  conceal  the  carbines.  Surratt  took  him 
into  a  room  in  the  house,  it  being  his  mother's  house,  and  showed  the  witness 
where  to  put  the  carbines,  between  the  joists  on  the  second  floor.  The  carbines 
were  put  there  according  to  his  directions  and  concealed.  Marcus  P.  Norton  saw 
Atzeroth  in  conversation  with  Booth  at  the  National  Hotel  about  the  2d  or  3d  of 
March  ;  the  conversation  was  confidential,  and  the  witness  accidentally  heard  them 
talking  in  regard  to  President  Johnson,  and  say  that  "the  class  of  witnesses  would 
be  of  that  character  that  there  could  be  little  proven  by  them."  This  conversation 
may  throw  some  light  on  the  fact  that  Atzeroth  was  found  in  possession  of  Booth  a 
bank  book ! 

Colonel  Nevens  testifies  that  on  the  12th  of  April  last  he  saw  Atzeroth  at  the 
Kirkwood  House ;  that  Atzeroth  there  asked  him,  a  stranger,  if  he  kn?w  where 
Vice  President  Johnson  was,  and  where  Johnson's  room  was.  Colonel  Nevens 
showed  him  where  the  room  of  the  Vice  President  was,  and  told  him  that  the  Vice 
President  was  then  at  dinner.  Atzoroth  then  looked  into  the  dining-room,  where 
Vice  President  Johnson  was  dining  alone.  Kobert  R.  Jones,  the  clerk  at  the  {tirk- 
wood  Hous2,  states  that  on  the  Hth,  the  day  of  the  murder,  two  dnyr,  after  this, 
Atzeroth  registered  his  name  at  the  hotel,  G.  A.  Atzeroth,  and  took  No.  126,  re- 
taining the  room  that  day,  and  carrying  away  the  key.  In  this  room,  after  the 
assassination,  were  found  the  knife  and  revolver,  with  which  he  intended  to  mur- 
der the  Vicj  President. 

The  testimony  of  all  these  witnesses  haves  no  doubt  that  the  prisoner,  George 
A.  Atzeroth,  entered  into  this  conspiracy  with  Booth ;  that  he  expected  to  receive 
a  large  compensation  for  the  services  that  he  would  render  in  its  execution  ;  that 
he  hud  undertaken  the  assassination  of  the  Vice  President  for  a  price ;  that  he, 
with  Surratt  and  Harold,  rendered  the  important  service  of  depositing  the  arms 
and  ammunition  to  be  used  by  Booth  and  his  confederates  as  a  protection  to  their 
flight  after  the  conspiracy  had  been  executed,  and  that  he  was  careful  to  have  his 
intended  victim  pointed  out  to  him,  and  the  room  he  occupied  in  the  hotel,  so  that, 
when  he  c.ime  to  perform  his  horrid  work,  he  would  know  precisely  where  to  go 
and  whom  to  strike. 

I  take  no  further  notice  now  of  the  preparation  which  this  prisoner  made  for  the 
successful  execution  of  this  part  of  the  traitorous  and  murderous  design.  The  ques- 
tion is,  did  he  enter  into  this  conspirary  ?  His  language,  overheard  by  Mr  Norton, 
excludes  every  other  conclusion.  Vica  President  Johnson's  name  was  mentioned  in 
that  secret  conversation  with  Booth,  and  the  very  suggestive  expression  was  made 
between  them  that  "  little  could  be  proved  by  the  witnesses."  His  confession  in 
his  defence  is  conclusive  of  his  guilt. 

That  Payne  was  in  this  conspiracy  is  confessed  in  the  defence  made  by  his  coun- 
sel, and  is  also  evident  from  the  facts  proved,  that  when  the  conspiracy  was  being 
organized  in  Canada,  by  Thompson,  Sanders,  Tucker,  Cleary,  and  Clay,  this  man 
Payne  stood  at  the  door  of  Thompson :  was  recommended  and  endorsed  by  Clay 
with  the  words.  "  We  trust  him  ;"  that  altor  coming  hither  he  first  reported  him- 
self at  the  house  of  Mrs.  Mary  E.  Surratt,  inquired  for  her  and  for  John  H.  Sur- 
ratt, remained  there  for  four  days,  having  conversation  with  both  of  them  ;  having 
provided  himself  wi  h  means  of  disguise,  was  also  supplied  with  pistols  anil  a  knife, 
such  as  he  afterwards  used,  and  spurs,  preparatory  to  his  flight ;  was  seen  with  John 
H.  Surratt,  practicing  with  knives  such  as  those  employed  in  this  deed  of  assassina- 


TBIAL  OP  THE  ASSASSINS.  337 

tion,  and  now  before  the  Court ;  was  afterwards  provided  with  lodging  at  the  Hern- 
don  House,  at  the  instance  of  Surratt  5  was  visited  there  by  Atzeroth,  attended 
Booth  and  Surratt  to  Ford's  Theatre,  occupying  with  those  parties  the  box,  as  I 
believe,  and  which  we  may  readily  infer,  in  which  the  President  was  afterwards 
murdered. 

If  further  testimony  be  wanting  that  he  had  entered  into  the  conspiracy,  it  may 
be  found  in  the  fact  sworn  to  by  Weichman,  whose  testimony  no  candid  man  will 
discredit,  that  about  the  20th  of  March  Mrs.  Surratt,  in  great  excitement,  and 
weeping,  said  that  her  son  John  had  gone  away  not  to  return,  when  about  three 
hours  subsequently,  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  John  H.  Surratt  reappeared, 
came  rushing  in  a  state  of  frenzy  into  the  room,  in  his  mother's  house,  armed,  de- 
claring he  would  shoot  whoever  came  into  the  room,  and  proclaiming  that  his  pros- 
pects were  blasted  and  his  hopes  gone ;  that  soon  Payne  came  into  the  same  room, 
also  armed  and  under  great  excitement,  and  was  immediately  followed  by  Booth, 
with  his  riding  whip  in  his  hand,  who  walked  rapidly  across  the  floor  from  side  to 
side,  so  much  excited  that  for  some  time  he  did  not  notice  the  presence  of  the  wit- 
ness. Observing  Weichman,  the  parties  then  withdrew,  upon  a  suggestion  from 
Booth,  to  an  upper  room,  and  there  had  a  private  interview.  From  all  that  trans- 
pired on  that  occasion  it  is  apparent  that  when  these  parties  left  the  house  that  day 
it  was  with  the  full  purpose  of  completing  some  act  essential  to  the  final  execution 
of  tfie  work  of  assassination,  in  conformity  with  their  previous  confederation  and 
agreement.  They  returned  foiled,  from  what  cause  is  unknown,  dejected,  angry 
and  covered  with  confusion. 

It  is  almost  imposing  upon  the  patience  of  the  Court  to  consume  time  in  demon- 
strating the  tact,  which  none  conversant  with  the  testimony  of  this  case  can  for  a 
moment  doubt,  that  John  H.  Surratt  and  Mary  E.  Surratt  were  as  surely  in  the 
conspiracy  to  murder  the  President  as  John  Wilkes  Booth  himself.  You  have  the 
frequent  interviews  between  John  H.  Surratt  and  Booth ;  his  intimate  relations 
with  Payne ;  his  visits  from  Atzeroth  and  Harold  ;  his  deposit  of  the  arms  to  cover 
their  flight  after  the  conspiracy  should  have  been  executed  ;  his  own  declared  visit 
to  Richmond  to  do  what  Booth  himself  said  to  Chester  must  be  done,  to  wit : 
That  he  or  some  of  the  party  must  go  to  Richmond  in  order  to  get  funds  to  carry 
out  the  conspiracy ;  that  he  brought  back  with  him  gold,  the  price  of  blood,  con- 
fessing himself  that  he  was  there ;  that  he  immediately  went  to  Canada,  delivered 
despatches  in  cipher  to  Jacob  Thompson  from  Jefferson  Davis,  which  were  inter- 
preted and  read  by  Thompson  in  the  presence  of  the  witness  Cpnover,  and  in  which 
the  conspiracy  was  approved,  and  in  the  language  of  Thompson  the  proposed  assas- 
sination was  "made  all  right." 

One  other  fact,  if  any  other  fact  be  needed,  and  I  have  done  with  the  evidence 
which  proves  that  John  H.  Surratt  entered  into  this  combination  ;  that  is,  that  it 
appears  by  the  testimony  of  the  witness,  the  cashier  of  the  Ontario  Bank,  Montreal, 
that  Jacob  Thompson,  about  the  day  these  despatches  were  delivered,  and  while 
Surratt  was  then  present  in  Canada,  drew  from  that  Bank  of  the  Rebel  funds  thero 
on  deposit,  the  sum  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  dollars.  This  being  done, 
Surratt  finding  it  safer,  doubtless,  to  go  to  Canada  for  the  great  bulk  of  funds, 
which  were  to  be  distributed  among  these  hired  assassins  than  to  attempt  to  carry 
it  through  our  lines  direct  from  Richmond,  immediately  returned  to  VVashington, 
and  was  present  in  this  city,  as  is  proven  by  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Reid,  on  the  after- 
noon of  the  14th  of  April,  the  day  of  the  assassination,  booted  and  spurred,  ready 
for  the  flight  whenever  the  fatal  blow  should  have  been  struck. 

If  he  was  not  a  conspirator  and  a  party  to  this  great  crime,  how  comes  it  that 
from  that  hour  to  this  no  man  has  seen  him  in  the  Capital,  nor  has  he  been  report- 
ed anywhere  outside  of  Canada,  having  arrived  at  Montreal,  as  the  testimony  shows, 
on  the  18th  of  April,  four  days  after  the  murder.  Nothing  but  his  conscious  cow- 
ardly guilt  could  possibly  induce  him  to  absent  himself  from  his  mother,  as  he  does, 
upon  her  trial.  Being  one  of  these  conspirators,  as  charged,  every  act  of  his  in  the 
prosecution  of  this  crime  is  evidence  against  the  other  parties  to  the  conspiracy. 

That  Mary  E.  Surratt  is  as  guilty  as  her  son  of  having  thus  conspired,  combined 

22 


338  TRIAL  OF  THE   ASSASSINS. 

and  confederated  to  do  this  murder,  in  aid  of  this  Rebellion,  is  clear.  First,  her 
house  was  the  head-quarters  of  Booth,  John  H.  Surratt,  Atzeroth,  Payne  and 
Harold.  She  is  inquired  for  by  Atzeroth ;  she  is  inquired  for  by  Payne,  and  she 
is  visited  by  Booth,  and  holds  private  conversations  with  him.  His  picture,  to- 
gether with  that  of  the  chief  conspirator,  Jefferson  Davis,  is  found  in  her  house. 
She  sends  to  Booth  for  a  carriage  to  take  her,  on  the  llth  of  April,  to  Surrattsville, 
for  the  purpose  of  perfecting  the  arrangement  deemed  necessary  to  the  successful 
execution  of  the  conspiracy,  and  especially  to  facilitate  and  protect  the  conspirators 
in  their  escape  from  justice.  On  that  occasion  Booth,  having  disposed  of  his  car- 
riage, gives  to  the  agent  she  employed  ten  dollars  with  which  to  hire  a  conveyance 
for  that  purpose. 

And  yet  the  pretence  is  made  that  Mrs.  Surratt  went  on  the  llth  to  Surrattsville 
exclusively  upon  her  own  private  and  lawful  business.  Can  any  one  tell,  if  that  bj 
so,  how  it  comes  that  she  should  apply  to  Booth  for  a  conveyance,  and  how  it  comes 
that  he,  of  his  own  accord,  having  no  conveyance  to  furnish  her,  should  send  her 
ten  dollars  wuh  which  to  procure  it?  There  is  not  the  slightest  indication  that 
Booth  was  under  any  obligation  to  her,  or  that  she  had  any  claim  upon  him,  either 
for  a  conveyance  or  for  the  means  with  which  to  procure  one,  except  that  he  was 
bound  to  contribute,  being  the  agent  of  the  conspirators  in  Canada  and  Richmond, 
whenever  money  might  be  necessary  to  the  consummation  of  this  infernal  plot. 
On  that  day,  the  llth  of  April,  John  H.  Surratt  had  not  returned  from  Canada 
with  the  funds  furnished  by  Thompson. 

Upon  that  journey  of  the  llth,  the  accused,  Mary  E.  Surratt,  met  the  witnesss, 
John  M.  Floyd,  at  Uniontown.  She  called  him,  he  got  out  of  his  carriage  and 
came  to  her,  and  she  whispered  to  him  in  so  low  a  tone  that  her  attendant  could 
not  hear  the  words,  though  Floyd,  to  whom  they  were  spoken,  did  distinctly  hear 
them,  and  testifies  that  she  told  him  he  should  have  those  "  shooting  irons"  ready, 
meaning  the  carbines  which  her  son  and  Harold  and  Atzeroth  had  deposited  with 
him,  and  added  the  reason,  " for  they  would  soon  be  called  for."  On  the  day  ot 
the  assassination  she  again  sent  for  Booth,  had  an  interview  with  him  in  her  own 
house,  and  immediately  went  again  to  ourrattsville,  and  then,  at  about  6  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  she  delivered  to  Floyd  a  field-glass,  and  told  him  to  ' '  have  two 
bottles  of  whisky  and  the  carbines  ready,  as  they  would  be  called  for  that  night." 

Having  thus  perfected  the  arrangement,  she  returned  to  Washington  to  her  own 
house,  at  about  half-past  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  to  await  the  final  result.  How 
could  this  woman  anticipate  on  Friday  afternoon,  at  six  o'clock)  that  these  arms 
would  be  called  for 'and  would  be  needed  that  night,  unless  she  was  in  the  conspira- 
cy and  knew  that  the  blow  was  to  be  struck,  and  the  flight  of  the  assassins  at- 
tempted, and  by  that  route?  Was  not  the  private  conversation  which  Booth  held 
with  her  in  her  parlor  on  the  afternoon  of  the  14th  of  April,  just  before  she  left  on 
this  business,  in  relation  to  the  orders  she  should  give  to  have  the  arms  ready? 

An  endeavor  is  made  to  impeach  Floyd.  But  the  Court  will  observe  that  no 
witness  has  been  called  who  contradicts  Floyd's  statement  in  any  material  manner, 
neither  has  his  general  character  for  truth  been  assailed.  How  then  is  he  impeach- 
ed? Is  it  claimed  that  his  testimony  shows  that  he  was  a  party  to  the  conspiracy? 
Then  it  is  conceded  by  those  who  set  up  any  such  pretence  that  there  was  a  con  - 
spiracy.  A  conspiracy  between  whom  ?  There  can  be  no  conspiracy  without  the 
co-operation  or  agreement  of  two  or  more  persons.  Who  were  the  other  parties  to 
it  ?  Was  it  Mary  E.  Surratt  ?  Was  it  John  H.  Surratt,  George  A.  Atzaroth, 
David  E.  Harold  ?  These  are  the  only  persons,  so  far  as  his  own  testimony  or  the 
testimony  of  any  other  witness  discloses,  with  whom  he  had  any  communication 
whatever  on  any  subject  immediately  or  remotely  touching  this  conspiracy  before 
.the  assassination.  His  receipt  and  concealment  of  the  arms  are,  unexplained,  evi- 
dence that  he  was  in  the  conspiracy. 

The  explanation  is,  that  he  was  dependent  upon  Mary  E.  Surratt ;  was  her  tenant ; 

and  his  declaration  given  in  evidence  by  the  accused  himself,  is,  that  "she  had 

ruined  him,  and  brought  this  trouble  upon  him. "    But  because  he  was  weak  enough, 

1  or  wicked  enough,  to  become  the  guilty  depositary  of  these  arms,  and  to  deliver 


TRIAL  OP  THE  ASSASSINS.  339 

them  on  the  order  of  Mary  E.  Surratt  to  the  assassins,  it  does  not  follow  that  he  is 
not  to  be  believed  on  oath.  It  is  said  that  he  concealed  the  facts  that  the  arms  had 
been  left' and  called  for.  He  so  testifies  himself,  but  he  gives  the  reason  that  he 
did  it  only  from  apprehension  of  danger  to  his  life.  If  he  were  in  the  conspiracy, 
his  general  credit  being  unchallenged,  his  testimony  being  uncontradicted  in  any 
material  manner,  he  is  to  be  believed,  and  can  not  be  disbelieved,  if  his  testimony 
is  substantially  corroborated  by  other  reliable  witnesses.  Is  he  not  corroborated 
touching  the  deposit  of  arms  by  the  fact  that  the  arms  are  produced  in  Court?  one 
of  which  was  found  upon  the  person  of  Booth  at  the  time  he  was  overtaken  and 
slain,  and  which  is  identified  as  the  same  which  had  been  left  with  Floyd  by  Harold, 
Surratt  and  At/.eroth  ?  Is  he  not  corroborated  in  the  fact  of  the  first  interview 
with  Mrs.  Surratt  by  the  joint  testimony  of  Mrs.  Offut  and  Lewis  J.  Weichman, 
each  of  whom  testified,  and  they  are  contradicted  by  no  one,  that  on  Tuesday,  the 
llth  day  of  April,  at  Uniontown,  Mrs.  Surratt  called  Floyd  to  come  to  her,  which 
he  did,  and  she  held  a  secret  conversation  wi.h  him  ?  Is  he  not  corroborated  as  to 
ihe  last  conversation,  on  the  14th  of  April,  by  the  testimony  of  Mrs.  Offut,  who 
<woars,that  upon  tae  evoaiag  of  tha  lith  o/  April  she  saw  ths  prisoner,  Mary  E. 
Surratt,  at  Floyd's  house,  approach  and  hold  conversation  with  him?  Is  he  not 
corroborated  iu  the  fact  to  which  he  swears,  that  Mrs.  Surratt  delivered  to  him 
at  that  time  the  field-glass  wrapped  in  paper,  by  the  sworn  statement  of  Weich- 
mcin,  that  Mrs.  Surratt  took  with  her  on  that  occasion  two  packages,  both  of 
which  were  wrapped  in  paper,  and  one  of  which  he  describes  as  a  small  pack- 
age, about  six  inches  in  diameter?  The  attempt  was  made,  by  calling  Mrs.  Offut 
to  prove  that  no  such  package  was  delivered,  but  it  failed  ;  she  merely  states, 
that  Mrs.  Surratt  deliveied  a  package  wrapped  in  paper  to  her  after  her  arri- 
val there,  and  before  Floyd  came  in,  which  was  laid  down  in  the  room.  But 
whether  it  was  the  package  about  which  Floyd  testifies,  or  the  other  package 
of  the  two  about  which  Weichman  testifies,  as  having  been  carried  there  that 
day  by  Mrs.  Surratt,  does  not  appear.  Neither  does  this  witness  pretend  to  say 
that  Mrs.  Surratt,  after  she  had  delivered  it  to  her,  and  the  witness  had  laid  it 
down  in  the  room,  did  not  again  take  it  up.  if  it  were  the  same,  and  put  it  in  the 
hands  of  Floyd.  She  only  knows  that  she  did  not  see  that  done  ;  but  she  did 
see  Floyd  with  a  package  like  the  one  she  received  in  the  room  before  Mrs. 
Surratt  left.  How  it  came  into  his  possession  she  is  not  able  to  state  ;  nor 
what  the  package  was  that  Mrs.  Surratt  first  handed  her  ;  nor  which  of  the  pack- 
ages it  was  >he  afterwards  saw  in  the  hands  of  fcloyd. 

But  there  is  one  other  fact  in  this  case  that  puts  forever  at  rest  the  question  of 
the  guilty  participation  of  the  prisoner,  Mrs.  Surratt,  in  the  conspiracy  and  mur- 
der ;  and  that  is  that  Payne,  who  had  lodged  four  days  in  her  house  ;  who  during 
all  that  time  had  sat  at  her  table,  and  who  had  often  conversed  with  her ;  when 
the  guilt  of  his  great  crime  was  upon  him,  and  he  knew  not  where  else  he  could  so 
safely  go  to  find  a  co-conspirator,  and  he  could  trust  none  that  was  not  like  him- 
self, guilty,  with  even  the  knowledge  of  his  presence  ;  under  cover  of  darkness, 
after  wandering  for  three  days  and  nights,  skulking  before  the  pursuing  officers  of 
justice,  at  the  hoar  of  midnight,  found  his  way  to  the  door  of  Mrs.  Surratt,  rang 
the  bell,  was  admitted,  and  upon  being  asked,  "  whom  do  you  want  to  see?"  re- 
plied, "  Mrs.  Surratt."  He  was  then  asked  by  the  officer,  Morgan,  what  he  came 
at  that  time  of  night  for?  to  which  he  replied,  "to  dig  a  gutter  in  the  morning; 
Mrs.  Surratt  had  sent  for  him."  Afterwards  he  said,  "  Mrs.  Snrratt  knew  he  was 
a  poor  man,  and  came  to  Idm  '' 

Being  asked  where  he  worked,  he  replied,  "  sometimes  on  I  street;"  and  where 
he  boarded,  he  replied,  "he  had  no  boarding-house,  and  was  a  poor  man  who  got 
his  living  with  the  pick,"  which  he  bore  upon  his  shoulder,  having  stolen  it  from 
the  intrencbmenta  of  the  capital.  Upon  being  pressed  again  why  he  came  there 
at  that  time  of  night  to  go  to  work,  he  answered  that  he  simply  called  to  see  what 
time  he  should  go  to  work  in  the  morning.  Upon  being  told  by  the  officer,  who 
fortunately  had  preceded  him  to  this  house,  that  he  would  have  to  go  to  the  Pro- 
vost Marshal's  office,  he  moved  and  did  not  answer;  whereupon  Mrs.  Surratt  was 


340  TRIAL  OF  THE   ASSASSINS. 

asked  to  step  into  the  hall  and  state  whether  she  knew  this  man.  Raising  her 
right  hand  she  exclaimed,  "Before  God,  sir,  I  have  not  seen  that  man  before;  I 
have  not  hired  him ;  I  do  not  know  anything  about  him."  The  hall  was  brilliantly 
lighted. 

If  not  one  word  had  been  said,  the  mere  act  of  Payne  in  flying  to  her  house  for 
shelter  would  have  borne  witness  against  her  strong  as  proofs  from  Holy  Writ.  But 
when  she  denies,  after  hearing  his  declarations  that  she  had  sent  for  him,  or  that 
she  had  gone  to  him  and  hired  him,  and  calls  her  God  to  witness  that  she  had 
never  seen  him,  and  knew  nothing  of  him,  when,  in  point  of  fact,  she  had  seen 
him  for  four  successive  days  in  her  own  house,  in  the  same  clothing  which  he  then 
wore,  who  can  resist  for  a  moment  the  conclusion  that  these  parties  were  alike 
guilty  ? 

The  testimony  of  Spangler's  complicity  is  conclusive  and  brief.  It  was  impossi- 
ble to  hope  for  escape  after  assassinating  the  President,  and  such  others  as  might 
attend  him  in  Ford's  Theatre,  without  arrangements  being  first  made  to  aid  the 
flight  of  the  assassin,  and  to  some  extent  prevent  the  immediate  pursuit. 

A  stable  was  to  be  provided  close  to  Ford's  Theatre,  in  which  the  horses  could 
be  concealed  and  kept  ready  for  the  assassin's  use  whenever  the  murderous  blow 
was  struck.  Accordingly,  Booth  secretly,  through  Maddox,  hired  a  stable  in  rear 
of  the  theatre  and  connecting  with  it  by  an  alley,  as  early  as  the  1st  of  January 
last;  showing  that  at  that  time  he  had  concluded,  notwithstanding  all  that  has 
been  said  to  the  contrary,  to  murder  the  President  in  Ford's  Theatre  and  provide 
the  means  for  immediate  and  successful  flight.  Conscious  of  his  guilt  he  paid  the 
rent  for  this  stable,  through  Maddox,  month  by  month,  giving  him  the  money.  He 
employed  Spangler,  doubtless  for  the  reason  that  he  could  trust  him  with  the  se- 
cret, as  a  carpenter  to  fit  up  this  shed,  so  that  it  would  furnish  room  for  two  horses 
and  provided  the  door  with  lock  and  key.  Spangler  did  this  work  for  him.  Then 
it  was  necessary  that  a  carpenter,  having  access  to  the  theatre,  should  be  employed 
by  the  assassin  to  provide  a  bar  for  the  outer  door  of  the  passage  leading  to  ths 
President's  box,  so  that  when  he  entered  upon  his  work  of  assassination,  he  would 
be  secure  from  interruption  from  the  rear. 

By  the  evidence,  it  is  shown  that  Spangler  was  in  the  box,  in  which  the  Presi- 
dent was  murdered,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  14th  of  April,  and  when  there  damncJ 
the  President  and  General  Grant,  and  said  the  President  ought  to  be  cursed,  he  hud 
got  so  many  good  men  killed  ;  showing  not  only  his  hostility  to  the  President,  but 
the  cause  of  it,  that  he  had  been  faithful  to  his  oath  and  had  resisted  that  great 
rebellion  in  the  interest  of  which  his  life  was  about  to  be  sacrificed  by  his  co-con- 
spirators. In  performing  the  work  which  had  doubtless  been  intrusted  to  him  by 
Booth,  a  mortice  was  cut  in  the  wall.  A  wooden  bar  was  prepared,  ons  end  of 
which  could  be  readily  inserted  in  the  mortice  and  the  other  pressed  against  tho 
edge  of  the  door  on  the  inside  so  as  to  prevent  its  being  opened.  Spangler  haJ 
the  skill  and  opportunity  to  do  that  work  and  all  the  additional  work  that  was  to  be 
done. 

It  is  in  evidence  that  the  screws  in  ' '  the  keepers  "  to  the  locks  on  each  of  tho 
inner  doors  of  the  the  box  occupied  by  the  President  were  drawn.  The  attempt 
has  been  made,  on  behalf  of  the  prisoner,  to  show  that  this  was  done  some  time 
before,  accidentally,  and  with  no  bad  design,  and  had  not  been  repaired  by  reason 
of  inadvertence ;  but  the  attempt  has  utterly  failed,  because  the  testimony  adduced 
for  that  purpose  relates  exclusively  to  but  one  of  the  two  inner  doors,  while  the 
fact  is,  that  the  screws  were  drawn  in  both,  and  the  additional  precaution  taken  to 
cut  a  small  hole  through  one  of  these  doors  through  which  the  party  approaching 
and  while  in  the  private  passage  would  be  enabled  to  look  into  the  box  and  exam- 
ine the  exact  posture  of  the  President,  before  entering.  It  was  also  deemed  essen- 
tial, in  the  execution  of  this  plot,  that  some  one  should  watch  at  the  outer  door,  in 
the  rear  of  the  theatre,  by  which  alone  the  assassin  could  hope  for  escape.  It  was 
for  this  work  Booth  sought  to  employ  Chester  in  January,  offering  $3,000  down 
of  the  money  of  his  employers,  and  the  assurance  that  he  should  never  want. 

What  Chester  refused,  Spangler  undertook  and  promised  to  do.     When  Booth 


TRIAL  OP  THE   ASSASSINS.  341 

brought  his  horse  to  the  rear  door  of  the  theatre,  on  the  evening  of  the  murder,  he 
called  for  Spangler,  who  went  to  him,  when  Booth  was  heard  to  say  to  him,  "  Ned, 
you'll  help  me  all  you  can,  won't  you."  To  which  Spangler  replied,  "  Oh,  yes." 
when  Booth  made  his  escape,  it  is  testified  by  Col.  Stewart,  who  pursued  him 
across  the  stage  and  out  through  the  same  door,  that  as  he  approached  it  some  one 
slammed  it  shut.  Ritterspaugh,  who  was  standing  behind  the  scenes  when  Booth 
fired  the  pistol  and  fled,  saw  Booth  run  down  the  passage  toward  the  back  door, 
and  pursued  him ;  but  Booth  drew  his  knife  upon  him  and  passed  out,  slamming 
the  door  after  him.  Ritterspaugh  opened  it  and  went  through,  leaving  it  open 
behind  him,  leaving  Spangler  inside,  and  a  position  from  which  he  readily  could 
have  reached  the  door.  Ritterspaugh  also  states,  that  very  quickly  after  he  had 
passed  through  this  door  he  was  followed  by  a  large  man,  the  first  who  followed 
him,  and  who  was,  doubtless,  Colonel  Stewart.  Stewart  is  very  positive  that  he 
saw  this  door  slammed;  that  he  himself  was  constrained  to  open  it,  and  had  some 
difficulty  in  opening  it. 

He  ako  testifies  that  as  he  approached  the  door  a  man  stood  near  enough  to  have 
thrown  it  to  with  his  hand,  and  this  man,  the  witness  believes,  was  the  prisoner 
Spangler.  Ritterspaugh  has  sworn  that  he  left  the  door  open  behind  him  when  he 
went  out,  and  that  he  was  followed  by  the  large  man,  Colonel  Stewart.  Who 
slammed  that  door  behind  Ritterspaugh  ?  It  was  not  Ritterspaugh ;  it  could  not 
have  been  Booth,  for  Ritterspaugh  swears  that  Booth  was  mounting  his  horse  at 
the  time,  and  Stewart  swears  that  Booth  was  upon  his  horse  when  he  came  out. 
That  it  was  Spangler  who  slammed  the  door  after  Ritterspaugh  miy  Hot  only  be 
inferred  from  Stewart's  testimony,  but  it  is  made  very  clear  by  his  own  conduct  af- 
terward upon  the  return  of  Ritterspaugh  to  the  stage.  The  door  being  then  open, 
and  Ritterspaugh  being  asked  which  way  Booth  went,  had  answered.  Ritterspaugh 
says:  "Then  I  camo  back  on  the  stage,  where  I  had  left  Edward  Spangler :  he 
hit  me  on  the  face  with  his  hind,  and  said,  'Don't  say  which  way  he  went.'  I 
asked  him  what  he  mount  by  slapping  me  in  the  mouth  ?  He  said,  '  For  God's  sake, 
shut  up.'  " 

The  testimony  of  Withers  is  adroitly  handled  to  throw  doubt  upon  these  facts. 
It  can  not  avail,  for  Withers  says  he  was  knocked  in  the  scene  by  Booth,  and  when 
he  "come  to  "  he  got  a  side  view  of  him.  A  man  knocked  down  and  senseless,  on 
"coming  to"  might  mistake  anybody  by  a  side  view,  for  Booth. 

An  attempt  has  been  made  by  the  defense  to  discredit  this  testimony  of  Rit- 
tcrsp  mgh,  by  sh  iwiag  his  coairadictary  statements  to  Gifford,  Carlaa,  and  Lamb, 
neither  of  whom  do  in  fact  contradict  him,  but  substantially  sustain  him.  None 
but  a  guilty  man  would  have  met  the  witness  with  a  blow  for  stating  which  way 
the  assassin  had  gone.  A  like  confession  of  guilt  was  made  by  Spangler  when 
the  witness,  Miles,  the  same  evening,  and  directly  after  the  assassination,  came 
to  the  back  door,  where  Spangler  was  standing  with  others,  and  asked  Spang- 
ler who  it  was  that  held  the  horse,  to  which  Spangler  replied  : — <;  Hush ;  don't 
say  anything  about  it."  He  confessed  his  guilt  again  whan  he  denied  to  Mary 
Anderson  the  fact,  proved  here  beyond  all  question,  that  Booth  had  called  him 
when  he  came  to  that  door  with  his  horse,  using  the  emphatic  words,  "  No,  ho 
did  not ;  he  did  not  call  inc." 

The  rope  comes  to  bear  witness  against  him,  as  did  the  rope  which  Atzeroth 
and  Harold  and  John  II.  Surratt  had  carried  to  Surrattsville  and  deposited  there 
with  i he  carbines. 

It  is  only  surprising  that  the  ingenious  counsel  did  not  attempt  to  explain  the 
deposit  of  the  rope  at  Surrattsville  by  the  same  method  that  he  adopted  in  ex- 
planation of  the  deposit  of  this  rope,  some  sixty  feet  long,  found  in  the  carpet- 
Back  of  Spangler.  unaccounted  for,  save  by  some  evidence  which  tends  to  show 
that  ho  may  h  ivc  carried  it  away  from  the  theater. 

It  is  not  needful  to  take  time  in  the  recapitulation  of  the  evidence,  which 
shows  conclusively  that  David  E.  Harold  was  one  of  these  conspirators.  His 
continued  association  with  Booth,  with  Atzeroth,  his  visits  to  Mrs.  Surratt's,  his 
attendance  ut  the  theater  with  Payne.  Surratt,  and  Atzeroth,  his  connection  with 
Atzeroth  ou  the  evening  of  the  murder,  riding  with  him  on  the  street  in  the  di- 


342  TRIAL  OP  THE  ASSASSINS. 

rection  of  and  near  to  the  theater  at  the  hour  appointed  for  the  work  of  assa? 
sination,  and  his  final  flight  and  arrest,  show  that  he,  in  common  with  all  thv 
other  parties  on  trial,  and  all  the  parties  named  upon  your  record  not  upon 
trial,  hud  combined  and  confederated  to  kill  and  murder  in  the  interests  of  the 
rebellion,  as  charged  and  specified  against  them. 

That  this  conspiracy  was  entered  into  by  all  these  parties,  both  present  and 
absent,  is  thus  proved  by  the  acts,  meeetings,  declarations,  and  correspondence 
of  all  the  parties,  beyond  any  doubt  whatever.  True,  it  ia  circumstantial  evi- 
dence, but  the  Court  will  remember  the  rule  before  recited  that  circumstances 
can  not  lie  ;  that  they  are  held  sufficient  in  every  court  where  justice  ij  judi- 
ciously administered  to  establish  the  fact  of  a  conspiracy. 

I  shall  take  no  further  notice  of  the  remark  made  by  the  learned  counsel  who 
opened  for  the  defense,  and  which  has  been  followed  by  several  of  his  associ- 
ates, that,  under  the  Constitution,  it  requires  two  witnesses  to  prove  ft  ft  overt 
act  of  high  treason,  than  to  say,  this  is  not  a  charge  of  high  treason,  1  lit  of  a 
treasonable  conspiracy,  in  aid  of  a  rebellion,  with  intent  to  kill  and  murder  the 
Executive  officer  of  the  United  States,  and  commander  of  its  armies,  aud  of  the 
murder  of  the  President  in  pursuance  of  that  conspiracy,  and  with  tae  intent 
laid,  &c.  Neither  by  the  Constitution,  nor  by  the  rules  of  the  common  law,  is 
any  fact  connected  with  this  allegation  required  to  be  established  by  the  testi- 
mony of  more  than  one  witness.  I  might  say,  however,  that  every  substantive 
averment  against  each  of  the  parties  named  upon  this  record  has  been  estab- 
lished by  the  testimony  of  more  than  one  witness. 

That  the  several  accused  did  enter  into  this  conspiracy  with  John  Wilkes 
Booth  and  John  H.  Surratt  to  murder  the  officers  of  this  Government,  named 
upon  the  record,  in  pursuance  of  the  wishes  of  their  employers  and  instigators 
in  Richmond  and  Canada,  and  with  intent  thereby  to  aid  the  existing  re  bell  ion, 
and  subvert  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  as  alleged,  is  no 
longer  an  open  question. 

The  intent  as  said,  was  expressly  declared  by  Sanders  in  the  meeting  of  the 
conspirators  at  Montreal,  in  February  last;  by  Booth  in  Virginia  and  New 
York,  and  by  Thompson  to  Conover  and  Montgomery  ;  but  if  there  were  no 
testimony  directly  upon  this  point,  the  law  would  presume  the  intent,  for  tha 
reason  that  such  was  the  natural  and  necessary  tendency  and  manifest  design 
of  the  act  itself. 

The  learned  gentleman  (Mr.  Johnson)  says  the  Government  has  /:>rvived  the 
assassination  of  the  President,  and  thereby  would  have  you  infer  *;V»t  this  con- 
spiracy was  not  entered  into  and  attempted  to  be  executed  with  tV.e  intent  laid 
With  as  much  show  of  reason  it  might  be  said  that  because  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  has  survived  this  unmatched  rebellion,  it  t'urefore  results 
that  the  rebel  conspirators  waged  war  upon  the  Government  yith  no  purpose 
or  intent  thereby  to  subvert  it.  By  the  law  we  have  seen  thac  without  any  di- 
rect evidence  of  previous  combination  and  agreement  between  these  parties, 
the  conspiracy  might  be  established  by  evidence  of  the  acts  ol  the  prisoners.  01 
of  any  others  with  whom  they  co-operated,  concurring  in  the  execution  of  the 
common  design.  (Roscoe,  4 1C.) 

Was  there  co-operation  between  the  several  accused  in  the  execution  of  this 
conspiracy  ?  That  there  was  is  as  clearly  established  by  the  testimony  as  is 
the  fact  that  Abraham  Lincoln  was  killed  and  murdered  by  John  Wilkes  Booth. 
The  evidence  shows  that  all  of  the  accused,  save  Mudi  and  Arnold,  were  in 
Washington  on  the  14th  of  April,  the  day  of  the  assassination,  together  with 
John  Wilkes  Booth  and  John  U.  Surratt ;  that  on  that  day  Booth  had  a  secret 
interview  with  the  prisoner,  Mary  E.  Surratt ;  that  immediately  thereafter  she 
went  to  Surrattsville  to  perform  her  part  of  the  preparation  necessary  to  the 
successful  execution  of  the  conspiracy,  and  did  make  that  preparation  ;  that 
John  H.  Surratt  had  arrived  here  from  Canada,  notifying  tho  parties  that  the 
price  to  be  paid  for  this  great  crimo  had  bsen  provided  for,  at  least  in  part,  by 
the  deposit  receipts  of  April  6,  for  $180,000,  procured  by  Thompson,  of  the 
Ontario  Bank,  Montreal  Canada  ;  that  he  was  also  prepared  to  keep  watch,  01 


TRIAL  OP  THE  ASSASSINS.  343 

strike  a  blow,  and  ready  for  the  contemplated  flight ;  that  Atzeroth  on  the  after- 
noon of  that  day,  was  seeking  to  obtain  a  horse,  the  better  to  secure  his  own 
safety  by  flight  after  he  should  have  performed  the  task  which  he  had  volun- 
tarily undertaken  by  contract,  in  the  conspiracy — the  murder  of  Andrew  John- 
son, then  Vice-President  of  thi  United  States  ;  that  he  did  procure  a  horse  for 
that  purpose  at  Naylor's.  and  was  seen,  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening,  to 
ride  to  the  Kirkwood  House  where  the  Vice-President  then  was,  dismount  and 
enter. 

At  a  previous  hour  Booth  was  in  the  Kirkwood  House  ;  and  left  his  card,  now 
in  evidence,  doubtless  intended  to  be  sent  to  the  room  of  the  Vice-President, 
and  was  in  these  words  :  "Don't  wish  to  disturb  you.  Are  you  at  home ?  J. 
Wilkes  Boo'.h."  Atzerotli,  when  he  made  application  at  Brooks'  in  the  after- 
noon for  the  horse,  said  to  Weichnvin,  who  was  there,  he  was  going  to  ride  in 
the  country,  and  that  •'  he  was  going  to  get  a  hor«3  and  send  for  Payne."  He 
did  get  a  horse  for  Payne,  as  well  as  for  himself;  for  it  is  proven  that  on  the 
12th  he  was  seen  in  Washington,  riding  the  horse  which  had  been  procured  by 
Booth,  in  company  with  Mudd,  last  November,  from  Gardner.  A  similar  horse 
was  tied  before  the  door  of  Mr.  S^ward  on  tbe  night  of  the  murder,  was  cap- 
tured after  the  flight  of  Payne,  who  was  seen  to  ride  away,  and  which  horse  is 
now  identified  as  the  Gardner  horse.  Booth  also  procured  a  horse  on  the  same 
day,  took  it  to  his  stable  in  the  rear  of  the  theater,  where  he  had  an  interview 
with  Spangler,  and  where  he  concealed  it.  Harold,  too,  obtained  a  horse  in 
the  afternoon,  and  was  seen  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock,  riding  with  Atze- 
roth clown  the  Avenue  from  the  Treasury,  then  up  Fourteenth  and  down  F 
street,  passing  close  by  Ford's  Theater. 

O'Laughlin  had  come  to  Washington  the  day  before,  had  sought  out  his  vic- 
tim (General  Grant)  at  the  house  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  that  he  might  be  able 
with  certainty  to  identify  him,  and  at  the  very  hoar  when  these  preparations 
were  going  on,  was  lying  in  wait  at  Rnllman's,  on  the  Avenue,  ke  -ping  watch, 
and  declaring,  as  he  did  at  about  ten  o'clock  P.  M.,  when  told  that  the  fatal 
blow  had  been  struck  by  Booth,  "I don't  believe  Booth  did  it."  During  the 
day,  and  tbe  night  before,  he  had  been  visiting  Booth,  and  doubtless  encourag- 
ing him,  and  at  that  very  hour  was  in  position,  at  a  convenient  distance,  (ito 
aid  and  protect  him  in  his  flight,  as  well  as  to  execute  his  own  part  of  the  con- 
spiracy by  inflicting  death  upon  General  Grant,  who  happily  was  not  at  the 
theater,  nor  in  the  city,  having  left  the  city  that  day.  Who  doubts  that  Booth, 
having  ascertained  in  thu  course  of  the  day  that  General  Grant  could  not  be 
present  at  the  theater.  O'Laughlin,  who  was  to  murder  General  Grant,  instead 
of  entering  the  box  with  Booth,  was  detailed  to  lie  in  wait,  and  watoh  and  sup- 
port him. 

Ilia  declarations  of  his  reasons  for  changing  his  lodgings  here  and  in  Balti- 
more, after  the  murder,  so  ably,  and  so  ingeniously  presented  in  the  argument 
of  his  learned  counsel  (Mr.  Cox),  avail  nothing  before  the  blasting  fact,  tiiat  he 
did  change  his  lodging;,  and  declared  "he  knew  nothing  of  the  affair  whatever." 
O'Laughlin,  who  lurked  here,  conspiring  daily  with  Booth  and  Arnold  for  six 
weeks  to  do  this  murder,  declares  "  he  knew  nothing  of  the  aff.iir."  O'Laughlin, 
who  says  he  was  "  in  the  oil  business,"  which  Booth,  and  Surratt,  and  Payne, 
and  Arnold,  have  all  declared  meant  this  conspiracy,  says  '•  he  knew  nothing  of 
the  affair."  O'Laughlin,  to  whom  Booth  sent  the  despatches  of  the  13th  and 
27th  of  March  ;  O'Laughlin,  who  is  named  in  Arnold's  letter  as  one  of  the  con- 
spirators, and  who  searched  for  General  Grant  on  Thursday  njght,  laid  in  wait 
for  him  on  Friday,  was  defeated  by  that  Providence  >;  which  shapes  our  ends," 
and  laid  in  wait  to  aid  Booth  and  Payne,  declares  "  ho  knew  nothing  of  the  mat' 
ter."  Such  a  denial  is  as  false  and  inexcusable  as  Peter's  denial  of  our  Lord, 

Mrs.  Surratt  had  arrived  at  home  from  the  completion  of  her  part  of  the  plot, 
about  half-past  eight  o'clock  in  tbe  evening.  A  few  moments  afterwards  sho 
was  called  to  the  parlor,  and  there  had  a  private  interview  with  some  one  un* 
seen,  but  whose  retreating  footsteps  were  lieurd  by  the  witness  Wt-ichman.  This 
was  doubtless  the  secret  and  last  visit  of  John  H.  Surratt  to  his  mother,  who 


844  TRIAL   OP  THE  ASSASSINS. 

had  instigated  and  encouraged  him  to  strike  this  traitorous  and  murderous 
blow  against  his  country. 

While  these  preparations  were  going  on,  Dr.  Mudd  was  awaiting  the  execu- 
tion of  the  plot,  ready  faithfully  to  perform  his  part  in  securing  the  safe  escape 
of  the  murderer.  Arnold  was  at  his  post  at  Fortress  Monroe,  awaiting  the 
meeting  referred  to  in  his  letter  of  March  27th,  wherein  he  says  they  were  not 
to  "  meet  for  a  month  or  so,"  which  month  had  more  than  expired  on  the  day 
of  the  murder,  for  the  letter  and  the  testimony  disclose  that  this  month  of  sus- 
pension began  to  run  from  about  the  first  week  in  March. 

He  stood  ready  with  the  arms  which  Booth  had  furnished  him  to  aid  the  es- 
cape of  the  murderers  by  that  route,  and  secure  their  communication  with  their 
employers.  He  had  given  the  assurance  in  that  letter  to  Booth,  that,  although 
the  Government  "  suspicioned  them"  and  the  undertaking  was  "  becoming 
complicated,"  yet  "  a  time  more  propitious  would  arrive"  for  the  consumma- 
tion of  this  conspiracy,  in  which  he  "  was  one"  with  Booth,  and  then  he  would 
"  be  better  prepared  to  again  be  with  him." 

Such  were  the  preparations.  The  horses  were  in  readiness  for  the  flight ;  the 
ropes  were  procured,  doubtless  for  the  purpose  of  tying  the  horses  at  whatever 
point  they  might  be  constrained  to  delay  and  secure  their  boats  to  their  moor- 
ings in  making  their  way  across  the  Potomac.  The  five  murderous  camp- 
knives,  the  two  carbines,  the  eight  revolvers,  the  Derringer,  in  Court,  and  iden- 
tified, all  were  ready  for  the  work  of  death.  The  part  that  each  had  played 
has  already  been  in  part  stated  in  this  argument,  and  needs  no  repetition. 

Booth  proceeded  to  the  theater  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening,  at  the  same 
time  that  Atzeroth,  and  Payne,  and  Harold  were  riding  the  street*,  while  Sur- 
ratt,  having  parted  with  his  mother  at  the  brief  interview  in  her  parlor,  from 
which  his  retreating  steps  were  heard,  was  walking  the  Avenue,  booted  and 
spurred,  and  doubtless  consulting  with  O'Laughlin.  When  Booth  reached  the 
rear  of  the  theatre,  he  called  Spangler  to  him  (whose  denial  of  that  fact,  when 
charged  with  it,  as  proven  by  three  witnesses,  is  very  significant),  and  received 
from  Spangler  his  pledge  to  help  him  all  he  could,  when  with  Booth  he  entered 
the  theater  by  the  stage  door,  doubtless  to  see  that  the  way  was  clear  from  the 
box  to  the  rear  door  of  the  theater,  and  look  upon  their  victim,  whose  exact 
position  they  could  study  from  the  stage.  After  this  view  Booth  passes  to  the 
street,  in  front  of  the  theater,  where  on  the  pavement,  with  other  conspirators 
yet  unknown — among  them  one  described  as  a  low-browed  villain — he  awaits 
the  appointed  moment.  Booth  himself,  impatient,  enters  the  vestibule  of  the 
theater  from  the  front,  and  asks  the  time.  He  is  referred  to  the  clock,  and  re- 
turns. Presently,  as  the  hour  of  ten  o'clock  approached,  one  of  his  guilty  asso- 
ciates called  the  time  ;  they  wait ;  again,  as  the  moments  elapsed,  this  conspira- 
tor on  watch  called  the  time  ;  again,  as  the  appointed  hour  draws  nigh,  he  calls 
the  time  ;  and  finally,  when  the  fatal  moment  arrives,  he  repeats  in  a  louder 
tone,  "Ten  minutes  past  ten  o'clock."  Ten  minutes  past  ten  o'clock!  The 
hour  has  come  when  the  red  right  band  of  these  murderous  conspirators  should 
strike,  and  the  dreadful  deed  of  assassination  be  done. 

Booth,  at  the  appointed  montent,  entered  the  theater,  ascended  to  the  dress- 
.  circle,  passed  to  the  right,  paused  a  moment,  looking  down,  doubtless  to  see  if 
.  Spangler  was  at  his  post,  and  approached  the  outer  door  of  the  close  passage 
leading  to  the  box  occupied  by  the  President ;  pressed  it  open,  passed  in,  and 
<  closed  the  passage  door  behind  him.    Spangler's  bar  was  in  its  placa,  and  was 
readily  adjusted  by  Booth  in  the  mortice,  and  pressed  against  the  inner  side  of 
the  door,  so  that  he  was  secure  from  interruption  from  without.     He  passes  on 
i  to  the  next  door,  immediately  behind  the  President,  and  there  stopping,  looks 
•Ihrough  the  aperture  in  the  door  into  the  President's  box.  and  deliberately  ob- 
:, serves  the  precise  position  of  his  victim,  seated  in  the  chair  which  had  been  pre- 
•  pared  by  the  conspirators  as  the  altar  for  the  sacrifice,  looking  calmly  and  qui- 
etly down  upon  the  glad  and  grateful  people,  whom,  by  his  fidelity,  he  had 
saved  from  peril  which  had  threatened  the  destruction  of  their  Government,  and 
all  they.hukl  dear  this  side  of  the  grave,  and  whom  he  had  come  upon  invitation 


TRIAL  01V   THE  ASSASSINS. 

to  greet  with  his  presence,  with  the  words  still  lingering  upon  his  lips  which  he 
had  uttered  with  uncovered  head  and  uplifted  hand  before  God  and  his  coun- 
try, when  on  the  4th  of  last  March,  he  took  again  the  oath  to  preserve,  protect, 
and  defend  the  Constitution,  declaring  that  he  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his 
great  office,  "  with  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all."  In  a  moment 
more,  strengthened  by  the  knowledge  that  his  co-conspirators  were  all  at  their 
posts,  seven  at  least  of  them  present  in  the  citv,  two  of  them,  Mudd  and  Ar- 
nold, at  their  appointed  places,  watching  for  his  coming,  this  hired  assassin 
moves  stealthily  through  the  door,  the  fastenings  of  which  had  been  removed  to 
facilitate  his  entrance,  fires  upon  his  victim,  and  the  martyr  spirit  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  ascends  to  God. 

Treason  has  done  his  worst ;  nor  steel,  nor  poison, 
Malice,  domestic,  foreign  levy,  nothing 
Can  touch  him  further. 

At  the  same  hour,  when  these  accused  and  their  co-conspirators  in  Richmond 
and  Canada,  by  the  hand  of  John  Wilkes  Booth  inflicted  this  mortal  wound 
which  deprived  the  Republic  of  its  defender,  and  filled  this  land  from  ocean  to 
ocean  with  a  strange,  great  sorrow,  Payne,  a  very  demon  in  human  form,  with 
the  words  of  falsehood  upon  his  lips,  that  he  was  the  bearer  of  a  message  from 
the  physician  of  the  venerable  Secretary  of  State,  sweeps  by  his  servant,  en- 
counters his  son,  who  protests  that  the  assassin  shall  not  disturb  his  father, 
prostrate  on  a  bed  of  sickness,  and  receives  for  answer  the  assassin's  blow  from 
the  revolver  in  his  hand,  repeated  again  and  again,  rushes  into  the  room,  is  en- 
countered by  Major  Seward  inflicts  wound  after  wound  up  on  him  witli  his  mur- 
derous knife,  is  encountered  by  Hansell  and  Robinson,  each  of  whom  he  also 
wounds,  springs  upon  the  defenseless  and  feeble  Secretary  of  State,  stabs  first 
on  one  side  of  his  throat,  then  on  the  other,  again  in  the  face,  and  is  only  pre- 
vented from  literally  hacking  out  his  life  by  the  persistence  and  courage  of  the 
attendant  Robinson.  He  turns  to  flee,  and  his  giant  arm  and  murderous  hand 
for  a  moment  paralyzed  by  the  consciousness  of  guilt,  he  drops  his  weapon  of 
death,  one  in  the  house,  the  other  at  the  door,  where  they  were  taken  np,  and 
are  here  now  to  bear  witness  against  him.  He  attempts  escape  on  the  horse 
which  Booth  and  Mudd  had  procured  of  Gardner,  with  what  success  has  already 
been  stated. 

Atzeroth,  near  midnight,  returns  to  the  stable  of  Naylor  the  horse  which  he  had 
procured  for  this  work  of  murder,  having  been  interrupted  in  the  execution  of  the 
part  assigned  him  at  the  Kirkwood  House  by  the  timely  coming  of  citizens  to  the 
defence  of  the  Vice-President,  and  creeps  into  the  Pensylvania  House  at  2  o'clock 
in  the  morning  with  another  of  the  conspirators,  yet  unknown.  There  he  re- 
mained until  5  o'clock,  when  he  left,  found  his  way  to  Georgetown,  pawned  one 
of  his  revolvers,  now  in  Court,  and  fled  northward  into  Maryland. 

He  is  traced  to  Montgomery  county,  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Metz,  on  the  Sunday 
succeeding  the  murder,  where,  as  is  proved  by  the  testimony  of  three  witnesses,  he 
said  that  if-  the  man  that  was  to  follow  General  Grant  had  followed  him,  it  was 
likely  that  Grant  was  shot.  To  one  of  these  witnesses  (Mr.  Laynian)  he  said  he 
did  not  think  Grant  had  been  killed  ;  or  if  he  had  been  killed  he  was  killed  by  a 
man  who  got  on  the  cars  at  the  same  time  that  Grant  did ;  thus  disclosing  most 
clearly  that  one  of  his  co-conspirators  was  assigned  the  task  of  killing  and  murder- 
ing General  Grant,  and  that  Atzeroth  knew  that  General  Grant  had  left  the  city 
of  Washington,  a  fact  which  is  not  disputed,  on  the  Friday  evening  of  the  murder, 
by  the  evening  train.  Thus  this  intended  victim  of  the  conspiracy  escaped,  for 
that  night,  the  knives  and  revolvers  of  Atzeroth,  and  O'Laughlin,  and  Payne,  and 
Haroli,  and  Booth,  and  John  H.  Surratt,  and,  perchance,  Harper  and  Caldwcll, 
and  twenty  others  who  were  then  here  lying  in  wait  for  his  life. 

In  the  meantime,  Booth  and  Harold,  taking  the  route  before  agreed  upon,  make 
directly  after  the  assassination  for  the  Anacostia  bridge.  Booth  crosses  first,  gives 
his  name,  passes  the  guard,  and  is  speedily  followed  by  Harold.  They  make  their 
way  directly  to  Surrattsville,  where  Harold  calls  to  Lloyd,  "Bring  out  those 


346  TRIAL  OP  THE   ASSASSINS. 

things,"  showing  that  there  had  been  communication  between  them  and  Mr.?. 
Surratt  after  her  return.  Both  the  carbines  being  in  readiness,  according  to  Mary 
E.  Surratt's  directions,  both  were  brought  out.  They  took  bnt  one;  Booth  de- 
clined to  carry  the  other,  saying  that  his  limb  was  broken.  They  then  declared 
that  they  had  murdered  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of  State.  They  then 
made  their  way  directly  to  the  house  of  the  prisoner  Mudd,  assured  of  safety  and 
security.  They  arrived  early  in  the  morning  before  day,  and  no  man  knows  at 
what  hour  they  left.  Harold  rode  towards  Bryantown  with  Mudd  about  three 
o'clock  that  afternoon,  in  the  vicinity  of  which  place  he  parted  with  him,  remain- 
ing in  the  swamp,  and  was  afterward  seen  returning  the  same  afternoon  in  the  di- 
rection of  Mudd's  house ;  about  which  time,  a  little  before  sundown,  Mudd  re- 
turned from  Bryantown  towards  his  home. 

This  village  at  the  time  Mudd  was  in  it  was  thronged  with  soldiers  in  pursuit  of 
the  murderers  of  the  President,  and  although  jreat  care  has  been  taken  by  the  de- 
fence to  deny  that  any  one  said  in  the  presence  of  Dr.  Mudd,  either  there  or  else- 
where on  that  day,  who  had  committed  the  crime,  yet  it  is  in  evidence  by  two 
witnesses  whose  truthfulness  no  man  questions,  that  upon  Mudd's  return  to  his 
own  house,  that  afternoon,  he  stated  that  Booth  was  the  murderer  of  the  Presi- 
dent, and  Boyle  the  murderer  of  Secretary  Seward,  but  took  care  to  make  the 
further  remark,  that  Booth  had  brothers,  and  he  did  not  know  which  of  them  had 
done  the  act.  When  did  Dr.  Mudd  learn  that  Booth  had  brothers  ?  And  what 
is  still  more  pertinent  to  this  inquiry,  from  whom  did  he  learn  that  either  John 
Wilkes  Booth  or  any  of  his  brothers  had  murdered  the  President?  It  is  clear  that 
Booth  remained  in  his  house  until  some  time  in  the  afternoon  of  Saturday ;  that 
Harold  left  the  house  alone,  as  one  of  the  witnesses  states,  being  seen  to  pass  the 
window ;  that  he  alone  of  these  two  assassins  was  in  the  company  of  Dr.  Mudd  on 
his  way  to  Bryantown.  It  does  not  appear  when  Harold  returned  to  Mudd's 
house.  It  is  a  confession  of  Dr.  Mudd  himself,  proven  by  one  of  the  witnesses, 
that  Booth  left  his  house  on  crutches,  and  went  in  the  direction  of  the  swamp. 

How  long  he  remained  there,  and  what  became  of  the  horses  which  Booth  and 
Harold  rode  to  his  house,  and  which  were  put  into  his  stable,  are  facts  nowhere 
disclosed  by  the  evidence.  The  owners  testify  that  they  have  never  seen  the  horses 
since.  The  accused  give  no  explanation  of  the  matter,  and  when  Harold  and 
Booth  were  captured  they  had  not  these  horses  in  their  possession.  How  comes  it 
that  on  Mudd's  return  from  Bryantown,  on  the  evening  of  Saturday,  in  his  conver- 
sation with  Mr.  Hardy  and  Mr.  Farrell,  the  witnesses  before  referred  to,  he  gave 
the  name  of  Booth  as  the  murderer  of  the  President  and  that  of  Boyle  as  the  mur- 
derer of  Secretary  Seward  and  his  son,  and  carefully  avoided  intimating  to  either 
that  Booth  had  come  to  his  house  early  that  day  and  had  remained  there  until  the 
afternoon ;  that  he  left  him  in  his  house  and  had  furnished  him  with  a  razor  with 
which  Booth  attempted  to  disguise  himself  by  shaving  off  his  moustache  ?  How 
comes  it,  also,  that,  upon  being  asked  by  those  two  witnesses  whether  the  Booth 
who  killed  the  President  was  the  one  who  had  been  there  last  fall,  he  answered 
that  he  did  not  know  whether  it  was  that  man  or  one  of  his  brothers,  but  he  under- 
stood he  had  some  brothers,  and  aided,  that  if  it  was  the  Booth  who  was  there 
last  fall,  he  knew  that  one,  but  concealed  the  fact  that  this  man  had  been  at  his 
house  on  that  day  and  was  then  at  his  house,  and  had  attempted,  in  his  presence, 
to  disguise  his  person  ? 

He  was  sorry,  very  sorry,  that  the  thing  had  occurred,  but  not  so  sorry  as  to  be 
willing  to  give  any  edvidence  to  these  two  neighbors,  who  were  manifestly  honest 
and  upright  men,  that  the  murderer  had  been  harbored  in  his  house  all  day,  and 
was  probably  at  that  moment,  as  his  own  subsequent  confession  shows,  lying  con- 
cealed in  his  house  or  near  by,  subject  to  his  call.  This  is  the  mm  who  undertakes 
to  show  by  his  own  declaration,  offered  in  evidence  against  my  protest,  of  what  he 
said  afterward,  on  Sunday  afternoon,  the  16th,  to  his  kinsman,  Dr.  George  D.  Mudd 
to  whom  he  then  stated  that  the  assassination  of  the  President  was  a  most  damn- 
able act,  a  conclusion  in  which  most  men  will  agree  with  him,  and  to  establish 
which  his  testimony  was  not  needed.  But  it  is  to  be  remarked  that  this  accused 


TRIAL  OP  THE   ASSASSINS.  347 

did  not  intimate  that  the  man  whom  he  knew  the  evening  before  was  the  mur- 
derer had  found  refuge  in  his  house,  had  disguised  his  person,  and  sought  conceal- 
ment in  the  swamp  upon  the  crutches  which  he  had  provided  for  him. 

Why  did  he  conceal  this  fact  from  his  kinsman  ?  After  the  church  services  were 
over,  however,  in  another  conversation  on  their  way  home,  he  did  tell  Dr.  George 
Mudd  that  two  suspicious  persons  had  been  at  his  house,  who  had  come  there  a 
little  before  daybreak  on  Saturday  morning ;  that  one  of  them  had  a  broken  leg, 
which  he  bandaged ;  that  they  seemed  to  be  laboring  under  more  excitement  than 
probably  would  result  from  the  injury ;  that  they  got  something  to  eat  at  his 
house  ;  that  they  said  they  came  from  Bryantown,  and  inquired  the  way  to  Parson 
Wilmcr's ;  that  while  at  his  house  one  of  them  called  for  a  razor  and  shaved 
himself.  The  witness  says :  "  I  do  not  remember  whether  he  said  that  this  party 
shaved  off  his  whiskers  or  moustache,  but  he  altered  somewhat  or  probably  materi- 
ally his  features."  Finally,  the  prisoner,  Dr.  Mudd,  toid  this  witness  that  he,  in 
company  with  the  younger  of  the  two  men  went  down  the  road  toward  Bryantown 
in  search  of  a  vehicle  to  take  the  wounded  man  away  from  his  house. 

How  comes  it  that  he  concealed  in  his  conversation  the  fact  proved  that  he  went 
with  Harold  towards  Bryantown,  and  left  Harold  outside  of  the  town  ?  How 
comes  it  that  in  this  second  conversation,  on  Sunday,  insisted  upon  here  with  such 
pertinacity  as  evidence  for  the  defence,  but  which  had  never  been  called  for  by  the 
prosecution,  he  concealed  from  his  kinsman  the  fact  which  he  had  disclosed  the 
day  before  to  Hardy  and  Farrcll,  that  it  was  Booth  who  assassinated  the  President, 
and  th3  fact  which  is  now  disclosed  by  his  other  confessions  given  in  evidence  for 
the  prosecution,  that  it  was  Booth  whom  he  had  sheltered,  concealed  in  his  house, 
and  aided  to  his  hiding  place  in  the  swamp?  He  volunteers  as  evidence  his 
iurthcr  statement,  however,  to  this  witness,  that  on  Sunday  evening  ha  requested 
the  witness  to  state  to  the  military  authorities  that  two  suspicious  persons  had  been 
at  his  house,  and  see  if  anything  could  be  made  of  it.  He  did  not  tell  the  witness 
what  became  of  Harold  and  where  he  parted  with  him  on  the  way  to  Bryantown. 
How  comes  it  that  when  he  was  in  Bryantown,  on  the  Saturday  evening  before, 
when  he  knew  that  Booth  was  then  at  his  house,  and  that  Booth  was  the  murderei 
of  the  President,  lie  did  not  himself  state  it  to  the  military  authorities  then  in  that 
village,  as  he  well  knew  ?  It  is  difficult  to  see  what  kindled  his  suspicions  on  Sun- 
day, if  none  were  in  his  mind  on  Saturday,  when  he  was  in  possession  of  the  fact 
that  Booth  had  murdered  the  President,  and  was  then  secreting  and  disguising 
himself  in  the  prisoner's  own  house. 

His  conversation  with  Gardner  on  the  same  Sunday  at  the  church  is  also  intro- 
duced here,  to  relieve  him  from  the  overwhelming  evidences  of  his  guilt.  He 
communicates  nothing  to  Gardner  of  the  faet  that  Booth  had  been  in  his  house ; 
nothing  of  the  fact  that  he  knew  the  day  before  that  Booth  had  murdered  the 
President ;  nothing  of  the  fact  that  Booth  had  disguised  or  attempted  to  disguise 
himself;  nothing  of  the  fact  that  he  had  gone  with  Booth's  associate,  Harold,  in 
search  of  a  vehicle,  the  more  speedily  to  expedite  their  flight ;  nothing  of  the  fact  that 
Booth  had  found  concealment  in  the  woods  and  swamp  near  his  house,  upon  the 
crutches  which  he  had  furnished  him.  He  contents  himself  with  merely  stating 
"that  we  ought  to  raise  immediately  a  home  guard  to  hunt  up  all  suspicious  per- 
sons passing  through  our  section  of  country,  and  arrest  them,  for  there  were  two 
suspicious  persons  at  my  house  yesterday  morning." 

It  would  have  looked  more  like  aiding  justice  and  arresting  felons  if  he  had  put 
in  execution  his  project  of  a  home  guard  on  Saturday,  and  made  it  effective  by 
the  arrest  of  the  man  then  in  his  house  who  had  lodged  with  him  last  fall ;  with 
whom  he  had  gone  to  purchase  one  of  the  very  horses  employed  in  his  flight  af- 
ter the  assassination ;  whom  he  had  visited  last  winter  in  Washington,  and  to 
whom  ho  had  pointed  out  the  very  route  by  which  he  had  escaped  by  way  of  his 
house;  whom  he  had  again  visited  on  tho  3d  of  last  March,  preparatory  to  the 
commission  of  this  great  crime  ;  and  who  he  knew,  when  he  sheltered  and  con- 
cealed him  in  the  woods  on  Saturday,  was  not  merely  a  suspicious  person,  but  was, 
in  fact,  the  murderer  and  assassin  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  While  I  deem  it  my  duty 


348  TRIAL   OP   THE   ASSASSINS. 

to  say  here,  as  I  said  before,  when  these  declarations,  uttered  by  the  accused  on 
Sunday,  the  16th,  to  Gardner  and  George  D.  Mudd,  were  attempted  to  be  offered 
on  the  part  of  the  accused,  that  they  are  in  no  sense  evidence,  and  by  the  law 
were  wholly  inadmissible,  yet  I  state  it  as  my  conviction,  that,  being  upon  the  re- 
cord upon  motion  of  the  accused  himself,  so  far  as  these  declarations  to  Gardner 
and  George  D.  Mudd  go,  they  are  additional  indications  of  the  guilt  of  the  accused, 
in  this,  that  they  are  manifestly  suppressions  of  truth  and  suggestions  of  falsehood 
and  deception;  they  are  but  the  utterances  and  confessions  of  guilt. 

To  Lieutenant  Lovett,  Joshua  Lloyd  and  Simon  Gavican,  who,  in  the  pursuit  of 
the  murderer,  visited  his  house  on  the  18th  of  April,  the  Tuesday  after  the  mur- 
der, he  denied  positively,  upon  inquiry,  that  two  men  had  passed  his  house,  or  had 
come  to  his  house  on  the  morning  after  the  assassination.  Two  of  these  witnesses 
swear  positively  to  his  having  made  the  denial  and  the  other  says  he  hesitated  to 
answer  the  question  he  put  to  him ;  all  of  them  agree  that  he  afterwards  admitted 
that  two  men  had  been  there,  one  of  whom  had  a  broken  limb,  which  he  had  set; 
and  when  asked  by  this  witness  who  that  man  was,  he  said  he  did  not  know ;  that 
the  man  was  a  stranger  to  him,  and  that  the  two  had  been  there  but  a  short  time. 
Lloyd  asked  him  if  he  had  ever  seen  any  of  the  parties,  Booth,  Harold  and  Sur- 
ratt ;  he  said  that  he  had  never  seen  them,  while  it  is  positively  proved  that  he  was 
acquainted  with  John  H.  Surratt,  who  had  l>een  in  his  house;  that  he  knew  Booth, 
and  had  introduced  Booth- to  Surratt  last  winter.  Afterwards,  on  Friday,  the  21st, 
he  admitted  to  Lloyd  that  he  had  been  introduced  to  Booth  last  fall,  and  that  this 
man  who  came  to  his  house  on  Saturday,  the  15th,  remained  there  from  about  four 
o'clock  in  the  morning  until  about  four  in  the  afternoon ;  that  one  of  them  left  his 
house  on  horseback,  and  the  other  walking.  In  the  first  conversation  he  denied 
ever  having  seen  these  men. 

Colonel  Wells  also  testifies  that,  in  his  conversation  with  Dr.  Mudd  on  Friday, 
the  21st,  the  prisoner  said  that  he  had  gone  to  Bryantown,  or  near  Bryantown,  to 
see  some  friends  on  Saturday,  and  that  as  he  came  back  to  his  own  house  he  saw 
the  person  he  afterwards  supposed  to  be  Harold  passing  to  the  left  of  his  house  to- 
wards the  barn,  but  that  he  did  not  see  the  other  person  at  all  after  he  left  him  in 
his  own  house,  about  one  o'clock.  If  this  statement  be  true,  how  did  Dr.  Mudd 
see  the  same  person  leave  his  house  on  crutches  ?  He  further  stated  to  this  wit- 
ness that  he  returned  to  his  own  house  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon ;  that  he 
did  not  know  this  wounded  man  ;  said  he  could  not  recognize  him  from  the  pho- 
tograph which  is  of  record  here,  but  admitted  that  he  had  met  Booth  some  time 
in  November,  when  he  had  some  conversation  with  him  about  lands  and  horses; 
that  Booth  had  remained  with  him  that  night  in  November,  and  on  the  next  day 
had  purchased  a  horse.  He  said  he  had  not  again  seen  Booth  from  the  time  of  the 
introduction  in  November  up  to  his  arrival  at  his  house  on  the  Saturday  morning 
after  the  assassination.  Is  not  this  a  confession  that  he  did  see  John  Wilkes  Booth 
on  that  morning  at  his  house,  and  knew  it  was  Booth?  If  he  did  not  know  him, 
how  came  he  to  make  this  statement  to  the  witness  "that  he  had  not  seen  Booth 
after  November  prior  to  his  arrival  there  on  the  Saturday  morning  ?" 

He  had  said  before  to  the  same  witness  he  did  not  know  the  wounded  man.  He 
said  further  to  Colonel  Wells,  that  when  he  went  up  stairs  after  their  arrival,  he 
noticed  that  the  person  he  supposed  to  be  Booth,  had  shaved  off  his  moustache. 
It  is  not  inferrable  from  this  declaration  that  he  then  supposed  him  to  be  Booth  ? 
Yet  he  declared  the  same  afternoon,  and  while  Booth  was  in  his  own  house,  that 
Booth  was  the  murderer  of  the  President.  One  of  the  most  remarkable  statements 
made  to  this  witness  by  the  prisoner  was  that  he  heard  for  the  first  time  on  Sunday 
morning,  or  late  in  the  evening  of  Saturday,  that  the  President  had  been  murder- 
ed. From  whom  did  he  hear  it?  The  witness  (Colonel  Wells)  volunteered  his 
"impression "  that  Dr.  Jludd  had  said  he  had  heard  it  after  the  person  had  left  his 
house.  If  the  "  impression  "  of  the  witness  thus  volunteered  is  to  be  taken  as  evi- 
dence, and  the  counsel  for  the  accused,  judging  from  their  manner,  seem  to  think 
it  ought  to  be,  let  this  question  bs  answered,  how  could  Dr.  Mudd  have  made  that 
impression  upon  any  body  truthfully,  when  it  is  proved  by  Fan-ell  and  Hardy  that 


TRIAL   OP  THE   ASSASSINS.  349 

on  his  return  from  Bryantown,  on  Saturday  afternoon,  he  not  only  stated  that  the 
President,  Mr.  Seward  and  his  son  had  been  assassinated,  but  that  Boyle  had  as- 
sassinated Mr.  Seward,  and  Booth  had  assassinated  the  1'resident  ?  Add  to  this 
the  fact  that  he  said  to  this  witness  that  he  left  his  own  house  at  one  o'clock,  and 
when  he  returned  the  men  were  gone  ;  yet  it  is  in  evidence,  by  his  own  declara- 
tions, that  Booth  left  his  house  at  four  o'clock  on  crutches,  and  he  must  have  been 
there  to  have  seen  it,  or  he  could  not  have  k,nown  the  fact. 

Mr.  Williams  testified  that  he  was  at  Mudd's  house  on  Tuesday,  the  18th  of 
April,  when  he  said  that  strangers  had  not  been  that  way,  and  also  declared  that  he 
heard,  for  the  first  time,  of  the  assassination  of  the  President  on  Sunday  morning, 
at  church;  afterwards,  on  Friday,  the  21st,  Mr.  Williams  asked  him  concerning 
the  men  who  had  been  at  his  house,  one  of  whom  had  a  broken  limb,  and  he  con- 
fessed they  had  been  there.  Upon  being  asked  if  they  were  Booth  and  Harold,  he 
said  they  were  not;  that  he  knew  Booth.  I  think  it  is  fair  to  conclude  that  he  did 
know  Booth,  when  we  consider  the  testimony  of  Weichman,  of  Norton,  of  Evans, 
and  all  the  testimony  just  referred  to,  wherein  he  declares,  himself,  that  he  not 
only  knew  him,  but  that  he  had  lodged  with  him,  and  that  he  had  himself  gone 
with  him  when  he  purchased  his  horse  from  Gardener  last  fall,  for  the  very  pur- 
pose of  aiding  the  flight  of  himself,  or,  some  of  his  confederates. 

All  these  circumstances  taken  together,  which,  as  we  have  seen  upon  high  au- 
thority, are  stronger  as  evidence  of  guilt  than  even  direct  testimony,  leave  no 
further  room  for  argument,  and  no  rational  doubt  that  Doc-tor  Samuel  A.  Mudd 
was  as  certainly  in  this  conspiracy  as  were  Booth  and  Harold,  whom  he  sheltered 
and  entertained ;  receiving  them  under  cover  of  darkness  on  the  morning  after  the 
assassination,  concealin  them  throughout  that  day  from  the  hand  of  offended  justice 
and  aiding  them  by  every  endeavor,  to  pursue  their  way  successfully  to  their  co-con- 
spirator, Arnold,  at  Fortress  Monroe,  and  in  which  direction  he  fled  until  over- 
taken and  slain. 

We  next  find  Harold  and  his  confederate,  Booth,  after  their  departure  from 
the  house  of  Mudd,  across  the  Potomac,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Port  Conway,  on 
Monday  the  24th  of  April,  conveyed  in  a  wagon.  There  Harold,  in  order  to  ob- 
tain the  aid  of  Capt.  Jett,  Ruggles  and  Bainbridge,  of  the  confederate  army,  said 
to  Jett,  "We  are  the  assassinators  of  the  President;"  that  this  was  his  brother 
with  him,  who,  with  himself,  belonged  to  A.  P.  Hill's  Corps:  that  his  brother  had 
been  wounded  at  Petersburg ;  that  their  names  were  Boyd.  He  requested  Jett 
and  his  rebel  companions  to  take  them  oat  of  the  lines.  After  this,  Booth  joined 
these  parties,  was  placed  on  Ruggles'  horse,  and  crossed  the  Rappahannock  river. 

They  then  proceeded  to  the  house  of  Garrett,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Port  Roy- 
al, and  nearly  midway  between  Washington  City  and  Fortress  Monroe,  where 
they  were  to  have  joined  Arnold.  Before  these  Rebel  guides  and  guards  parted 
with  them,  Harold  confessed  that  they  were  traveling  under  assumed  names ;  that 
his  own  name  was  Harold,  and  that  the  name  of  the  wounded  man  was  John 
Wilkes  Booth,  "who  had  killed  the  President."  The  Rebels  left  Booth  at  Gar- 
rett's  where  Harold  revisited  him  from  time  to  time,  until  they  were  captured.  At 
two  o'clock  on  Wednesday  morning,  the  26th,  a  party  of  United  States  officers  and 
soldiers  surrounded  Garrett's  barn,  where  Booth  and  Harold  lay  concealed,  and  de- 
manded their  surrender.  Booth  cursad  Harold,  calling  him  a  coward,  and  bade 
him  go,  when  Harold  came  out  and  surrendered  himself,  was  taken  into  custody, 
and  is  now  brought  into  Court.  The  barn  was  then  set  on  fire,  when  Booth 
sprang  to  his  feet,  amid  the  flames  that  were  kindling  about  him,  carbine  in  hand, 
and  approached  the  door,  seeking,  by  the  flashing  light  of  the  fire,  to  find  some 
new  victim  for  his  murderous  hand,  when  he  was  shot,  as  he  desci-ved  to  be,  by 
Sergeant  Corbett,  in  order  to  save  his  comrades  from  wounds  or  death  by  the  hands 
of  this  desperate  assassin.  Upon  his  person  was  found  the  following  bill  of  ex- 
change : 

"  No.  1492.  The  Ontario  Bank,  Montreal  Branch  Exchange  for  £61  12s.  lOd. 
Montreal,  27th  October,  1864.  Sixty  days  after  sight  of  this  first  of  exchange, 
second  and  third  of  the  same  tenor  and  date,  pay  to  the  order  of  J.  Wilkes  Booth 


350  TRIAL   OP  THE  ASSASSINS. 

£61  12s.  lOd.  sterling,  value  received,  and  charge  to  the  account  of  this  office.  H. 
Stanus;"  manager.     To  Messrs.  Glynn,  Mills  &  Co.,  London." 

Thus  fell,  by  the  hands  of  one  of  the  defenders  of  the  Republic,  this  hired  assas- 
sin, who,  for  a  price,  murdered  Abraham  Lincoln,  bearing  upon  his  person,  as  this 
bill  of  exchange  testifies,  additional  evidence  of  the  fact  that  he  had  undertaken, 
in  aid  of  rebellion,  this  work  of  assination  by  the  hands  of  himself  and  his  confede- 
rates, for  such  sum  as  the  accredited  agents  of  Jefferson  Davis  might  pay  him  or 
them,  out  of  the  funds  of  the  Confederacy,  which,  as  in  evidence,  they  had  in 
"any  amount"  in  Canada  for  the  purpose  of  rewarding  conspirators,  spies,  poison- 
ers and  assassins,  who  might  take  service  under  their  false  commissions,  and  do 
the  woik  of  the  incendiary  and  the  murderer  upon  the  lawful  representatives  of  the 
American  people,  to  whom  had  been  entrusted  the  care  of  the  Republic,  the  main- 
tenance of  the  Constitution  and  the  execution  of  the  laws. 

The  Court  will  remember  that  it  is  in  the  testimony  of  Merritt,  and  Montgome- 
ry, and  Conover,  that  Thompson,  and  Sanders,  and  Clay,  and  Cleary,  made  their 
boasts  that  they  had  money  in  Canada  for  this  very  purpose.  Nor  is  it  to  be  over- 
looked or  forgotten  that  the  officers  of  the  Ontario  Bank  at  Montreal  testify  that 
during  the  current  year  of  this  conspiracy  and  assassination  Jacob  Thompson  had 
on  deposit  in  that  bank  the  sum  of  six  hundred  and  forty-nine  thousand  dollars, 
and  that  these  deposits  to  the  credit  of  Jacob  Thompson,  accrued  from  the  nego- 
tiations of  bills  of  exchange  drawn  by  the  Secretary  ot  the  Treasury  of  the  so-called 
Confederate  States  on  Fraser,  Trenholm  &  Co.,  of  Liverpool,  who  were  known  to 
be  the  financial  agents  of  the  Confederate  States.  With  an  undrawn  deposit  in 
this  bank  of  four  hundred  and  fifty-five  dollars,  which  has  remained  to  his  credit 
since  October  last,  and  with  an  unpaid  bill  of  exchange  drawn  by  the  same  bank 
upon  London,  in  his  possession  and  found  upon  his  person,  Booth  ends  his  guilty 
career  in  this  work  of  conspiracy  and  blood  in  April,  1865,  as  he  began  it  in  Octo- 
ber, 1864,  in  combination  with  Jefferson  Davis,  Jacob  Thompson,  George  N.  San- 
ders, Clement  C.  Clay,  William  C.  Cleary,  Beverly  Tucker  and  other  co-conspira- 
tors, making  use  of  the  money  of  the  Rebel  Confederation  to  aid  in  the  execution 
and  in  the  flight,  bearing  at  the  moment  of  his  death  upon  his  person  their  money, 
part  of  the  price  which  they  paid  for  his  great  crime,  to  aid  him  in  its  consumma- 
tion, and  secure  him  afterwards  from  arrest  and  the  just  penalty  which  by  the  law 
of  God  and  the  law  of  man  is  denounced  against  treasonable  conspiracy  and  murder. 

By  all  the  testimony  in  the  case,  it  is,  in  my  judgment,  made  as  clear  as  any 
transaction  can  be  shown  by  human  testimony,  that  John  Wilkes  Booth  and 
John  H.  Surratt,  and  the  several  accused,  David  E.  Harold,  George  A.  Atzeroth, 
Lewis  Payne,  Michael  O'Loughlin,  Edward  Spangler,  Samuel  Arnpld,  Mary  K 
Surratt,  and  Samuel  A.  Mudd,  did,  with  the  intent  to  aid  the  existing  rebellion 
and  to  subvert  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  in  the  month  of 
October  last,  and  thereafter,  combine,  confederate  and  conspire  with  Jefferson 
Davis,  George  N.  Sanders,  Beverly  Tucker,  Jacob  Thompson,  William  C.  Cleary, 
Clement  C.  Clay,  George  Harper,  George  Young,  and  others  unknown,  to  kill 
and  murder,  within  the  military  department  of  Washington,  and  within  the  in- 
trenched fortifications  and  military  lines  thereof,  Abraham  Lincoln,  then  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army  and  navy  there- 
of;  Andrew  Johnson,  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  William  H.  Seward, 
Secretary  of  State,  and  Ulysses  S.  Grant.  Lieutenant-General  in  command  of 
the  armies  of  the  United  States  ;  and  that  Jefferson  Davis,  the  chief  of  this  rebel- 
lion, was  the  instigator  and  procurer,  through  his  accredited  agents  in  Canada, 
of  the  treasonable  conspiracy. 

It  is  also  submitted  to  the  Court  that  it  is  clearly  established  by  the  testimo- 
ny that  John  Wilkes  Booth  in  pursuance  of  this  conspiracy,  so  entered  into  by 
him  and  the  accused,  did,  on  the  night  of  the  14th  of  April,  1865,  within  the 
military  department  of  Washington,  and  the  intrenched  fortifications  and  mili- 
tary lines  thereof,  and  with  the  intent  laid,  inflict  a  mortal  wound  upon  Abra- 
ham Lincoln,  then  President  and  Commander-in-Chiei  of  the  army  and  navy  of 
the  United  States,  whereof  he  died ;  that  in  pursuance  of  the  same  conspiracy 


TRIAL   OF   THE  ASSASSINS. 

and  within  the  said  department  and  intrenched  lines,  Lewis  Payne  assaulted, 
with  intent  to  kill  and  murder,  William  H.  Seward,  then  Secretary  of  State  of 
the  United  States  ;  that  George  A.  Atzeroth  ,  in  pursuance  of  the  same  conspir- 
acy, and  within  the  said  department,  laid  in  wait,  with  intent  to  kill  and  mur- 
der Andrew  Johnson,  then  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  ;  that  Michael 
O'Laughlin,  within  said  department,  and  in  pursuance  of  said  conspiracy,  laid 
in  wait  to  kill  and  murder  Ulysses  S.  Grant,  then  in  command  of  the  armies  of 
the  United  States  ;  and  that  Mary  E.  Surratt,  David  E.  Harold,  Samuel  Arnold, 
Samuel  A.  Mudd,  and  Edward  Spangler,  did  encourage,  aid  and  abet  the  com- 
mission of  said  several  acts  in  the  prosecution  of  said  conspiracy. 

If  this  treasonable  conspiracy  has  not  been  wholly  executed  ;  if  the  several 
executive  officers  of  the  United  States  and  the  commander  of  its  armies,  to  kill 
and  murder  whom  the  said  several  accused  thus  confederated  and  conspired, 
have  not  each  and  all  fallen  by  the  hands  of  these1  conspirators,  thereby  leaving 
the  people  of  the  United  States  without  a  President,  orVice-President ;  without 
a  Secretary  of  State,  who  alone  is  clothed  with  authority  by  the  law  to  call  an 
election  to  fill  the  vacancy,  should  any  arise,  in  the  offices  of  President  and 
Vice-President,  and  without  a  lawful  commander  of  the  armies  of  the  Republic, 
it  is  only  because  the  conspirators  were  deterred  by  the  vigilance  and  fidelity 
of  ihe  executive  officers,  whose  lives  were  mercifully  protected  on  that  night  of 
murder  by  the  care  of  the  Infinite  Being,  who  has  thus  far  saved  the  Republic 
and  crowned  its  arms  with  victory. 

If  this  conspiracy  was  thus  entered  into  by  the  accused  ;  if  John  Wilkes  Booth 
did  kill  and  murder  Abraham  Lincoln  in  pursuance  thereof;  if  Lewis  Payne  did 
in  pursuance  of  said  conspiracy,  assault  with  intent  to  kill  and  murder  William 
H.  Seward,  as  stated  ;  and  if  the  several  parties  accused  did  commit  the  several 
acts  alleged  against  them  in  the  prosecution  of  said  conspiracy,  then  it  is  the 
law  that  all  the  parties  to  that  conspiracy,  whether  present  at  the  time  o$  its  ex- 
ecutiou  or  not,  whether  on  trial  before  this  Court  or  not,  are  alike  guilty  of  the 
several  acts  done  by  each  in  the  execution  of  the  common  design.  What  these 
conspirators  did  in  the  execution  of  this  conspiracy  by  the  hand  of  one  of  their 
co-conspirators,  they  did  themselves ;  his  act,  done  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
common  design,  was  the  act  of  all  the  parties  to  the  treasonable  combination, 
because  done  in  execution  and  furtherance  of  their  guilty  and  treasonable 
agreement. 

As  we  have  seen,  this  is  the  rule,  whether  all  the  conspirators  are  indicted 
or  not ;  whether  they  ave  all  on  trial  or  not.  "  It  is  not  material  what  the  na- 
ture of  the  indictment  is,  provided  the  offence  involve  a  conspiracy.  Upon  in- 
dictment for  murder,  for  instance,  if  it  appears  that  others,  together  with  the 
prisoner,  conspired  to  perpetrate  the  crime,  the  act  of  one  done  in  pursuance  of 
that  intention,  would  be  evidence  against  the  rest."  (I  Whar.,  70S.)  To  the 
same  euvct  are  the  words  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  before  cited,  that  whoever 
leagued  in  a  general  conspiracy,  performed  any  part,  however  MINUTE,  or  how- 
ever REMOTE  from  the  scene  of  action,  are  guilty  as  principals.  In  this  treason- 
able conspiracy,  to  aid  the  existing  armed  rebellion,  by  murdering  the  execu- 
tive officers  of  the  United  States  and  the  commander  of  its  armies,  all  the  par- 
ties to  it  must  be  held  as  principals,  and  the  act  of  one,  in  prosecution  of  the 
common  design,  the  act  of  all. 

I  leave  the  decision  of  this  dread  issue  with  the  Court,  to  which  alone  it  bo- 
longs.  It  is  for  you  to  say,  upon  your  oaths,  whether  the  accused  are  guilty. 

1  am  not  conscious  that  in  this  argument  I  have  made  any  erroneous  statement 
of  the  evidence,  or  drawn  any  erroneous  conclusions  ;  yet  I  pray  the  Court,  out 
of  .tender  regard  and  jealous  care  for  the  right  of  the  accused,  to  see  that  no 
error  of  mine,  if  any  there  be,  shall  work  them  barm.  The  past  services  of  the 
members  of  this  honorable  Court  give  assurance  that,  without  fear,  favor,  or 
affection,  they  will  discharge  with  fidelitv  the  duty  enjoined  upon  them  by 
their  oaths.  _  Whatever  else  may  befall,  I  trust  in  God  that  in  this,  as  in  every 
other  American  Court,  the  rights  of  the  whole  people  will  be  respected,  and 
that  the  Republic  in  this,  its  supreme  hour  of  trial,  will  be  true  to  itself  and 


352  GLANCES   AT  ASSASSINATIONS 

just  to  all — ready  to  protect  the  rights  of  the  humblest,  to  redress  every  wrong, 
to  avenge  every  crime,  to  vindicate  the  majesty  of  law,  and  to  maintain  in- 
violate the  Constitution — whether  it  be  secretly  or  openly  assailed  by  hosts, 
armed  with  gold,  or  armed  with  steel.  JOHN  A.  BINGHAM, 

Special  Judge  Advocate. 

PRESIDENT  Jooxsox's  ArmovAL. 

And  Whereas,  The  President  of  the  United  States  has  approved  the  foregoing 
sentences  in  the  following  order,  to  wit: — 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  July  5,  1865. — The  foregoing  sentences  in  the  cases  of 
David  E.  Harold,  G.  A.  Atzeroth,  Lewis  Payne,  and  Mary  E.  Surratt,  be  carried 
into  execution  by  the  proper  military  authority,  under  the  direction  of  the  Sec- 
retary of  War,  on  the  7th  day  of  July,  1865,  between  the  hours  of  10  o'clock 
A.  M.  and  2  o'clock  P.  M.  of  that  day.  (Signed) 

ANDREW  JOHNSON,  President. 

j  Therefore  you  are  hereby  commanded  to  cause  the  foregoing  sentences  in  the 
cases  of  David  E.  Harold,  G.  A.  Atzeroth,  Lewis  Payne,  and  Mary  E.  Surratt,  to 
be  duly  executed,  in  accordance  with  the  President's  order. 
By  command  of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

E.  D.  TOWNSEND, 
Assistant  Adjutaut-Geaeral. 

Dr.  Mudd,  Arnold,  and  O'Laughlin,  are  to  be  imprisoned  for  life,  and  Span- 
gler  for  six  years,  all  at  hard  labor,  in  the  Dry  Tortugas. 

Thus  ended  the  career  of  one  of  the  noblest  of  earth.  His  name  in  all 
future  time  will  make  the  advocates  of  slavery  and  oppression  blush,  and 
furnish  a  bulwark  behind  which  the  friends  of  freedom  can  forever  dwell 
83cure.  Endeared  to  the  American  people  by  his  patriotic  devotion  to 
his  country  while  living,  he  has,  by  the  hand  of  the  cowardly  assassin, 
become  doubly  sanctified  by  his  untimely  death.  No  one  in  the  long  list 
of  names  in  the  world's  great  h'story,  except  Jesus,  will  ever  eclipse  him. 
Darius,  Alexander,  Caesar,  and  Napoleon,  were  great;  but  their  greatness 
was  not  the  result  of  goodness,  and  will  never  compare  with  the  mighty 
achievements  of  a  Washington,  who,  by  seven  long  years  of  gigantic 
'Strife,  wrested  a  continent  from  the  grasp  of  despots  ;  or  a  Lincoln,  who 
through  fire  and  blood  has  preserved  it  undivided  for  his  cxuiotrynisn, 
and  in  justice  to  mankind  has  made  it  forever  free. 


GLANCES  AT  ASSASSINATIONS  OF  DISTINGUISHED  PERSONS  IN  OTHER  COUN- 
TRIES :  ESPECIALLY  OF  THOSE  WIELDING  POLITICAL  POWER. 

ANXIOUS  as  men  are  to  win  power,  how  few  of  those  who  win  it,  do 
not  afterwards  exclaim  with  the  English  king — "  uneasy  lies  the  head 
that  wears  a  crown."  How  few  monarchs,  and  mighty  men  of  the  earth 
have  slept  as  sound  after  their  elevation,  as  they  did  before  !  The  solu- 
tion of  the  question  is  found  in  the  fact,  that  assassination  or  violent  death 
in  some  form  for  such  individuals,  seems  to  be  the  rule,  and  not  the  ex- 


OP  DISTINGUISHED   PERSONS.  353 

ception.     Greatness  in  public  life,  whether  achieved  or  inherited,  is  a 
dangerous  thing. 

To  give  even  a  faint  idea  to  the  unlettered  man  of  the  host  of  distin- 
guished persons  who  have  been  murdered  while  sitting  in  seats  of  power , 
would  be  difficult — but  to  convince  the  mass  of  mankind,  not  only  of  the 
number  of  such  victims,  but  of  the  endless  plots,  conspiracies,  and  ma- 
chinery by  which  this  vast  army  of  the  illustrious  have  been  hurried  to 
their  tombs,  would  be  an  utter  impossibility.  The  best  historians  even, 
do  not  know,  and  never  have,  of  but  a  small  part  of  the  number  of  the 
men  and  women  in  high  stations  who  have  been  foully  killed,  by  slower 
quick  poison,  the  dagger,  the  bullet,  drowning,  starvation,  suffocation, 
long  imprisonment,  confinement  in  private  mad-houses,  buried  alive,  the 
rope,  the  cord,  the  bowstring,  hurled  from  precipices,  frightened  to 
death — and  God  knows  how  many  hundred  other  modes  by  which  the 
souls  of  men  have  by  assassination  been  forced  out  of  this  world  with  all 
its  light,  and  love,  and  beauty,  into  the  dark,  and  drear  unknown  ! 

Among  public  assassinations,  perhaps  the  two  most  illustrious  are 
Ccesar  and  Lincoln,  performed  by  individuals  as  instruments  of  deep  con. 
spiracies. 

Among  public  assassinations  performed  by  State  governments — and 
their  name  is  legion — we  find  Jesus  of  Nazareth  and  half  a  million  of  his 
disciples  the  most  sacred  of  all,  stretching  through  the  ages,  like  a  vast 
serpent  line,  black  with  all  crime,  and  fringed  with  murder  blood. 

There  was  Anne  Boleyn,  and  Lady  Jane  Gray,  and  Mary  Queen  of 
Scots,  and  Maria  Antoinette.  There  was  John  of  Prague,  arid  Huss,  and 
Wickliffe, — Charles  the  II. — Louis  XVI. — and  all  that  line.  But  the  great- 
roll  would  consist  in  secret  assassinations.  Most  of  the  chief  Rulers  of 
great  empires  have  been  dispatched  in  secret.  Nearly  all  the  emperors 
of  the  old  dynasties  of  Egypt  and  Asia  and  Rome  died  by  the  hands  of 
assassins.  So  of  Russia  and  other  great  states. 

It  is  a  curious  fact,  however,  that  so  large  a  number  of  the  victims  of 
assassin  conspiracy  have  been  good  men.  Attempts  to  kill  tyrants  have 
generally  failed — they  have  been  safe  ;  for  bad  men  like  tyrants  because 
tyrants  are  their  friends,  and  bad  men  do  not  kill  them.  Tyrants  are 
not  exposed  to  murder  from  good  men,  because  good  men  are  not  assas- 
sins. Good  men  had  rather  suffer  a  while  longer  and  wait  for  the  retri- 
bution Avhich  God  is  sure,  sooner  or  later,  to  meet  out  to  the  wrong- 
doers of  the  earth. 

If  anything  like  a,  full  record  of  the  annals  of  assassination  should  be 
written,  it  would  fill  a  library.  We  select  only  a  few  striking  cases,  and 
they  are  all  political  murders. — murders  for  empire — for  POWER. 

Napoleon  Bonaparte  had  no  child  by  Josephine,  his  first  wife,  and  for 
this  reason  he  discarded  her  and  married  Maria  Louisa,  an  Austrian 


354  GLANCES  AT  ASSASSINATIONS 

Bourbon  Princess — the  greatest  mistake  of  his  life.  By  this  union, 
a  son  was  born  who  was  proclaimed  "king  of  Rome."  "Napo- 
leon II". On  the  fall  of  his  father,  and  his  banishment  to  St.  He- 
lena, Austria  claimed  the  custody  of  this  boy  ;  and  he  was  transferred 
to  Vienna,  where  he  was  kept  as  an  instrument  of  State,  to  be  used  for 
political  purposes.  He  was  the  first  legitimate  heir  to  the  throne  of 
Napoleon  if  the  Bonapartes  were  again  to  rule  France  : — and  having  the 
royal  blood  of  the  Austrian  House  in  his  veins,  he  also  shared  in  that 
imperial  inheritance  ;  so  he  could  be  kept  a  tenant  at  the  will  of  Austria  ; 
and  he  was.  He  could  live  as  long  as  needed — he  could  die  in  a  second 
when  necessary — or  he  could  live  a  lingering  death  by  being  made  an 
imbecile.  The  latter  was  his  fate.  When  Europe  sunk  back  to  its  re- 
pose, and  the  "  Holy  Alliance"  had  settled  the  map  of  empires,  kingdoms, 
and  principalities,  and  all  the  ships  of  state  were  sailing  in  clear  water, 
the  time  came  to  get  rid  of  this  heir  to  the  throne  of  Napoleon,  for  he 
was  no  longer  needed. 

It  then  became  a  question  only  of  how  to  dispatch  him.  Austria  could 
perpetrate  any  crime  : — but  in  the  case  of  this  young  man,  who  had  en- 
deared himself  to  all  the  court,  and  all  his  attendants,  violence  was  not 
resorted  to  ;  it  was  not  necessary. 

But  he  must  be  got  rid  of.  How  ?  They  could  kill  him  with  luxury — 
murder  him  with  perfumes,  as  Sultans-  and  other  Oriental  lovers  get  rid  of 
rejected  mistresses.  They  could  not  make  him  drink  himself  to  death, 
and  so  they  invoked  other  fascinations.  Fanny  Essler  had  just  enchant- 
ed the  European  world.  She  was  sent  for.  The  king  of  Rome's  doom 
was  sealed.  He  died  the  death  of  an  Oriental  satrap.  His  bier  was  a 
bed  of  roses — a  fate  worthy  of  Sardinipalus. 

Thus  came  this  imperial  son  of  the  great  Napoleon  to  his  doom.  But 
Ms  couein  Louis  Napoleon  avenged  his  death  on  the  field  of  Solferino — 
and  Austria  will  yet  pay  still  dearer  for  her  crime.  The  Napoleon  dy- 
nasty still  lives — the  Bourbons  are  dying.  The  first  belong  to  the  present 
At  least — the  latter  to  the  past. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  give  any  recital  of  the  murder  of  the  young 
jirinces  in  the  Tower  of  London.  We  remember  from  our  childhood 
-this  heartless  tragedy.  We  turn  to  look  for  a  moment  at  a  few  illustra- 
tions in  point,  with  which  common  readers  may  be  less  familiar. 

Assassination  prevailed  to  a  dreadful  extent  during  the  Middle  Ages, 
especially  in  Italy.  The  standard  of  honor  and  morality  in  that  country, 
and  even  in  Rome  itself,  the  capital  of  Christendom,  was  lower  than  it 
was  in  the  most  degenerate  days  of  the  later  Ctesars.  Private  murders 
were  more  frequently  resorted  to,  especially  among  Princes,  and  the  up- 
per classes. 

The  history  of  the  Borgia  family  is  crimsoned  with  blood  on  every 


OF   DISTINGUISHED  PERSONS.  355 

page.  Pope  Alexander  VI.,  the  father  of  the  infamous  Caesar  Borgia,  re- 
Borted  to  assassination  whenever  it  suited  his  ambitious  purposes  ;  and 
the  record  of  no  barbarian  Prince  is  more  horrible  and  revolting  than  the 
history  of  this  ambitious  and  heartless  Pontiff. 

But  the  crimes  of  his  son  exceeded,  if  possible,  those  of  his  father  in 
their  atrocity,  enormity  and  extent.  This  chiefest  villain  of  all  the  ages, 
being  the  son  of  a  Pope  who  was  supreme  lord  and  sovereign  of  Rome 
and  vicegerant  of  God  Almighty,  was  clothed  with  great  authority,  made 
rich  by  robbery,  and  could  perpetrate  any  crime  with  impunity.  He 
was  made  a  cardinal ;  the  Duchy  of  Valentino  was  stolen  from  its  right- 
ful owner  and  given  to  Borgia  who  had  already  inaugurated  a  series  of 
the  most  frightful  crimes  ever  written  in  the  history  of  a  single  indi- 
vidual. His  ambition  was  to  become  king  of  Italy,  which  at  that  time 
would,  with  the  all  powerful  alliance  and  sanction  of  the  Church  of  Rome, 
render  the  king  of  Italy  the  most  powerful  sovereign  of  Europe. 

With  his  eye  fixed  on  such  a  throne  Borgia  hesitated  at  no  crime.  He 
first  plotted  and  secured  the  death  of  several  of  the  richest  cardinals  and 
noblemen  of  Rome  and  thus  enriched  himself.  He  then  made  open  war 
upon  neighboring  princes — defeating  their  armies  in  the  field,  and  im- 
prisoning and  murdering  their  masters.  When  he  could  not  get  them  into 
his  hands,  he  employed  their  confidential  friends  and  attendants  to  mur- 
der them  in  their  castles.  But  as  this  could  not  always  be  done,  he  re- 
sorted to  a  final  plot  by  which  he  could  get  rid  of  them  all  at  once.  He 
proposed  a  convention  for  agreeing  on  the  terms  of  a  general  and  perma- 
nent pe-ce.  The  rival  princes  all  met  Caesar  Borgia  at  one  of  3jis  cas- 
tles at  the  appointed  time,  when  they  were  foully  assassinated  in  a  few 
moments.  His  assassinations  were  endless.  His  means  and  -instruments 
exceeded  in  number,  forms,  and  subtleties,  all  knowledge  or  comprehen- 
sion. He  had  only  to  will  the  death  of  any  person  in  Italy,  or  any  part  of 
Europe,  and  that  man,  or  woman,  or  child,  died.  Poison  in  wines,  in  all 
kinds  of  food,  in  clothing,  in  flowers  and  perfumes,  in  letters,  in  pres- 
ents, in  the  atmosphere  where  one  breath  drawn  was  instant  death. — In 
stiletos,  hidden  springs  of  poisoned  steel  which  in  grasping  a  hand  in- 
fused the  deadly  poison : — in  violent  murder — in  any  of  the  countless 
forms  in  which  the  subtle  genius  of  chemists,  artists,  and  diplomatists 
could  be  used  by  the  superior,  infernal  genius  of  that  prince  of  all  assas- 
sins— CAESAR  BORGIA. 

ATTEMPTED  POLITICAL  ASSASSINATIONS  SINCE  1850. 
From  the  Unila  CatoKca. 

"  Queen  Victoria  can  count  four  attempts  on  her  life.  On  June  28, 
1850,  she  received  a  violent  blow  with  a  stick  from  one  Robert  Pate,  a 
retired  lieutenant  of  the  Tenth  Hussars. 


356  GLANCES   AT   ASSASSINATIONS. 

"  In  May,  1850,  the  late  King  of  Prussia  received,  as  he  was  mounting 
a  railway  carriage,  a  shot  from  a  holster  pistol  of  large  bore  in  the  fore- 
arm ;  the  assassin,  Sefelage,  of  Wetzlow,  cried  out  as  he  fired,  '  Liberty 
for  ever.'  The  life  of  the  present  King  of  Prussia  was  in  danger  at  Ba- 
den, on  the  morning  of  July  14,  1861.  Two  pistol  shots  were  fired  at 
him  by  Oscar  Becker,  a  law  student  of  Leipsic,  The  regicide  declared 
that  he  wished  to  kill  the  King  because  he  was  not  capable  of  e  ffecting 
the  unity  of  Germany. 

"  On  February  18,  1853,  at  Vienna,  Francis  Joseph  I.  was  struck  with 
a  knife  in  the  nape  of  the  neck.  The  murderer's  name  was  Libeny,  of 
Albe,  in  Hungary,  aged  20,  resident  at  Vienna,  and  a  tailor  by  trade. 

"  On  March  20,  1854,  Ferdinand  Charles  III.  Duke  of  Parma,  returning 
from  an  excursion,  was  hustled  by  an  individual  who  at  the  same  time 
Btabbed  him  in  the  abdomen,  left  the  poignard  in  the  wound,  and  subse- 
quently escaped.  The  Duke  expired  in  cruel  torture  at  the  end  of  twenty- 
three  hours. 

"  On  May  28, 1856,  as  Queen  Isabella  was  passing  in  her  carriage 
along  the  Rue  de  1'Arsenal  at  Madrid,  a  young  man,  named  Raymond 
Fuente's  drew  a  pistol  from  his  pocket,  and  would  have-  discharged  it  at 
her  head  had  not  his  arm  been  caught,  and  his  weapon  taken  irom  him 
by  an  agent  of  the  police. 

"  On  December  8, 1856,  whilst  Ferdinand  II.  was  reviewing  his  troops 
at  Naples,  a  soldier,  named  Agesiras  Mil  :no  struck  him  with  his  bayonet, 
and,  at  a  later  period,  Garibaldi  honored  the  memory  of  the  regicide. 

"  In  October,  1852,  when  Napoleon  III.,  who  was  on  the  eve  of  becom- 
ing Emperor  was  at  Marseilles,  there  had  been  prepared  an  infernal  ma- 
chine, formed  by  two  hundred  and  fifty  gun-barrels  charged  with  fifteen 
hundred  balls,  intended  to  go  off  all  at  once  against  the  Prince  and  his 
cortege.  But  the  attempt  was  not  carried  out.  July  5,  1853,  a  fresh  at- 
tempt was  made  to  assassinate  him  as  he  was  going  to  the  Opera  Comique. 
Twelve  Frenchmen  were  arrested  as  being  concerned  in  the  conspiracy. 
On  April  28,  1855,  Jean  Liverani  fired  two  shots  at  the  Emperor  in  the 
Grande  avenue  of  the  Champs  Elysees.  In  1857,  Thibaldi,  Bartolotti  and 
Grilli  came  from  England  to  Paris  to  assassinate  the  Emperor,  but  were 
discovered,  arrested,  tried  and  punished.  On  January  14,  1858,  Orsini, 
Gomes,  Pieri  and  Rudio,  threw  their  murderous  shells  at  the  Emperor  of 
the  French  and  shed  the  blood  of  a  great  number  of  honest  citizens  in 
Paris.  On  December  24,  1863,  Greco,  Trabucco,  Imperatore  and  Sca- 
giioni,  who  had  come  over  from  London,  with  the  intention  of  killing  the 
French  Emperor,  were  arrested  in  Paris. 

"  In  September  18,  1862,  the  Queen  of  Greece,  directing  public  affairs 
during  the  king's  absence,  was  returning  from  a  ride  on  horseback,  when 
she  was  fired  at  without  effect,  near  the  palace,  by  Aristide  Donsios,  a 
student,  aged  nineteen  years. 

"  In  1858  an  attempt  was  made  on  the  life  of  Victor  Emmanuel  II.,  and 
Count  Cavour  gave  an  account  of  it  in  the  sitting  of  April  16." 


ANDREW     JOHNSON,     SEVENTEENTH     PRESIDENT     OF     THE     UNITED     STATES. 

BORN  AT  RALEIGH,  NORTH  CAROLINA.  DECEMBKi:  S'.ITII,  1C08. 

Engraved  for  the  History  of  the  Plots  and  Crimes. 


TO  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE. 


REMEMBER  our  country  can  only  become  weak  when  it  re- 
fuses to  do  right.  Let  justice  be  done  to  the  people  who, 
during  long  years  of  rebellion  in  the  rebel  territory  alone, 
amidst  imfaithfulness  and  foul  treachery  remained  loyal  and 
true,  scorning  the  treason  of  their  traitorous  masters,  and  re- 
fusing to  participate  in  their  country's  ruin  :  on  countless 
bloody  battle  fields  sharing  bravery  and  danger  with  the 
white  race,  aiding  to  secure  victory  by  freely  pouring  out 
their  blood. to  vindicate  the  national  authority,  and  uphold  the 
honor  of  its  flag.  While  swift  to  pardon  the  national  enemies, 
let  it  not  be  said  of  those  in  authority  that  they  are  ungrate- 
ful to  its  most  devoted  friends. 

CONSTITUTIONAL   AMENDMENT   ABOLISHING   SLAVERY,  AND    OATH  OF  LOYALTY  FOB 
MEMBERS  OP    CONGRESS. 

We  take  it  for  granted  the  CONSTITUTIONAL  AMENDMENT  ABOLISHING 
SLAVERY,  will  be  ratified  by  twenty-eight  States ;  already  twenty-four 
have  recorded  their  votes  in  the  affirmitive,  as  follows : 

RATIFICATIONS. 

Illinois,  Feb.  1,  1865.  East  Virginia,  Feb.  9,  1865, 

Rhode  Island,  Feb.  2,  1865.  Indiana,  Feb.  13,  1865. 

Maryland,  Feb.  3,  1865.  Nevada,  Feb.  16,  1865. 

Massachusetts,  Feb.  3,  1865.  Louisiana,  Feb.  17,  1865. 

New  York,  Feb.  3,  1865.  Missouri,  Feb.  24,  1865. 

Pennsylvania,  Feb.  3,  1865.  Wisconsin,  Feb.  24,  1865. 

*  West  Virginia,  Feb.  3,  1865.  Vermont,  March  9,  1865. 

Michigan,  Feb.  4,  1865.  Tennessee,  April  5,  1865. 

Maine,  Feb.  7,  1865.  Arkansas,  April  — ,  1865. 

Ohio,  Feb.  8,  1865.  Connecticut,  May  4,  1865. 

Kansas,  Feb.  8,  1865.  Iowa,  June  30,  1865. 

Minnesota,  Feb.  8,  1865.  New  Hampshire,  June  30,  1865. 

REJECTIONS. 

Delaware,  Feb.  8,  1865.  New  Jersey,  March  1,  1865. 

Kentucky,  Feb.  23.  1865. 

We  expect  to  see  not  only  the  number  required  by  the  Constitution, 
but  we  believe  all  the  States  will  endorse  and  ratify  it. 


358  CONCLUSION. 

THE  DIFFICULT  TO  SOUTHERN  MF.MBERS  OF  CONGRESS. — In  July,  18G3,  a 
law  was  passed  by  Congress  requiring  the  following  oath  of  "  every  per- 
son elected  or  appointed  to  any  office  of  honor  or  emolument,  civil,  mili- 
tary or  naval,  or  any  other  department  of  the  public  service,  except  the 
President  of  the  United  States,"  to  wit: 

I  solemnly  swear  that  I  have  never  voluntarily  ttorne  arms  against  the  United 
States  since  I  have  been  a  citizen  thereof,  that  I  have  voluntarily  given  no  aid, 
countenance,  counsel  or  encouragement  to  persons  engaged  in  armed  hostility 
thereto  ;  that  I  have  neither  sought  or  accepted,  nor  attempted  to  exercise  the  func- 
tions of  any  office  whatever  under  any  authority  or  pretended  authority  in  hostility 
to  the  United  States  ;  that  I  have  not  yielded  a  voluntary  support  to  any  pretended 
government,  authority,  power  or  constitution  within  the  United  States  hostile  or 
inimical  thereto ;  and  I  do  further  swear  that,  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge  and 
ability,  I  will  support  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  &c. 

This  is  the  oath  demanded  from  the  members  of  the  last  Congress,  and 
•which  the  members  of  the  new  Congress  will  likely  be  compelled  to  take. 

In  matters  concerning  ourselves,  our  kindred,  our  dear  friends  and  our 
neighbors,  it  is  consoling,  it  is  sweet  to  feel  we  have  in  all  things  done 
right.  "VT 

But  how  much  more  the  responsibility  when  millions  of  the  human 
family  have  confided  in  the  judgment,  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  one 
man  the  sacred  trust  of  preserving  their  lives,  their  liberties  and  their 
earthly  all.  Every  President  has  this  great  boon  in  his  keeping  ;  it  is  a 
responsible  position,  a  holy  trust ;  he,  who  through  wisdom  and  pure 
motives  acts  justly  to  all,  will  receive  the  heartfelt  gratitude  of  the  pres- 
ent and  coming  generations,  and  when  the  evening  of  life  gathers  softly 
round  his  dying  bed,  how  happy  to  know  and  feel  that  he  has  done  all 
things  well 

"Only  actions  of  the  just 
Smell  sweet  in  life, 
And  blossom  in  the  dust." 

President  Johnson  has  the  most  difficult  task  to  perform  of  any  Presi- 
dent since  the  origin  of  the  government.  He  can  only  succeed  by  the 
aid  of  divine  providence.  The  war  is  over,  to  be  sure,  but  the  discord- 
ant political  elements  remain  to  be  harmonized.  In  this  condition  justice 
only  will  secure  harmony.  Every  side  of  the  reconstruction  question  ap- 
pears to  be  surrounded  with  difficulty.  On  the  one  side  you  are  met  by 
downright  injustice,  backed  by  ignorance,  and  supported  by  prejudice 
against  color.  The  treacherous  ex-slaveholder  could  never  permit  the 
freedman  to  exercise  the  right  of  suffrage.  He  has  not  only  got  this 
feeling  himself,  but  he  has  imparted  it  in  a  great  measure  to  his  poor 
white  neighbor,  whom  slavery  has  degraded  and  impoverished.  This 
then  shows  the  feelings  of  nearly  all  the  white  race  living  in  the  South 
concerning  the  negroes. 


CONCLUSION.  359 

When  the  white  masters  owned  them,  interest  prompted  kindness  and 
care  :  but  now,  when  the  negro  has  his  freedom,  he  is  looked  upon  as 
taking  a  step  in  the  direction  of  rivaling  the  master  in  his  right  to  vote. 
The  poor  white  man  who  is  ignorant  of  nearly  everything,  except  hatred 
to  the  negro,  now  sees  in  him  a  new  rival  in  political  rights. 

Some  of  these  unreasonable  and  unjust  prejudices  will  have  to  he 
thrown  aside,  or  new  troubles  will  rise  in  the  future  that  will  prove  dis- 
astrous to  the  peace  and  well  being  of  the  South,  and  the  Country.  The 
northern  people  have  been  voting  against  the  negro  for  over  eighty  years  ; 
of  course  the  slaves  were  not  allowed  to  vote  directly,  but  indirectly. 
The  South,  under  the  three-fifth  clause  of  the  Constitution,  according  to 
the  last  census,  would  be  entitled  to  a  slave  representation  of  about 
2,400,000  persons,  that  is,  4,000,000  of  blacks  have  the  same  legal  rep- 
resentative strength  as  if  2,400,000  white  citizens  were  added  to  its  por-- 
ulation,  the  South  being  entitled  to  eighty-four  representatives,  ;  eigh- 
teen of  their  number  hold  their  office  by  virtue  of  the  negro  population, 
guaranteed  by  the  three-fifth  clause  in  the  Constitution.  As  we  before 
said,  the  negroes  did  not  vote  directly,  but  for  President  and  members  of 
the  lower  house  of  Congress,  eighty  white  votes  in  the  slave  States  being 
equivalent  to  one  hundred  in  the  free  States,  Suppose  there  were  no 
blacks  in  the  Southern  States,  who  would  agree  to  a  system  of  political 
juggling  that  would  strip  the  people  of  the  free  States  of  their  manhood 
by  counting  every  eighty  southern  votes  as  equivalent  to  every  one 
hundred  in  the  Northern  States. 

This  is  the  political  coat  of  mail  the  Constitution  furnished  to  the  slave 
oligarchy  for  over  three-quarters  of  a  century.  Feeling  more  than  secure 
in  the  aforesaid  political  attitude,  they  became  arrogant  and  domineering, 
and  in  the  attempt  to  rid  themselves  of  their  connection  with  free  insti- 
tutions, lost  the  twenty  per  cent,  advantage  given  them  by  the  injustice 
of  the  Constitution.  And  now,  after  four  years  of  devastating  war, 
inaugurated  by  their  own  ignorance  and  folly,  they  come  out  of  the 
bloody  contest  minus  their  political  superfluities. 

Every  citizen  of  the  free  States  should  recollect  this,  and  demand  that 
under  no  pretext  will  this  unjust  advantage  ever  again  be  acquiesced  in, 
no  matter  how  fine  the  politicians  may  attempt  to  play  it  in  reconstruc 
tion  of  the  rebel  States.  It  must  be  exposed  and  defeated.  One  hundred 
votes  in  the  North  must  be  equivalent  to  one  hundred  votes  in  the  South. 
Justice  to  the  voters  in  all  the  States  require  this  to  be  done.  Men 
having  such,  political  advantages  showered  on  their  unworthy  heads 
under  the  government  before  the  war,  being  defeated  in  batt'e  by  the 
superior  ability  of  the  federal  commanders,  and  daring  bravery  and  cour- 
age of  the  men,  will  now  resort  to  intrigue  with  honied  tongues,  unmean- 
ing oaths  and  fair  promises  :  they  will  endeavor  to  again  wriggle  them- 


3GO  CONCLUSION. 

selves  into  position,  so  as  to  control  elections  and  infuse  deadly  poison 
into  every  just  and  humane  principle  which,  in  reaping  the  fruits  of  vic- 
tory, the  wise  and  good  adopt  as  a  means  to  cement  the  Union  and  se- 
cure its  perpetuity.  The  man  who  pays  tax,  be  he  black  o»  white,  must 
be  allowed  the  right  of  suffrage,  or  his  excuse  for  rebelling  against  in- 
justice is  the  same  as  our  revolutionary  fathers  had  against  Great  Britain. 

If  the  rebel  States  are  left  to  themselves  to  reorganize,  the  leaders  of 
the  late  rebellion  will  become  masters  of  the  field.  It  is  safe  to  count 
them  as  eighty  in  every  hundred  of  the  white  population.  They  hate 
every  white  man  that  holds  Union  sentiments,  and  every  negro  because 
the  Union  made  him  free. 

The  reader  can  now  observe  some  of  the  difficulties  that  lie  in  the  way 
of  harmonizing  the  new  relations  created  by  the  war  in  the  South.  The 
disappointed,  defeated  and  disgraced  rebels  will  do  all  in  their  power 
to  prevent  a  good  feeling  between  the  loyal  whites  and  freedmen  of  the 
South. 

There  is  one  way  to  arrange  this  troublesome  question.  Let  loyalists, 
black  and  white,  who  fought  and  saved  the  country  by  pouring  out  their 
blood,  now  act  together  and  keep  down  treason  and  crush  out  the  vin- 
dictive injustice  that  takes  the  place  of  slavery. 

It  is  safe  to  say  that  one  half  the  -voting  population  of  the  South  have 
fallen  in  battle,  gone  to  Mexico  or  Europe,  or  become  disqualified  to  vote 
by  the  proclamation  of  the  President.  From  what  is  left  take  twenty  per 
cent,  as  Loyal,  add  to  them  the  loyal  freedman's  vote  and  you  have  suffi- 
cient to  overcome  by  constitutional  moans  the  votes  of  the  disloyal  ene- 
mies of  the  Federal  Government.  Those  at  the  helm  of  state  must  make 
sure  that  its  friends,  not  enemies,  get  control  of  the  reconstructing  rebel 
States.  Here  is  one  trouble  that  will  arise  from  not  allowing  the  freed- 
men to  vote.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  bases  representation 
on  the  whole  number  of  free  population  ;  this  is  as  it  should  be,  it  is  repub- 
lican. Suppose  the  4,000,000  slaves  now  made  free  in  the  Southern  States 
are  denied  the  right  to  vote  for  the  Government,  they  poured  out  their 
blood  to  save.  Then  the  whites  of  the  South  would  be  allowed  by  the 
Constitution  to  use  these  4,000,000  of  freedmen  as  a  representative  basis 
and  vote  on  the  strength  of  their  numbers  for  President  and  representa- 
tives. Now  the  Constitution  gave  the  whites  of  the  South  during  slave- 
ry, the  advantage  of  counting  the  blacks  by  the  three  fifth  rule. 

The  slaves  being  now  free,  if  they  are  not  allowed  to  vote,  either  a 
few  loyal  or  purjured  disloyal  whites,  or  both  combined,  have  the  Con- 
stitutional right  to  vote  for  them.  Will  the  people  of  the  United  States 
suffer  this  after-birth  of  slavery  to  be  dragged  into  the  new  order,  to  per- 
petuate power  when  the  three-fifth  rule  has  become  obsolete?  Under  this 
state  of  things  the  new  order  would  increase,  instead  of  diminish  the  po- 


CONCLUSION.  361 

-litical  power  of  the  white  population.  Under  the  slave  system  they  sent 
eighteen  members  to  Congress  by  virtue  of  the  three-fifth  clause.  Now 
that  all  the  slaves  must  soon  become  free,  1,600,000  over  the  three-fifths 
will  have  to  be  added  to  the  basis  of  federal  representation ;  instead  of 
eighteen  white  men  holding  seats  in  Congress  as  representatives  of  the 
slave  population  we  have  to  add  ten  more  by  virtue  of  the  slaves  all  becom- 
ing free  ;  then  twenty-eight  members  of  Congress  would  be  entitled  to 
seats  in  the  House  of  Representatives  by  virtue  of  the  freedmen.  If 
they  are  riot  allowed  to  vote,  the  strength  of  their  numbers  is  added  to 
the  white  population ;  and  the  new  order  of  things  where  the  South  had 
only  eighty-four  representatives,  now  gives  them  ninety-four.  If  the 
freedmen  of  the  South  are  allowed  to  vote,  then  the  Constitution  has  ful- 
filled its  promise  ;  that  is  to  see  that  the  form  of  government  in  each 
State  is  republican ;  each  vote  given  in  the  South  will  have  the  same 
power  as  each  vote  cast  in  the  North. 

If  this  course  is  not  adopted,  all  the  political  power  kept  from  the  negro 
on  account  of  his  color  is  gained  by  the  Southern  white.  An  unjust  law 
may  deny  the  freedmen  a  right  to  vote  ;  but  Southern  politicians  can  not  do 
without  counting  them  as  a  basis  of  representation,  they  will  be  eager  to 
transfer  into  the  new  condition,  the  dregs  of  the  old,  in  order  to  hold 
an  increased  political  power  by  virtue  of  the  new  status  of  the  negro. 
Either  the  negro  must  be  allowed  to  vote,  or  the  white  man  must  be  de- 
nied the  right  to  vote  for  him ;  to  do  the  latter,  the  Constitution  will  have 
to  be  changed,  and  the  principle  of  basing  representation  on  the  whole 
number  of  free  persons  discarded. 

To  abandon  this,  we  remove  the  very  foundation  of  free  government. 
Are  the  people  of  the  United  States  prepared  for  this,  because  it  is  distasteful 
to  the  ex-slaveholders  and  a  few  political  demagogues  to  allow  the  negro  the 
right  of  suffrage  1  The  South  itself  would  loose  political  power  if  this 
was  carried  out :  instead  of  ninety-four  representatives  she  is  enti- 
tled to  by  counting  the  negro  population,  she  would  if  they  were  left 
out,  be  entitled  to  only  s^xty-six.  Thus  we  see,  however  distasteful 
negro  voting  may  be,  self  interest  will  compel  them  to  grant  their 
just  political  rights.  The  people  of  this  great  country  will  never 
abandon  the  principles  of  republican  government  to  pander  to  the  pre- 
judices of  ex-slaveholders,  traitors,  and  demagogues.  Neither  will  they 
allow  the  people  of  the  South  the  privilege  of  voting  by  virtue  of  its  ne- 
gro population,  except  the  privilege  is  extended  to  the  negroes  them- 
selves. To  enter  into  any  of  these  base  and  ungrateful  schemes  to  dis- 
franchise the  freedmen,  the  Government  turns  its  back  on  about  the  only 
loyal  population  in  its  southern  territory,  and  this  on  account  of  their  color; 
by  abandoning  these  loyal  citizens,  it  fosters  revolution  and  gathers  to  its 
embrace  a  banditti  of  poisoners  and  assassins,  who  unscrupulous  in  means 


362  CONCLUSION. 

would  use  the  ingratitude  of  the  Federal  Government  as  an  argument  with 
the  negro,  and  by  promising  him  his  political  rights,  under  different  circum- 
stances, might  at  some  future  day,  with  his  assistance  make  another  effort 
to  achieve  their  independence.  The  Southern  States  are  not  allowed  to 
go  on  under  their  old  constitutions,  but  are  compelled  to  make  new  ones  ; 
they  must  be  republican  in  form,  recognizing  the  abolition  of  slavery. 
But  we  ask  how  can  a  constitution  be  republican  in  the  true  sense  and 
meaning  of  the  term  if  it  denies  the  right  to  vote  to  a  majority  of  its  citi- 
zens. Such  are  the  constitutions  of  South  Carolina  and  Mississippi,  where 
the  freedmen  outnumber  the  white  population  ;  would  this  be  republican 
in  form  ?  we  think  not.  But  counting  freedmen  as  a  basis  of  representa- 
tion, you  give  to  the  South  Carolina  and  Mississippi  rebels  more  political 
power  than  they  had  when  slavery  was  in  full  blast.  But  if  you  reduce 
the  voting  population  to  the  loyal  whites,  the  whole  thing  becomes  a 
farce.  The  political  power  exercised  by  the  very  few  loyal  whites,  would 
excel  any  thing  before  known.  Such  a  preponderous  and  unjust  grant  of 
political  power  in  voting,  and  reconstructing  the  organic  laws  of  the  rebel 
States  can  not  be  allowed — the  people  of  the  North  will  not  permit  it  to  be 
done.  If  the  freedmen  of  the  South  are  to  be  counted  as  a  basis  of  rep- 
resentation, where  is  the  political  knave  in  the  North  that  will  go  before 
the  country  and  advocate  the  right  of  rebels  to  vote  for  them  ;  no,  the 
freedmen  must  be  counted  out,  or  allowed  to  do  their  own  voting.  That 
they  can  not  be  counted  out  without  destroying  the  fundamental  princi- 
ples of  the  Federal  Government  we  have  before  shown.  This  question 
now  comes  before  the  nation  in  the  same  form  as  emancipation.  By  it 
the  Government  secured  the  aid  of  the  slave,  and  the  sympathetic  prayers 
of  all  Christian  countries  rose  in  our  behalf  like  incense  to  the  throne  of 
God,  and  in  his  own  good  time  Jehovah  smiled,  and  our  success  was 
complete. 

The  power  of  the  Federal  Government  is  now  so  imposing  that  it  can, 
without  fear,  afford  to  be  just.  As  to  the  question  what  to  do  with  the 
negro,  we  can  say  the  Saviour  of  men  answered  this  question  over  1800 
years  ago — "  Do  even  unto  them  as  you  would  wish  them  in  all  things 
to  do  unto  you."  The  peace  and  future  safety  of  our  country  can  only 
be  preserved  by  directing  our  political  course  more  in  harmony  with 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  gathering  the  fruits  of  victory, 
we  can  continue  in  the  unobstructed  channel  of  eternal  justice. 

This  nation,  under  God,  shall  have  a  new  birth  of  freedom,  and  gov- 
ernment of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the  people,  and  shall  not  per- 
ish from  the  earth. — Lincoln's  Speech  at  Getlysburgh,  Nov.  19,  1863. 

The  country  will  accept  his  opinion  on  manhood  suffrage.  His  letter  to 
Governor  Hahu  of  Louisiana  is  of  interest,  and  while  it  gives  important 
advice,  revealing  his  desires,  expectation  and  intentions  towards  the  col- 


roxr  LUSIOX.  3H3 

0 

ored  people,  it  also  has  the  ring  of  prophecy.     We  place  it  here  for  the 
benefit  of  the  people  of  the  whole  country. 

"  EXECUTIVE  MANSION.          ) 
WASHINGTON,  MARCH  13,  1864.    J 
Hon.  MicJiael  Hahn  : 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  congratulate  you  on  having  fixed  your  name  in  histo- 
ry as  the  first  free-State  Governor  of  Louisiana.  Now  you  are  about  to 
have  a  convention,  which,  among  other  things,  will  probably  define  the 
elective  franchise.  1  barely  suggest,  for  your  private  consideration, 
whether  some  of  the  colored  people  may  not  be  let  in,  as,  for  instance, 
the  very  intelligent,  and  especially  those  who  have  fought  gallantly  in 
our  ranks.  They  would  probably  help,  in  some  trying  time  to  come,  to 
keep  the  jewel  of  liberty  in  the  family  of  freedom.  But  this  is  only  a 
suggestion,  uot  to  the  public,  but  to  you  alone. 

Truly  yours,  A.  LINCOLN. 

ANOTHER   IMPORTANT   LETTER. 

The  following  extract  is  from  the  late  President  Lincoln's  letter  to  Gen. 
Wadsworth,  who  fell  in  the  battle  of  the  Wilderness. 

It  shows  that  Mr.  Lincoln  desired  the  bestowal  of  the  elective  franchise 
upon  the  blacks,  and  was,  also,  at  an  early  day,  in  favor  of  granting  uni- 
versal amnesty  to  the  South. 

His  wishes,  in  this  particular,  the  American  people  can  not  afford  to 
disregard.  Congress  should  exact  the  right  of  suffrage  for  the  blacks, 
then  universal  amnesty  should  be  extended  to  the  rebels.  This  certainly 
was  Mr.  Lincoln's  plan,  and  whose  intentions  all  parties  should  observe. 

The  following  is  the  extract  referred  to,  in  which  Mr.  Lincoln  says  : 

"  You  desire  to  know,  in  the  event  of  complete  success  in  the  field — 
the  same  being  followed  by  a  loyal  and  cheerful  submission  on  the  part 
of  the  South — if  universal  amnesty  should  not  be  accompanied  with  uni- 
versal suffrage. 

"  Now,  since  you  know  my  private  inclinations  as  to  what  terms  should 
be  granted  to  the  South,  in  the  contingency  mentioned,  I  will  here  add, 
that  if  our  success  should  thus  be  realized,  followed  by  such  desired  re- 
sults, I  can  not  see,  if  universal  amnesty  is  granted,  how,  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, I  can  avoid  exacting  in  return  universal  suffrage,  or,  suf- 
frage on  the  basis  of  intelligence  and  military  service. 

"  How  to  better  the  condition  of  the  colored  race  has  long  been  a  study 
which  has  attracted  my  serious  and  careful  attention  ;  hence  I  think  I  am 
clear  and  decided  as  to  what  course  I  shall  pursue  in  the  premises,  regard- 
ing it  a  religious  duty,  as  the  nation's  guardian  of  these  people,  who 
have  so  heroicalv  vindicated  their  manhood  on  the  battle  field,  where,  in 


SGI  CONCLUSION. 

t) 

assisting  to  save  the  life  of  the  republic,  they  have  demonstrated  in 
blood  their  right  to  the  ballot,  which  is  but  the  humane  protection  of  the 
flag  they  have  so  fearlessly  defended." 

President  Johnson  is  determined  to  make  the  passage  of  the  constitu- 
tional amendment  abolishing  slavery,  and  the  repudiation  of  all  debts 
contracted  in  aid  or  by  authority  of  the  rebellion  prominent  features 
in  his  administration.  Although  slavery  received  its  death  wound  by  the 
Proclamation  of  Freedom,  yet  it  requires  the  amendment  to  complete  its 
legal  extinction  on  American  soil. 

We  know  not  what  may  be  in  store  for  the  black  race  in  America ; 
but  let  the  people  so  act  that  hereafter  it  can  never  be  said  that  their 
personal  freedom,  or  a  fair  competition  in  the  race  for  life,  were  denied 
them.  Give  them  fair  play  ;  they  and  their  friends  ask  no  more,  and 
will  accept  no  less. 

Then,  whatever  may  be  their  future  history,  America  will  have  done 
her  duty. 

Washington  gave  us  Independance  ;  Linooln  will  ever  stand  in  his- 
tory as  the  liberator  of  the  American  slave.  The  extension  of  the  right 
of  suffrage  to  the  Freedmen  will  form  another  important  epoch  in  our 
country's  history.  By  securing  this  right,  President  Johnson  becomes 
the  founder  of  equal  and  impartial  justice  to  all  American  citizens. 
This  wise  measure  will  give  full  scope  to  his  honest  and  patriotic 
heart,  and  forever  fix  his  name  in  history  as  the  worthy  successor  of  the 
lamented  Lincoln. 

We  have  thus  passed  over  the  road  which  the  nation  has  traveled  from 
its  birth — beginning  with  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  where 
we  find  the  origin  not  only  of  all  our  prosperity,  but  of  all  our  domestic 
troubles.  We  have  traced  the  growth  of  the  slave  power,  which  under 
the  shield  of  that  Constitution,  ruled  the  republic  exclusively  for  slavery 
until  slavery  was  overthrown  ;  and  we  have  shown  how  imperative  it  was 
that  slavery  and  the  slave  power  should  die,  in  order  that  liberty  and 
the  republic  might  live.  We  have  developed  the  secret  plots  and  con- 
spiracies of  the  cham'pions  of  human  bondage,  who,  like  despots  every- 
where, to  achieve  success",  resorted  to  the  foulest  crimes.  And  we  have, 
finally,  given  8,  history  of  the  great  war,  in  whose  oceans  of  blood  the 
accursed  system  of  slavery  and  its  leaders  have  sunk  forever. 

We  have  been  forced  to  pass  through  some  of  the  darkest  scenes  in 
our  country's  history,  painful  though  it  has  been.  But  though  the  clouds 
were  black,  they  were  to  the  hopeful  eye  tinged  with  light;  and  now 
that  the  nation  has  started  on  a  new  course  of  empire  and  freedom, 
we  leave  to  coining  historians  to  record  its  impartial  justice  to  all  its 
children,  and  future  influence  over  the  destinies  of  the  human  race. 


LETTER  FROM  PROFESSOR  ROBERT  GRANT, 

Who  accompanied  Comodore  Perry's  Squadron  at  the  closs  of  the  Mexican  war, 
and  at  his  direction  made  a  Scientific  investigation  of  the  Climate,  Soil,  and  Pro- 
ducts of  Central  America. 

BALTIMORE,  Oct.  2Zd,  ISGiJ. 
DEAR  SIR, 

I  congratulate  you  upon  the  success  of  your  work,  entitled  History  of  the  P/ota 
and  Crimes  of  the  Great  Conspiracy  to  Overthroiv  Liberty  in  America,  showing  the 
barbaric  animus  which  actuated  those  Southern  conspirators,  who  inaugurated  the 
great  American  rebellion  in  favor  of  Monarchy,  basi-d  upon  the  indiscriminate  sla- 
very of  the  labor  of  the  country. 

My  purpose  in  writing  to  you,  at  this  time,  is,  to  offjr  my  positive  evidence,  in 
corroboration  of  the  facts  you  have  established  in  your  work,  showing  that  Presi- 
dents Harrison  and  Taylor  were  poisoned  by  those  demons  in  human  form,  who 
inoculated  and  "fired  the  southei'n  heart,"  with  their  traitorous  teachings. 

It  so  occurred,  in  the  conducting  of  my  business,  as  a  mechanical  engineer,  that 
I  became  a  temporary  resident  in  Washington,  at  the  time  of  President  Harrison's 
death,  and  also  at  the  moment  of  President  Taylor's  death.  At  the  time  of  Presi- 
dent Harrison's  death,  I  was  consulted  in  reference  to  the  use  of  galvanism,  in  the 
last  stages  of  his  disease,  inasmuch  as  I  had  made  some  improvements  in  electro- 
magneto  machines  adapted  to  medical  uses,  and  as  it  had  been  suggested  by  some 
medical  gentlemen,  that  electro- chemical  baths,  would  be  serviceable  in  eliminating 
poisons  from  the  human  system  in  extreme  cases. 

The  baths  were  not  used,  as  far  as  I  know,  by  the  medical  gentleman  having  the 
immediate  case  of  the  President,  but  I  do  know  that  the  symptoms  were  ad- 
mitted by  several  medical  attendants  on  that  occasion  at  the  White  House,  to  re- 
quire the  most  energetic  treatment  for  poison.  I  recollect  perfectly  well  that  a 
diagnosis  of  the  case  was  advanced,  referring  the  symptoms  to  the  presence  of  lead, 
in  some  form,  either  as  an  oxide  or  an  acetate,  as  accounting  for  the  peculiar 
character  of  the  disease  which  resulted  in  the  death  of  President  Harrison. 

The  subsequent  poisoning  of  President  Taylor,  and  the  attempt  to  poison  Presi- 
dent Buchanan  fatally,  has  satisfied  me  that  lead,  either  in  the  wholu  or  mingled 
with  arsenic,  was  the  immediate  means  of  these  cold  blooded  assassinations. 

Referring  to  the  suggestions  of  medical  gentlemen  in  Washington  in  making  a 
diagnosis  of  the  case  of  President  Harrison,  and  refeiring  the  symptoms  to  the 
presence  of  poison,  I  feel  it  to  be  necessary  to  state,  that  these  explanations  were 
advanced  with  extreme  caution.  Honorable  gentlemen  were  adverse  to  counte- 
nance an  expression  of  public  conviction,  which  would  degrade  our  national  char- 
acter, and  stigmatize  us  as  a  race  of  poisoners,  more  atrocious  and  cruel  than  the 
political  banditti  who  hovered  like  a  fiendish  incubus  over  the  darkest  night  of 
crushed  Italy.  The  hydra  body  of  slavery  had  not,  at  that  time,  fully  developed 
its  gnashing  jaws,  and  philanthropists  were  only  intent  on  nipping  off,  and  rubbing 
down  with  gentle  emolients  the  crop  of  hissing  heads,  which  were  budding  out  all 
over  its  hideous  carcass.  Therefore  it  was,  that  peace-loving  men  hushed  with 
trembling  fear,  any  public  expression  of  this  horrid  conviction. 

The  poisoning  of  President  Taylor,  the  particulars  of  which  I  am  personally  con - 
rersant  with,  so  far  as  an  immediate  investigation  of  the  symptoms  are  concerned, 
was  doubtless  effected  by  "  the  same  kind  of  drug  as  was  given  to  President  Harri- 
son" a>  you  correctly  state  in  your  work.  The  principal  physicians  who  attended 
President  Harrison,  were  those  who  attended  President  Taylor.  The  result  was 
the  same ! 


PROF.  ROBERT  GRANT'S  LETTER. 

On  the  4th  of  July  18">0,  President  Taylor  attended  the  inauguration  of  the 
Washington  Monument,  and  after  sitting  out  the  speeches  and  ceremonies  of  the 
occasion,  returned  to  the  White  House  between  4  and  5  o'cloc-k,  p.  in.  One  of  thvs 
attendants  of  the  White  House  stated  to  me  at  that  time,  "  that  immediately  after 
arriving  home,  President  Taylor  partook  of  a  dish  of  cold  boiled  cabbage,  of  which 
he  was  very  fond.  Soon  after  he  was  taken  with  severe  vomiting,  which  continued 
until  his  death."  The  matter  thrown  from  President  Taylor's  stomach,  as  did  that  in 
the  case  of  President  Harrison,  showed  every  appearance  of  poison,  according  to  the 
best  concurring  evidence  which  I  could  obtain  on  the  spot  at  the  time  of  his  death. 

Was  a  secret  assassin  near  the  person  of  President  Taylor  dining  these  terrible 
four  days,  manipulating  him  according  to  the  southern  programme,  so  successfully 
accomplished  in  the  previous  case  of  President  Harrison?  Was  an  assassin  located 
in  the  presidential  household,  one  who  made  himself  acquainted  with  the  Presi- 
dent's tastes  and  habits,  and  who  knew  how  to  cook  cabbage?  Did  a  specimen  of 
that  infernal  element  haunt  the  National  Hotel,  and  at  the  bidding  of  the  southern 
conspirators  poison  nearly  every  northern  boarder,  at  the  same  time  with  President 
Buchanan,  to  cover  up  the  crime?  A  close  personal  observation  of  all  these 
events  has  satisfied  me  that  this  was  the  case. 

As  the  priests  of  the  Indian  Thuggs  have  their  sworn  assassins ;  as  the  Italian 
banditti  have  their  hired  murderers,  so  did  the  treacherous  conspirators  of  the 
South  spew  out  their  poisoners  and  diject  their  heartless  cut-throats  throughout  the 
North,  ready  to  enact  any  foul  crime  in  the  interest  of  slavery !  Pioneers  of  the 
bottomless  pit,  cutting  away  the  Abatis  of  freedom,  clearing  the  way  for  a  concerted 
charge  on  the  temple  of  liberty,  by  the  demons  of  hell ! 

Who  these  conspirators  were,  the  history  of  this  foul  rebellion  has  principally 
unmasked ;  still  the  entire  attrocities  of  their  lives  can  not  now  be  fully  compre- 
hended by  the  public,  were  it  possible  at  this  moment  to  gather  the  compendious 
details  of  their  treachery  and  crimes.  Neither  is  it  necessary  immediately  to  un- 
mask the  full  complicity  with  these  traitors,  maintained  by  their  affiliating  sup- 
porters, the  cognate  copperheads,  the  gelatinous  hypocrites  and  knaves  of  the  North 
who  have  given  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemies  of  God  and  their  country.  But 
"time  proves  all  things,"  and  just  so  unrelentingly  will  "the  slow  un  moving  fin- 
ger of  scorn"  be  " pointed  at"  these  men;  just  so  surely  will  retribution  finally 
overtake  them,  as  that  God  and  Justice  are  one!  I  am  impelled  to  these  utter- 
ances of  seemingly  harsh  expletives — to  utter  adjectives  unusual  in  polite  literature, 
from  the  vivid  sense  and  knowledge  I  possess,  that  these  men  have  committed 
crimes  so  satanically  wicked  that  no  language,  but  that  constructed  to  represent  the 
syampathies  of  hell,  can  give  tongue  to  the  terrible  reality ! 

I  do  not  desire  to  elaborate  this  subject,  and  I  can  not  explain  systematically  a 
tithe  of  what  I  know,  affirming  the  correctness  of  your  book,  without  dilating  upon 
the  question  to  the  exclusion  of  more  pressing  business.  One  incident,  however,  I 
shall  go  so  far  as  to  describe,  which  may,  perhaps,  throw  some  light  upon  the 
machinations  of  one  of  the  principal  characters  in  this  drama,  and  which  has  not 
hitherto  been  made  public. 

In  the  spring  of  1848,  I  was  IB  Washington  on  official  business,  having  but  re- 
cently returned  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  where  I  had  been  attached  to  Commo- 
dore Perry's  squadron,  during  the  latter  part  of  the  Mexican  war.  While  under 
Commodore  Perry's  command,  I  had,  by  his  direction,  made  a  scries  of  scientific 
explorations,  in  various  parts  of  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan,  and  through  the  Usuma- 
centi  river,  in  Central  America.  The  results  of  my  labors  were  recorded  in  the 
form  of  a  report,  accompanied- with  illustrative  maps,  drawings,  and  various  speci- 
mens, both  animal  and  mineral,  representing  the  productions  of  the  country. 

When  I  arrived  in  Washington,  I  was  given  to  understand  that  this  report  had 
been  ordered  in  accordance  with  the  desire  of  Hon.  John  C.  Callioun,  and  I  was 
directed  to  attend  at  his  house  with  it  in  F  Street.  I  paid  my  respects  to  Mr.  Cal- 
houn,  and  at  his  request  deposited  a  copy  of  my  report  with  Mr.  Burt,  Mr.  Cal- 
houn's  son-in-law,  for  perusal.  This  incident  occurred  on  or  about  the  loth  uf 
June  1818.  In  a  few  days  after  Hon.  Mr.  Burt  called  upon  me  and  invited  me 


PROF.    ROBERT   GRANT'S   LETTER. 

to  take  tea  with  Mr.  Oulhovm  at  his  house.  On  my  arrival  I  soon  discovered  that 
this  social  family  "tea"  was  most  emphatically  a  "/>/a«£,"or  in  other  words,  through 
the  magic  influence  of  this  aristocratic  southern  family  tea  party  I  w:u  expected  to 
be  impressed  with  the  propriety  of  altering  my  report,  or  of  allowing  Hon.  John  C. 
Calhuim  to  alter  it  so  as  to  convert  its  purely  scientific  record  into  arguments  advo- 
cating the  introduction  of  slavery  into  the  valley  of  the  Usumacenti  river  and  Ci  n- 
tral  America. 

I  did  not  believe  in  slavery;  I  never  could  endorse  it  in  any  shape  ;  ana  I  frankly 
told  Mr.  Calhoun  so;  although  I  at  the  same  time  admitted  that  I  believed,  as  I  do 
now,  most  emphatically,  that  the  negro  race  are  not  of  the  genus  homo  with  the 
white  man,  and  that,  as  a  race,  in  a  state  of  slavery,  he  is  the  worst  enemy  the 
white  man  has  to  encounter  on  earth,  as  he  invariably  barbarizes  the  white  man 
when  associated  with  him  in  this  condition,  by  a  process  indosmos  and  exosmos  of 
mentalities,  and  physically  by  the  nursing  of  the  white  man's  child  by  the  negro 
"  mama's"  as  practiced  at  the  South — the  nego  nutrition  controling  the  natural 
idiocyncraeies  of  the  white  child — the  normal  condition  of  the  negro  beiflg  barbaric 
and  wild,  to  which  condition  he  will  immediately  revert,  when  freed  from  the  in- 
fluence of  the  white  man,  and  that  every  attempt  to  associate  the  dark  races  with 
the  white  races,  since  the  earliest  dawn  of  monumental  history,  has  hitherto  re- 
sulted and  inevitably  will  result  in  the  debasement  of  both  races — and  that  no  white 
race  has  fallen  or  gone  down  in  the  scale  of  civilization,  except  through  the  futile 
attempt  to  engraft  some  dark  race  upon  its  progressive  life — and  that  the  great 
error  of  the  South  was  the  attempt  to  innoculate  its  civilized  progress  with  the  negro 
element,  as  a  permanent  basis  of  enslaved  labor — and  that,  if  this  course  was  con- 
tinued, it  would  result  in  the  ruin  of  the  South,  or  the  destruction  of  the  negro. 
This  idea  I  had  also  elaborated  in  my  report,  which  had  been  previously  examined 
by  Mr.  Calhoun. 

All  that  I  said  on  that  occasion  appeared  to  have  no  effect  upon  Mr.  Calhonn ; 
he  listened  for  the  moment  and  incidentally  remarked  that  my  antecedent  record  was 
a  sufficient  guarantee  for  my  final  action  in  this  matter;  and  went  on  to  propose 
that  I  should  omit  that  portion  of  my  report,  showing  the  incompatibility  of  the 
negro  with  civilization,  and  that  the  whole  should  be  made  to  show  the  vast  ad- 
vantage which  would  result  from  the  immediate  introduction  of  negro  slavery  into 
those  fertile  valleys  which  drain  the  eastern  water-shed  of  the  mountains  in  Central 
America.  The  result  of  our  conversation  was,  that  I  gleaned  from  Mr.  Calhoun 
the  substance  of  his  intentions,  to  finally  press  slavery  into  all  the  grain -growing 
States  and  Territories  of  the  North,  for  the  purpose  of  affording  breeding  grounds, 
or  a  kind  of  Africa,  producing  slaves  for  the  more  fertile  cotton  and  sugar  planting 
regions  south,  until  the  pressure,  north  and  south,  should  have  absorbed  the  entire 
continents  of  North  and  South  America  in  an  immense  slaveholding  nation. 

Mr.  Calhoun  unreservedly  presented  this  vision  to  me  because  I  had,  as  he  re- 
marked, referring  to  my  antecedents  two  years  previously,  with  his  knowledge  and 
approbation,  given  a  series  of  public  lectures  in  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Baltimore 
and  Washington,  showing  the  marked  distinction  between  the  dark  and  white 
races,  and  proving  the  incompatibility  of  the  dark  races  of  mankind  with  a  high 
state  of  human  progress,  in  common  with  the  wild  Fauna  and  Flora  of  the  inferior 
types ;  and  which  lectures,  the  events  of  this  war  have  crowned  almost  with  the 
light  of  history.  Mr.  Calhoun  doubtless  was  impressed  with  the  belief,  as  I  find 
most  persons  now  are,  on  the  first  presentation  of  my  theory,  that  the  transition 
from  this  doctrine  to  a  coincidence  with  slavery,  was  but  a  step.  True,  it  is  but  a 
step — but  that  step  is  from  the  sublime  to  the  ridiculous!  !  The  simple  fact  is, 
that  whatever  the  negro  may  be,  God  made  him  so,  for  his  own  good  purpose,  and 
no  man  has  a  riyht  to  make  a  slave  of  him !  If  he  does  so,  the  negro  carries  his 
own  vengeance  with  him  into  that  slavery,  which,  by  association,  eventually  bar- 
barizes the  white  man. 

In  view  of  such  inducements,  as  the  final  carrying  out  of  this  great  slave  nation- 
ality might  offer,  Mr.  Calhoun  gave  me  to  understand,  as  a  present  consideration, 
if  1  would  lend  my  report  to  the  interest  of  slavery,  that  the  whole  should  be  pub- 


PROF.   ROBERT   GRANT'S   LETTER. 

lished  as  a  Congressional  Document,  that  I  should  be  paid  the  extraordinary  ex- 
penses which  I  had  heen  suhjected  to,  in  making  explorations  and  collecting  speci- 
mens, and  in  compiling  my  report.  That  I  should  be  continued  in  my  position  iu 
the  navy,  at  an  increased  salary,  that  I  should  be  detailed  to  make  scientific  ex- 
plorations among  the  wild  races  of  Africa,  which  I  then  anxiously  desired  to  ac- 
complish. At  the  same  time,  Mr.  Calhoun  gave  me  to  understand,  that  if  I  did 
not  so  prostitute  my  report  to  the  interest  of  slavery,  that  I  should  not  be  paid  a 
cent  for  my  trouble  in  getting  it  up.  That  I  would  lose  my  situation  in  the  navy, 
with  all  the  flattering  inducements  held  out  to  me,  and  that  I  should  be  debarred 
hereafter  from  all  Government  countenance  and  support  in  my  efforts  to  introduce 
the  Calcium  light  for  light-house  purposes. 

This  was  the  substance  of  Mr.  Calhoun's  conference  with  me.  It  was  not  direct- 
ly, or  plainly  stated  by  him  in  the  aggregate,  but  he  left  me  to  draw  inferences  as 
to  the  result  of  my  action,  in  reference  to  the  report ;  still  I  could  not  mistake  his 
meaning.  He  was  very  gen  lemanly  in  his  manner,  and  his  conversational  and 
persuasive  powers  were  of  the  highest  order;  at  the  same  time  there  was  a  lordly, 
dogmatic  air,  which  he  used,  seeming  to  desire  to  compel  me  to  accept  the  fiat  of 
his  will.  With  all  this,  my  pride  was  finally  roused.  My  Scotch  nature  would 
not  submit  to  be  made  the  tool  of  an  imperious  aristocrat.  The  insult,  of  being  re- 
quested to  sell  my  highest  convictions,  for  a  mess  of  pottage,  was  more  than  I  had 
bargained  for ;  and  without  deigning  further  explanation,  I  flatly  refused  his  offer, 
and  taking  up  my  manuscript,  remarked,  that  it  "was  already  paid  for;  that  it 
was  worth  to  me  all  that  it  cost,  and  that  I  intended  to  keep  it  until  such  times,  as 
with  God's  blessing  mankind  should  come  to  their  senses,  which  event,  I  hoped  and 
believed,  would  occur  in  my  ylay,  if  not  in  his. "  (Now,  thank  God !  in  my  day 
mankind  are  coming  to  their  senses.)  I  then  retired  from  the  presence  of  the 
great  autocrat,  and  I  have  never  seen  him  since ;  but  I  have  felt  him.  Shortly  after 
I  was  informed  that  my  services  were  no  longer  required  in  the  navy.  I  was  re- 
fused all  compensation  for  my  report,  and  during  Mr.  Calhoun's  life  I  could  do 
nothing  with  my  light-house  improvements ;  and  even  after  his  death  the  shadow 
of  that  unrelcn  ing  old  man  stood  in  my  path  in  a  hundred  different  forms,  until 
the  breaking  out  of  the  rebellion.  I  have  now,  however,  reason  to  believe  that  his 
ghost  is  laid,  and  forever,  with  his  great  prototype,  the  satanic  spirit  of  slavery ! 

I  am  glad,  my  dear  sir,  that  you  have  umr  asked  the  fiendish  origin,  and  mon- 
archical tendencies  of  human  bondage. 

As  the  pioneer,  in  disclosing  the  deep  hidden  atrocities  of  ninety  years  of  the 
slave-power,  you  deserve  the  heartfelt  gratitude  of  every  man  and  woman  worthy 
to  bear  the  American  name. 

Yours  ever, 

ROBERT  GRANT. 

JOHN  SMITH  DYE,  Esq.,  author  of  History  of  the  Plots  and  Oi-imes  of  the  Great 
Conspiracy  to  Overthrow  Liberty  in  America.  No.  100  Broadway,  (opposite 
Trinity  Church),  New  York, 


